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EVILS OF TERRORISM
The menace of terrorism has been increasing over the years, though there
are spells of intense, widespread activity, followed by periods of relative calm
as if to give respite to the innocent millions and the governments oncerned. The
evils of terrorism are so obvious and the world has become so familiar with
them that it is perhaps unnecessary to describe them in detail. Even so, the
multi-faceted, pernicious consequences of this challenge to mankind need to be
fully known to all to facilitate the formulation of effective anti-terrorist plans.
Notable among these are a soul-killing sense of insecurity and instability, the
heavy loss of life and the erosion of confidence in the administrations capacity
to ensure safety.
Several countries, including the worlds mightiest Power, are affected by
the scourge of terrorism which has taken many forms bomb explosions, assassinations of selected people and sometimes indiscriminate killings, blackmail,
threats of murder if the demanded ransom is not paid and hijacking. While stray
shootings and explosions are a feature of terrorist activity within countries where
there is seething discontent among a section of the people, air transport is a
favourite target for international terrorism.
American experts have defined terrorism as the use of international violence by individuals or groups to achieve political goals. It is, in effect, a type
of war, though it is not openly fought. This definition applies to lawless acts in
the international arena; in the national sphere terrorism implies acts of violence
indulged in by politically motivated people who have some real or imaginary
grievances which have remained unredressed for some reason.
Both national and international terrorists believe in the cult of the gun
and the bomb. The funds which feed the terrorists come from various sources;
foreign supporters and collaborators, drug money, the yields of bank robberies
and stray looting of persons carrying bags containing cash, etc.
The usual aim of terrorists is to wreak vengeance against those whom
they regard as their enemies, oppressors and usurpers or otherwise acting as
obstacles in the achievement of their goals. It matters little to these elements
that their aims are unethical, illegal and disruptionist. Some of them aim at
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bringing about a social revolution and causing political upheaval. The terrorists
are in a minority, but they manage to terrorise large majorities and defy the
police month after month.
Terrorists recruit young people in their ranks. Idealistic fervour, apparently, inspires them to join the ranks.
In recent years many steps have been taken to fight terrorism. Sponsors
of resolutions in the U.N. against hijacking, terrorism and hostage-taking have
been trying to find ways to strengthen the machinery to counter the evil. Crackdowns on the centres of terrorist activity, tighter security at the airports, railway
stations and Government offices have been ordered.
Social analysts rightly assert that the ultimate battle against terrorism will
have to be fought by the people. Since there is widespread revulsion against the
ruthless acts of terrorists, the peoples cooperation is vital. But public enthusiasm to fight the evil must not be allowed to fade away for lack of effective
assistance by all sections of society and all wings of the administration.
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NATIONAL INTEGRATION
India is a huge country of myriad languages, a veritable babel of tongues,
with several faiths and religions; in fact, the diversities are generally more in
evidence than the forces of unity and harmony. But there are certain common
links and uniting bonds that some people seek to develop so as to achieve the
eminently desirable goal of national integration.
There has been much talk of national integration, especially since Independence. The highly commendable concept postulates communal unity, harmony and concord. It also implies sinking of differences in order to ensure the
emergence of one nation with a common approach to national problems and
widely shared goals, despite the communal, linguistic and other differences,
and the divergent political viewpoints. But genuine integration has proved elusive because of the intense social and economic differences which selfish people seek to exploit to serve their own selfish ends.
Among the issues thus exploited are those of culture, language, real and
imaginary social injustices, the atrocities committed in the name of caste, sect
and community. Linguistic fanaticism and chauvinism raise their ugly heads
every now and then. To these familiar factors has been added, quite recently,
another the activities of extremists and terrorists who seek to create fear as well
as a sense of uncertainty all round.
Some years ago the Central Government established the National Integration Council and also a Council for Emotional Integration. The former body,
comprising mostly of retired veterans, Ministers and officials, occasionally holds
meetings at different places and passes high-sounding resolutions emphasising
the need for promoting national integration in as many ways as possible. But all
such resolutions remain unimplemented. In fact, amidst the conflicts on various
platforms and the re-emerging fissiparous tendencies which seek to perpetuate
discord, these pious expressions are soon forgotten; they merely swell the official records in musty secretariat corridors.
The problem of caste, a relic of social strata in ancient Hindu society, is
acting as a disruptive force in the countryside today. The question of bounda-
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ries and distribution of river waters also continue to occupy a notable place in
Indian politics. Then, there are the problems of integration of tribes with the
national mainstream. Though they should participate in the process of economic development, their distinct culture should be maintained at the same
time.
The present state of economic backwardness provides fertile soil for imperialists to hatch their plans for secessionist agitations. The internal and the
foreign reactionary forces have been using the toiling masses and the demoralised, frustrated, angry, unemployed youth as their tools to serve their narrow
class interest. National integration can be promoted only to the extent to which
all round national economic development is assured. In this connection, the
historic accords, hike reached on the baffling issues of Punjab and Assam,
which had been major causes of disharmony in our body politic could pave the
way for greater integration.
Recent experience teaches us that all disruptive forces need to be attacked collectively and jointly, with full cooperation of non-official organisations, to achieve national integration. Piecemeal reforms do not go a long way
as each major problem is not only deep-rooted but also intrinsically connected
with many others. The administrative machinery should not only keep a watch
over forces of discord and suppress them with dedication, it should also work
towards creating a new social order that may give a sense of protection and
dignity to all ethnic groups, especially the minorities. It is essential that the
minorities should feel safe and secure, and also as proud of India as the majority.
Mahatma Gandhi gave his life for communal unity. Though there are
Punjabis, Kashmiris, Biharis, Rajasthanis, Bengalis, Maharashtrians, Dravidians
and several other groups in our country, the fact remains that, despite the divisions and distinctions, we have had a long common history and have lived
together for thousands of years. Those who regard the unity of India as a myth
and a dream are sadly mistaken. Of course, there cannot be uniformity of outlook, habits and dress in this huge country, but there is a basic link. Ours has
been the homeland of many religions. India may be described as historys function station, but some people forget this.
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Hindu society suffers from several evils, and dowry is among the major
ones. What sort of a country is this where there are rates fixed for getting
well-established bridegrooms like I.A.S. and P.C.S. officers, doctors and engineers settled within the country or abroad, the price of bridegrooms is increasing, just as the prices of everything else sold in the market are going up,
thanks to the inflation. What goes up in this sphere seldom comes down.
Of course, there are specific laws against dowry and heavy punishment is
prescribed for those who demand or give dowry. But such laws are among the
laws that are easily and flagrantly flouted. Thousands of cases of dowry extortion are reported every year, but very few people are punished. For lack of
evidence most of the guilty people escape scot-free. Most stringent laws are
planned, but laws on the statute-book any number of them will not have a
deterrent effect on the greedy people. Unfortunately, public opinion on this
score has yet to become effective. Public opinion and social boycott of the
offenders can go a long way in checking the menace of dowry.
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COMMUNAL HARMONY
Thousands of communal riots have taken place in the country since the
attainment of Independence in 1947. The earlier suspicion that communal discord was caused by the British rulers in pursuance of their policy of divide and
rule has proved partially obsolete. It is true, however, that the seeds of disharmony among the various communities were sown by the British Government.
Factional demands were encouraged and all efforts to bring the Hindus and
Muslims together were purposely thwarted to consolidate foreign control.
Communalists of various shades and categories have consistently harped
on the differences and encouraged divisive trends. This has been especially
noticeable in the highly sensitive and vulnerable regions where the timber had
only to be ignited by a match-stick; the embers remain hot. Even a minor and an
apparently innocuous incident has sufficed to arouse communal passions and
provoke rioting.
The habitual offenders, the anti-social elements who thrive on disorder,
the selfish politicians and others of their ilk are, however, incorrigible. They
revert to disruptionist tactics whenever there is an opportunity. The call of
religion in danger often proves irresistible to the illiterate masses. Such tactics
of mischievous exploitation queer the pitch for those who draw up high-sounding programmes for promoting communal harmony in the country.
Article 51-A, which lays down the fundamental duties of the citizens of
India, inter alia, stresses the importance of amity. According to clause (e) of the
Article, it shall be the duty of every citizen of India to promote harmony and
the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India, transcending
religious, linguistic and regional, or sectional diversities... Further, clause (i)
enjoins upon all citizens to safeguard public property and to abjure violence.
And yet these duties are blatantly ignored and recklessly flouted by people in
India.
The countrys national traditions and the dictates of real Indian culture,
all point to the importance of maintaining communal harmony. In fact, the basis
of Indian culture is peace, brotherhood and amity. Culture is the result of centuries of evolution and of the growth of ideals and disciplines. In fact, dishar-
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mony in any sphere of life is the very antithesis of true Indian culture. Certain
pre-requisites are generally mentioned for Indias distinctive culture a common
approach to most of the basic problems, a broad vision (as against sectarian
viewpoints), similarity of conduct, behaviour and attitudes and sharing of ideas,
ideals and traditions. But far more important is an essential unity of outlook
despite the numerous diversities of language and dialect and the tradition of
tolerance. While the basis of all culture, as T.S. Eliot suggested, is religion, a
true concept of it never seeks to create disharmony.
The distinctive mark of Indian culture, which is based on Hindu philosophy, is tolerance. Religion must not be a matter of exclusive dogma but should
be characterised by a wide tolerance respect for the faith and beliefs of others
and a generous attitude of understanding the approach of other people to the
challenges of life. It is this sense of tolerance, charity and broadmindedness
that imparts harmony to the inner life of cultured people in India. Mahatma
Gandhis concept of tolerance was indeed comprehensive. After long study and
experience, he wrote, I have come to the conclusion that all religions are true,
all religions have some errors in them; and all religions are almost as dear to me
as Hinduism. His own veneration for other faiths was the same as that for his
own faith.
Indian culture has encouraged a continuous synthesis even when it was
confronted with contrary philosophies. The desire to absorb and assimilate has
persisted and it accounts for its survival over the centuries. The pity is that
Indians, by and large, have forgotten the teachings and precepts of our saints
and sages. Promotion of harmony is the most important duty of each true citizen. The countrys salvation depends upon it. Harmony is creative, disharmony
is essentially destructive. If the nation wishes to make sound progress and consolidate its gains in the social, economic, political and scientific spheres, harmony has to be ensured all round, not only as a transitory phase but as a
permanent feature of life.
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Difference of opinion and diversity in view-points on socio-economiccum political issues are a natural nuance of democracy. Unless political parties
put across their views vociferously, democracy cannot hope to become vibrant
and viable. So long political parties remain committed to the rule of law and
refrain from fuelling flames of communal frenzy for electoral gains, the future
of democracy in India is squarely safe and secure. Even in the face of grave
provocation, if political parties and their rank and file adhere to the path of
tolerance, democracy would not suffer any subversion or sabotage. It is only
when people begin to settle scores in the streets and communal passions have a
better of peoples patience and tolerance, democracy feels the pangs of mindless onslaughts on its fragile personality. After every communal or casteist clash,
the clock of peace and progress moves in the reverse direction. In fact, it is not
only democracy but also economic progress and social stability that are entirely
dependent on the maintenance of communal harmony and practice of tolerance
by one and all.
Democracy is neither a game of only numbers nor is it a trade of tricks. In
the context of Indian situation, democracy is the only form of government that
suits the tone and temper of its people. The policy of `give and take can work
wonders in this context provided both the intent and intentions of the conflicting
parties or groups are clear and candid. There is no place for fanatics and diehards in our multi-racial and multi-religious milieu. Only those who are mentally, emotionally and politically convinced of the relevance and resilience of
democracy to Indian problems and prospects, can ensure the survival of democracy in India. Prejudices and puerile perceptions have no place in our democracy. The temptation to communalise politics or to garner votes in the name of
cast or community, is the negation of principled politics. The earlier we cleanse
the Augean stables of communal politics, the better for the health of Indian
democracy.
Democracy, like a delicate plant, fails to strike deep roots in the heart and
minds of people if an atmosphere of distrust and intolerance makes inroads in
the day-today relations between communities. Digging out the past distortions,
real or imaginary, can play havoc with the sensitivities and sensibilities of people sharing the same heritage and history. Unlike the West, where democracy
faces no such problems of communal tensions and intolerant public perceptions, in India we have to live with these dilemmas all the time. In short, if
ddemocracy is to survive in India, we as Indians, will have to get over our phobias and prejudices against each other. Irrespective of our religion or ethnic
affiliation, we must learn to live, think and behave as members of a joint family
called Indian.
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LINGUISTIC FANATICISM
Emerson wrote decades ago that language is a city to the building of
which every human being brought a stone. But language is much more than a
city or a nation; it is a link that forges unity even across the seas. English is used
by nearly one-fifth of humanity. Language implies a manner of expression, a
medium of conveying ideas, thoughts and concepts from one person to another
or to a large section of society. Language is, thus, the dress of thought.
The great author Webster was, however, on a weak wicket when he said
that language, as well as the faculty of speech, was the immediate gift of God.
The very fact that there are people who do not know any language because they
were not exposed to human sounds shows that language is very much an ability
inculcated and developed by human beings to serve as a means of purposeful
communication.
A living language, to quote Nehru, is a throbbing, vital thing, ever-changing, ever-growing and mirroring the people who speak and write it. A language
is infinitely greater than grammar and philology. It is the poetic testament of the
genius of a race and culture, and the living embodiment of the thoughts and
fancies that have moulded them. The best way to encourage the growth of a
people is through the language they speak, and a language ultimately grows
from the people; it can hardly be imposed by any external agency.
Unfortunately, language, which is supposed to promote unity and cohesion, has often become a highly controversial issue. Many people, working
under a wrong concept or impelled by exaggerated notions, have become linguistic fanatics. They have fought bitter battles in the name of language; they
have killed people in linguistic riots; and they have made many sacrifices in the
name of their languages as if it were a god or goddess who would be appeased
by bloodshed and destruction of private and public property. The principle of
linguism has been exalted to high dogma, which has been the bane of Indian life
in first 50 years of independence.. Linguistic chauvinism seems to be the governing factor.
Thus, language, which was evolved to serve a vital need and provide a
vital link between man and man, has often brought about destruction and wrought
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havoc. In Andhra Pradesh a noble man starved himself to death for the cause of
a linguistic State. Similarly, in Punjab an earnest, well-intentioned person, fasted
unto death for the sake of Punjabi Suba. The Government of India was virtually
compelled to appoint a States Reorganisation Commission to suggest demarcation of boundaries of States and to make proposals for creation of new entities,
if necessary, on the basis of language.
In several regions language has created discord and divisive trends instead of serving as an eminently useful link to establish links and promote
harmony. Language, and sometimes the script issue, thus feeds fissiparous tendencies, even threatening to disrupt society and the State. Exponents of a particular language, apparently, develop an obsession, which indicates bias and
prejudice. In many parts of India, and also in some foreign countries, sustained
campaigns have been conducted for official recognition of a particular language as the State language. Linguistic controversies, for instance, raged for
quite some time in Bangladesh for priority status to Urdu as against Bengali,
and in Pakistan for Urdu as against Punjabi.
In India language controversies were carried on for years in U.P., West
Bengal, Punjab and other areas. Before partition the Congress itself advocated
the formation of linguistic States. The J.V.P. Report may be said to have started
the process, which turned out to be vicious at certain places. Article 343 (1) of
the Constitution of India lays down that Hindi in Devanagari script shall be the
official language of the Union. But there is a provision that English shall continue to be used during the transitional stage. Because of the strong opposition
of the Southern States to Hindi, the use of English is continuing and is likely to
continue for many years. There are Hindi-speaking regions in the North (U.P,
M.P., Haryana and Himachal Pradesh) which, backed by the Centre, want the
cause of Hindi to be propagated and this language made the national language
without further delay. But the Central Government has assured the people that
there will be no imposition of a particular language and no switch-over without
the consent of the Southern States.
Interestingly, English-medium schools are still popular in the country, and
students seeking bright careers opt for English as the medium of instruction for
the post-graduate courses. Consequently, the political leaders initial fervour
for switching over to Hindi has cooled off, for the present. Other controversies
and developments have engaged the prior attention of the politicians and political parties.
Thus, there is less of linguistic fanaticism in the country now than a decade or so ago. This is all to the good. After all, language should be used for
every-day communication, official work and literary pursuits, and it must not
be exploited for ulterior or extraneous ends.
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(the interest increases and takes adequate shape with the spread of education
and enlightenment), that the public knows what it wants, that it has the ability to
express its wishes (this, again, is ensured by education) and, lastly, that the
publics will would be enacted into law. There are obstacles in the implementation of these processes, and what is more, conditions differ from region to
region. But, broadly, these principles are applicable to all democratic societies,
irrespective of size, quality or standard of living.
It has also to be noted that democracy in most cases is government by the
majority, and, therefore, it can be said that public opinion is the opinion of the
majority in such a set-up. Bryce, the famous author of works on democracy,
said: The term public opinion is commonly used to denote the aggregates of
the views men (and women) hold regarding matters that affect or interest the
community. Rarely is there unanimity on every issue, or even on most issues, in
a democracy, whether direct or indirect; hence it is correct to say that public
opinion is seldom unanimous; actually, democracy implies dissent which, in
turn, means that opinions will continue to differ. But there must be tolerance of
dissent and all differences of opinion, otherwise democracy becomes meaningless. So we can say that opinion can be described as public when it is accepted
by a majority, if not by most of the citizens. Then the majority view must be
accepted by everyone; this makes democracy practicable.
In the modern world, however, certain changes have been noticed in the
concepts of majority opinion and public opinion. Since in most cases it is indirect democracy that prevails, and since the people elect their representatives to
act and frame laws on their behalf, to all intents and purposes the final decisions
are taken not by the people or the public as a whole, not even by the duly
elected representatives of the people in a legislature, however large, but by the
Ministry, a small team led by the Prime Minister, the First Among Equals. In
fact, on many occasions it is the Prime Minister who acts according to his/her
own judgement without consulting the legislature, or even all his or her Ministers. Thus, modern democracy has come to mean government by a small number
of persons, the Ministers or the Cabinet. Of course, the leaders who take the
final decisions in a democracy must continue to command the confidence of the
majority; otherwise they would be thrown out, or rather voted out of power,
because the use of force for a switchover of the rulers from one to another is
ruled out in a democratic order. So the position can be summed up thus : Democracy is based on public opinion; an enlightened, educated electorate is
necessary for proper and faithful implementation of public opinion, and that it
is, in effect, the opinion of the majority commanding the confidence of the
community.
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ARE WE SECULAR?
India is a Socialist, Secular Democratic Republic pledged to secure to all
its citizens justice, liberty and equality, and to promote among them all fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation. This is
stated in the Preamble of the Constitution itself. Actually, while the word secularism is rather vague, and was introduced by the 42nd Amendment in 1976,
Articles 25 to 30 of the Constitution relating to the freedom of religion and
freedom to manage religious affairs are more specific. They contain the clear
directive that no religious instruction shall be provided in any educational
institution wholly maintained out of State funds.
There is also the further provision in Article 28(3) that no person attending any educational institution recognised by the State or receiving aid out of
State funds shall be required to take part in any religious instruction that may be
imparted in such institution, or to attend any religious worship that may be
conducted in such institution or in any premises attached thereto, unless such
person or, if such person is a minor, his guardian, has given his consent thereto.
Thus, complete religious freedom, with the absence of any compulsion
whatsoever in religious matters, is legally guaranteed by the supreme law of the
land. India is, therefore, rightly described as a secular country in which the
State has no religion, nor does it seek to promote or discourage any religion or
religious belief. It is obvious that the Government and people of India are secular, that is, there is no official religion. That is the legal position. The State
stands committed to a policy of non-interference in religious matters. Religion
is a matter of personal beliefs and con victions.
In January, 1948, Jawaharlal Nehru spoke of secularism thus : We shall
proceed on secular and national lines in keeping with the powerful trends towards internationalism ... India will be a land, as in the past, of many faiths
equally honoured and respected, but of one national outlook, not, I hope, a
narrow nationalism living in its own shell but rather the tolerant, creative nationalism which, believing in itself and the genius of the people, takes full part
in the establishment of an international order.
The goal of One World is still far, far away, but since independence the
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Government of this country has undeniably kept itself aloof from religious
controversies, not taking any side and taking all possible measures to ensure to
every citizen full religious freedom in accordance with enlightened opinion all
the world over, except in the Islamic countries where the tenets of Islam are
enforced by law and the whole polity is declared as Islamic, not secular in any
sense. In fact, Islam, like most other religions, regards secularism as a dangerous challenge.
But how far are we, the people, secular in thought, word and deed? When
we look around us and examine the working of various non-government institutions, the various political parties, especially national parties, which are supposed to be have thrown their membership open to all communities, we find
that the spirit of secularism is being flouted day after day. We are not completely secular in our approach and attitudes. There are cases where admissions
to educational institutions are decided on a basis that is anything but secular. If
we review closely the working of our political parties, we shall find that candidates for elections are often chosen on communal considerationsHindu candidates for constituencies having a predominantly Hindu electorate, Muslim
candidates for areas where the majority of the voters are Muslims, and so on.
There are exceptions here and there but, by and large, the observation made
above is well founded. The voting in elections is often on communal lines;
Hindus voting for Hindu candidates, Muslims for Muslim candidates and Sikhs
for Sikh contestants. Political parties are not formed on a religious basis, but
how is it that there are some distinctly communal parties in this secular country?
Again, how is it that in the selection of Ministers of various ranks, adequate representation is generally assured to members of various communities
and even castes? There are vote banks in the rural areas where the caste
factor plays a dominant role in determining the decisions of the village
Sarpanches and leaders of the various clans, (and even sub-castes) in directing
their followers to exercise their franchise for a particular candidate. Jats and
non-Jats, Brahmins and non-Brahmins, Scheduled Castes and non-Scheduled
Castesthese considerations, undeniably sectarian and narrow, determine their
actions.
In an ideal, well-established, modern polity religion should have no
connection whatever with politics. But is that really so in India today? Why do
communal riots take place with such disconcerting frequency wherever members of both communities live in parts of the same city or town? Why are there
so much destruction, ruthless killings and callous indifference to the plight of
people of another community? Outbursts of communal frenzy are totally incompatible with true secularism, and every well- educated community should
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moved from honest and scrupulous men. Cynics, in fact, assert that politicians
and scruples are poles apart. A scrupulous person may never become a successful politician, and a politician will never have anyhe cannot afford to have
scruples, otherwise he will not, generally, be able to practise the subtle art that
is politics.
Defection and desertion of party or group whenever he gets a higher
price elsewhere, are the Indian politicians favourite pastime. Hypocrisy is closely
associated with politics, and in this sense Plato, the inventor of the Royal Lie,
is often described as the first hypocrite. O, men of Athens, he said centuries
ago, If I were engaged in politics I would have perished long ago and done no
good either to you or to myself. Just as Plato did a lot of good to himself, so
the modern politician in India believes in doing everything for himself; it is his
interest that is uppermost in his mind; why bother about the roofless, the
shelterless, the foodless and the waterless? It is enough to fight in their name, to
seek power in their name and to occupy seats of prestige in their name.
And yet, politics and politicians are indispensable, just as political parties are, whether the type of polity is Capitalist, Socialist or Communist. They
are the functionaries, the messengers, the wielders and the self-appointed protectors of the weak and the helpless. We just cannot keep them out of society
because almost everything in India today is mixed up, in one way or the other,
with politics. There is politics in religion, in education, in culture, in the arts
and the cinema, in the home and in offices. Where there is politics, there are
inevitably clever practitioners of the complex art. Thomas Jefferson, the great
American statesman-politician, advised everyone to shun politics. Politics is
such a torment, he said, that I would advise everyone I love not to mix with it.
But even he must have known that, like pure air and unadulterated truth, politics-free life has become a virtual impossibility.
It would not, however, be fair to paint every Indian politician with the
same black brush and condemn him (or her, because there are some women
members of the tribe too) squarely. There are black sheep, cheats and dishonest
people in every profession, it is said. That may well be, but certainly there are
more dishonest men and hypocrites among politicians than among any other
class of people. The exceptions are so few (even though they may be outstanding), that they make little difference to the generality. Moreover, truthful, honest and principled politicians cannot last in a society such as Indias where
straight-forwardness and fair play are at a discount. Just as a lawyer and a
diplomat has necessarily to tell lies as a part of his profession, whatever his
motives, similarly a politician in India, which is no longer the land of saints,
sages and spirituality, politicians are men who do not command credibility.
They are quick to make tall promises and give high-sounding assurances at
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election time, but once they are elected to a legislature for five years or so, they
concentrate on safeguarding their own interests and ensuring their own future.
In advanced countries, such as the U.S.A. and Britain, politicians do not
specialise in dishonesty, falsehood and make-believe. They play fair and accept
defeat in the sporting spirit. The people, it is said, get the Government they
deserve; perhaps it is correct to say that a country also gets the politicians it
deserves. For, after all, politicians are a part of ourselves, our own kith and kin.
The profession of politics and the politicians can undeniably be reformed, and
perhaps the day is not far off when, with the spread of all round education and
enlightenment, honest and principled politicians would emerge and gradually
eliminate the black sheep from society.
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their say, nothing else counts. What is more, their assessment and censorsip is
sound and effective. Of course it is the final word.
Significantly, the peoples judgement is mature and fully warranted even
when they are largely illiterate. The people know how to punish and teach a
lesson to leaders who abuse their authority and power and who tend to become
arrogant and arbitrary in their conduct. When Mrs Indira Gandhi and her colleagues abused their power and betrayed the trust reposed in them, the people
threw them out in the March, 1977, general elections and gave an opportunity
to the Janata Party, even though it was a conglomeration of irreconcilable constituents. When the Janata leaders fell out among themselves and proved inept,
inefficient and unfit to govern the country well, the people firmly rejected them
thus asserting themselves once again, and in an unmistakable manner.
The Indian electorates rebuff to Mrs Gandhi affirmed the dictum that
censure is often useful, and praise may at times prove deceitful and misleading.
There is also a grain of truth in Swifts comment that censure is the tax a man
pays to the public for being eminent. It is the eminent people whose actions,
which have a direct impact on the people, are subjected to final censorship by
the ultimate arbiter. A government whose actions are repeatedly censured by
the people does not last long, because every government is ultimately answerable to the people. A censured, rejected government loses all credibility.
The universal acceptance of this principle prompted a great philosopher
to assert that the voice of the people is the voice of God. Another one put the
same idea in different words the will of the people is the best law. Then we
have the view of the American statesman Jefferson (1787) that the people are
the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. The people indeed
are the only effective censor and sovereign of any country, and no one can fool
them for all time.
Public opinion is a great force far more powerful than any other. In fact,
public opinion has been described as much stronger than the mightiest Power
on earth. As time passes and as education and general enlightenment spread,
public opinion becomes more and more influential and decisive. The Press
reflects it, faithfully in most cases. In the West the ouster of the Shah of Iran a
decade ago is quoted as a notable example of public opinion acting as the final
arbiter of the destiny of a powerful, arrogant Shah who thought no one could
harm him and that he was destined to rule his country for ever.
If public opinion is well organised and clearly articulated, it acts invariably as a mighty censor. There is, however, the danger of public opinion being
misguided in the heat of the moment. Calm and cool judgement is sometimes
not given by the public when, for instance, they are swayed by momentary
passions, anger and deep resentment over a specific act. So the public voice too
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has its limitations and all public verdicts need not necessarily be perfect or
unexceptionable. But such exceptions apart, the general proposition that the
people alone are the final censors is well-founded and universally accepted.
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ADVERTISING
Advertising, though a close companion of market economy, is an unpleasant feature of modern life. Watching from the sidelines, the glut of consumer
goods and the crass craze for something quick and queer, the conscientious
critic sees the menace and mesmerism that advertising has brought about in the
lives of all. To be taken in, or taken for a ride, the confused consumer is always
at his wits end on how to sift the chaff from the grain. Besides the bewilderment
that advertising causes in many a case, sometimes strange but sensational commercials on TV can cost heavily to ones pocket or even to ones life. Recently
an innocent student tried to imitate the acrobat of the youngman in a commercial ad and lost his precious life, for nothing.
Advertising and consumerism have reached a stage in America where
critics are demanding adequate checks and balances, because it has begun to
influence even human relations on an everyday basis. In some cases, advertising
has started to erode individual provacy. In the name of educating and enlightening the consumer about his rights to choose the right product, the magazines,
television and movies keep dinning into the ears that material things and sensual
pleasures are what life is about. The happiness lies in automatic appliances and
automobiles churned out in various forms and colours. When this instant gratification does not get translated into reality, the world seems to fall apart. Gradually, the voices of sanity and restraint are being raised to rein in the wild animal
within all and sundry, before it becomes too strong to stop in the face of temptations let loose by the awful agent called advertising.
There is no denying the fact that advertising has invaded every aspect of
human existence and this is being reached and achieved through sponsoring of
events, especially sports, on a global basis. In everyday life, we find advertising
aims at selling goods and services, exploring new avenues and markets and,
finally, reaching out to those people and places that have remained untouched
by its ever-expanding shadows and shades. Propagandaa cheap or inferior
form of affecting peoples minds and influencing their thinking and psyche
too plays a vital role on certain occasions and situations where static senses and
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sensibilities have to be stirred and stimulated to new ideas and ideologies. In the
words of Jacques Ellul: Propaganda by its very nature is an enterprise for
perverting the significance of events and insinuating false intentions....The propagandist will not accuse the enemy of just any misdeed; he will accuse him of the
very intention he himself has and of trying to commit the very crime he himself
is about to commit.
It is now recognised that solving complex social issues is a managerial
task. Communication and advertising find a crucial place in this new approach.
The Green Revolution could not have come about in India without the help of
radio and TV advertising, says an expert. Advertising sells not only goods, it
sells ideas as well. Ideas like national integration and communal harmony have
been spread through advertising. Advertising flourishes in an environment which
is freean atmosphere which encourages a different point of view, an environment where people can disagree without being disagreeable.
In addition to commercial advertising and ideological propaganda there
is social advertising, which refers to the advertisements which deal with social
causes and are aimed at the welfare and well-being of the people. Its target
audience is not specific class but the masses who can be educated about socially
relevant issues like health, family welfare, literacy, national security, to mention
a few issues only. The importance of such advertisements has reached such
heights that even the government falls back upon them quite often to highlight
the issues to immediate concern. Undoubtedly, in todays context, carrying out
compaigns through social communication is of paramount importance. The society, the economy, the politics and the media exposure are bringing about changes
which are so radical and dynamic that they are creating dissonance and upheavals. In order to withstand the negative effects of changes, we certainly need
these kinds of campaigns through advertising or propaganda, for sustaining communication with the masses at large. In short, advertising not only influences the
buyers perception but also his responses to social problems. It has its negative
effects but the positive side far out-strips the negative side.
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nothing. We do not know the value of time; so we do not mind spending precious hours in idle gossip. In part the disinclination to be up and doing all the
time is the result of our fatalistic beliefs and attitudes. Most of us tend to believe that what God has ordained cannot be averted. What will be, will be; so,
they argue, why needlessly waste energy in thwarting Gods will?
Besides, there are many among us who believe that flattery is the shortest
route to success in todays India. The great talkers, the wily, garrulous politicians who sway audiences through their loud talk, all manage to mislead the
people and promote their selfish ends. A flatterer is in the excellent company of
imitators because imitation is considered the sincerest form of flattery. The
easiest weapon adopted by flatterers and sycophants is smooth talk, not work.
A ready and glib tongue has at times proved to be a more precious weapon than
gifts of cash and kind. Through a facile tongue the flatterers continually create
illusions and a world of make-believe. Almost all great talkers are great flatterers; praise inevitably becomes their forte.
Then there are those whose talk mostly comprises advice to all and sundry on everything on earth. Like air and water, advice too can be had free. Selfappointed advisers are great talkers; they talk their way into your hearts and
they even drive away rationality, good sense and the quality of discriminating
between chalk and cheese. Adking for advice is to tout for flatterers. And flattery feeds the ego and is exhilarating. Most talkers become bores. But let it be
said in defence of the growing tribe of talkers that they do manage at times to
relieve boredom. A quiet gathering at which all those present are serious-minded
people deeply engrossed in thought and philosophy would appear to maintain
the silence of the graveyard. The talkers relate funny incidents, describe lively
experiences and entertain their credulous listeners, quieten and comfort the
people, for hours together. There is no tax on talk and gossip. So the idle, endless talker flourishes at the cost of the silent, constructive worker. It is the latter
who can help ensure national progress, not the ceaseless twisters of the tongue,
even though the latter manage to find credulous audiences. True, sincere and
genuine workers cannot stand non-sensical postures, including nonsense talk.
But work does not lie in marching up and down the streets, shouting slogans
and lodging protests. Many of us tend to resort to strikes and work stoppages.
Undeniably, our future amongst nations, and the good name of our country,
depends entirely upon our work and work alone. Much valuable work can be
done silently and without becoming noisy or indulging in aimless talk. If everyone realises the truth of this dictum, the salvation of the country would not be
far off.
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which individual liberty is rapidly taken away, supposedly in the interest of the
State but in reality to promote the interests of the dictator. History has shown
that dictators are firmly opposed to the grant of basic rights and liberties to the
people. They want blind, unflinching obedience instead; the people are blandly
told that theirs is not to reason why but to do and die as and when they are told
all in the interest of their Fatherland or Motherland. That was Hitlers technique in Nazi Germany and Benito Mussolinis technique in Italy.
The truth, repeatedly affirmed by human experience over the ages, is that
it is discipline that enables all the people to enjoy their liberty while living in
the community. Thus liberty and discipline are not contradictory or mutually
exclusive terms; they are very much complementary and both are indispensable. One, in fact, feeds and reinforces the other. When we say that discipline is
essential we mean discipline in all walks of life, social, economic, political and
industrial.
In social life the enjoyment of liberties and fundamental rights becomes
possible only through due regard for the corresponding rights and liberties of
others. Whoever disregards the corresponding rights of others becomes a law
breaker and an offender, making himself liable to action under the law Do as
you want to be done by is a golden rule.
Discipline means full realisation of the sense of responsibility, and where
there is irresponsibility there is confusion, chaos and worse. It has been well
said that we can have discipline without liberty but we cannot have liberty
without discipline. When there is discipline, liberty is not endangered, but when
there is liberty or rather excessive emphasis on liberty alone, it will soon be
lost. This leads us to the conclusion that a proper and reasonable balance has to
be struck between liberty and discipline or restraint. The restraints must of
course be designed for the social good, and it is obvious that excessive restraints will inevitably lead to the erosion of human liberties.
It is this sound reasoning that prompted law-makers to assert that law is
the essential condition of liberty. For instance, if I claim the liberty to rob, kill
or injure another, or defy the traffic rules and drive my car or scooter on the
wrong side of the road, I endanger myself as well as others, besides making
myself quil of defying the law and discipline. If everyone thus defies the laws
and rules, designed to ensure discipline and smooth living, what will become
of society?
Those who describe laws as restraints on liberty and hostile to individual
freedom apparently fail to understand the true concept of liberty and discipline.
It is the State acting through laws that ensures justice and equality of opportunity to all, especially the weaker sections of society. So it is true to say that
discipline ensures justice and fair play. Is it not a fact that the law which pun-
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ishes the murderer, the thief, the robber and the violator of rules and regulations is thereby promoting the rights and liberties of others? The truly free man
is he who, while living in society, invariably observes discipline and accepts the
limitations on his actions imposed for the common good. Thus discipline is as
necessary as liberty itself. Each reinforces the other.
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spearhead the national freedom movement. The party owed its origin to the
inspiration provided by Surendranath Bannerjee and A.O. Hume, a retired British civil servant who suggested forming an organization for the mental, moral,
social and political regeneration of the people of India.
The first session of the Indian National Congress was held in Bombay in
December 1885 under the Presidentship of Mr Woomesh Chandra Bonnerjee.
To begin with, the Congress started as an organization committed to the use of
constitutional means only for securing certain rights for Indians. This stage in
its career as a political party lasted from 1885 to 1905. During this period, the
party leadership pressed modest demands through prayers, appeals, petitions,
deputations etc. It shunned all extra-constitutional or agitational approach.
But gradually extremist elements inspired by revolutionary nationalism
in Europe found their way into the Congress. Prominent among extremist Congress leaders were Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Aurobindo Ghose
and many others. Tilak hailed from Maharashtra. It was he who first gave the
call Swaraj is my birth-right. Extremism held sway from 1906 to 1918. It was
the second stage in the life of the Indian National Congress.
Another wave of nationalistic fervour swept India when the British Parliament, at the end of World War I, passed the notorious Rowlatt Act. It was an
oppressive measure designed to invest the government with unbridled power to
arrest and imprison suspects without trial and to crush civil liberties. This was
the reward India got for having collaborated with Britain in the pursuit of the
latters war aims. The Indian people felt outraged. Mahatma Gandhi who had
upto that time maintained that the Congress should serve the country only as a
social and moral reformative organization declared that it should give a tough
(non-violent) fight against this lawless law. Inspired by Mahatma Gandhis
patriotic idealism, millions of Indian patriots came forward to protest against
this gross injustice. British imperialism used barbaric means to suppress the
movement. The Jallianwala Bagth tragedy the worst act of inhumanity done by
the British administration in India shocked the entire civilized world. Men,
women, children and old men were shot dead by Gen. Dyer specially deputed
by the British Government to teach the Indians a lesson.
The Jallianwala Bagh incident proved to be a milestone in Indias fight
for freedom. It marked the beginning of the Gandhian era in Indian politics.
Mahatma Gandhi gave a new direction to the national freedom movement. He
adopted a policy of progressive non-violent non-co-operation to agitate political issues. It was a novel technique which had not been tried anywhere else in
the world. It envisaged surrender of titles, boycott of legislative bodies and
courts and foreign goods, resignations from nominated posts etc. To crush the
movement the Government resorted to a policy of repression which provoked a
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those great martyrs who made tremendous sacrifices for the attainment of freedom. From their memories we can derive inspiration to work hard to consolidate the freedom we have won at such great cost.
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They also threaten the peace and stability of many countries, and of the whole
world, eventually.
Learning to live sustainably and caring for the earth is the need of the
hour. For a start we will need to understand and accept the consequences of
being part of the great community of life and to become more conscious of the
effects of our decisions on other societies, future generations and other species.
We will need to perfect and promote an ethic for living sustainably.
Living sustainably must be the guiding principle for all the worlds people, but it never will be when hundreds of millions live without the basic essentials of life. Today, we need a new kind of development that rapidly improves
the quality of life for the disadvantaged.
The earth has its limits. With the best technology imaginable the limits are
not infinitely expandable. To live within these limits and see that those who now
have can soon get more, two things are needed to be done: population growth
rate of the world must be reduced, and the rich must stabilise, and in some cases,
reduce their consumption of resources. Ways exist to do this, without reducing
the real quality of life.
Sustainable living must be the new pattern of living at all levelsindividuals, communities, nations and the world. To adopt a new pattern will require a significant change in the attitudes and practices of many people. We will
need to ensure that education programmes reflect the importance of ethics of
living sustainably and that information campaigns are mounted to disseminate
it.
Local communities are the focus for much that needs to be done in making the change to living sustainable, but there is little that they can do it if they
lack the power to act. Subject to vital interests of the larger community, they
must be allowed to manage the resources on which they depend and to have an
effective voice in the decisions that affect them.
Progress towards sustainability has been slow because of the belief that
conservation and development are opposite. Legal, social, economic and technical measures, aimed at sustainability are to be integrated in planning and aimed
at all levels, particularly in national governments.
The framework already exists for the cooperation, monitoring and management of resources, but programmes are poorly coordinated and rearly integrated. A new alliance of all the countries, to affect the reforms and improve the
quality of life, should be the agenda to save the possible oblivion of the earth.
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tion of intoxicating drinks and drugs. In December 1954, the Prohibition Enquiry Committee was appointed to suggest a programme and machinery for the
implementation of the Directive. The Committee recommended that schemes
of prohibition be integrated with the countrys development plans. This was
affirmed by a resolution in the Lok Sabha on March 31, 1956.
At present there is complete prohibition in the States of Gujarat and Tamil
Nadu only. There is ban on drinking in the public places and partial prohibition
in most other States.
Now let us recall a brief history of drinking. It is thought that during the
Ashokan period of Indian history, indulgence in drinks and drugs was considered to be a crime something contrary to the principles of religion, i.e., Buddhism. According to Magasthenese who visited India during the reign of
Chandragupta Maurya, the Government strictly supervised the manufacture
and sale of intoxicating drinks. Most of the Muslim rulers in India had put strict
restrictions on sale of intoxicating wines even though they themselves lavishly
indulged in drinking. It was, however, during the days of the East India Company that Indias cultural and national progress suffered a heavy loss. The alien
rulers in their anxiety to find more money from India to fill their own countrys
coffer, introduced liquor-revenue and revenue on exploit-drugs. Since the British came to India there has been an unending chain of public-spirited propaganda for prohibition. All the Indian reformers, whether social or religious,
condemned drinking in unequivocal terms. Men like Raja Ram Mohan Roy,
Keshab Chander Sen, Dr Annie Besant, Tagore, Swami Shardanand condemned
the evil of drinking and accused the British Government of committing a public sin.
In India, the story of prohibition, properly speaking, begins with Mahatma Gandhis campaign against this injurious habit. Gandhiji regarded it as
one of the causes that demoralized the world, because it had brought the downfall of many a mighty empire. However, prohibition through legislation was
introduced in India after the countrys attaining independence.
Prohibition creates certain difficult problems. The first problem is unemployment. In Andhra, Bengal and Assam there are lakhs of people engaged in
the production of Tari, a kind of intoxicating drink. In the event of introducing
complete prohibition in these States, all these men would be thrown out of their
source of earning livelihood. Then there is the toughest problem to check illicit
manufacture and sale of intoxicating drinks. The report of the All India Prohibition Committee revealed the fact that in most of the dry areas there have
been floods of illicit wine. It is a pity and a matter of disgrace, too, to note that
police and excise officials and their staff, deputed to make the scheme a success, most miserably abused rather prostituted their basic functions, thereby
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COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT
The advent of freedom released a number of forces making for radical
changes in the rural areas of India. The introduction of Universal suffrage is a
revolutionary measure which has placed a powerful weapon in the hands of the
traditionally under-privileged sections of our population, i.e., the village dwellers. They have awakened from the deep sleep of prejudice, illiteracy and degeneration. With the addition of another great factor of national re-construction
Panchayati Raj they have been inspired to develop themselves as healthy and
self-supporting community.
The Community Development Programme, which had its august inauguration in 1952 six years after the independence of our country is a land-mark in
the history of the development of rural India and, at the same time, it is a
dynamo of inspiration for our future village constructors and social reformers.
The scheme, in a nut-shell, aims at providing first increased employment
and increased production by the application of latest methods of agriculture,
including horticulture, animal husbandry, fisheries etc. and the establishment of
subsidiary and cottage industries; secondly self-help and self-reliance and the
possible extension of the principle of co-operation, and thirdly, the need for
devoting a portion of the vast unutilized time and energy in the countryside for
the benefit of the village community.
There were in 1960, more than two thousand Community Development
blocs each one consisting of a hundred villages and they were expected to
serve about 194 million villagers all over the country. By now, virtually all of
Indias 560,000 villages have come under the Community Development Programme. A huge administrative machinery, engaging hundreds of officials including the Gram Sevak units at the base has been created. Villagers are beginning to be aware of the fact that there is a Governmental organization charged
with the responsibility of rural development.
Our Indian villagers have been suffering from a chronic disease indebtedness which has been one of the major causes of their economic miseries. According to the Community Development Programme arrangements are made
for giving loans to poor and deserving cultivators to be paid back conveniently
by easy methods. This had a remarkably encouraging effect. The Indian culti-
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vators, who from ages had been squeezed and exploited by money lenders and
zamindars, are now having a sigh of relief. It is natural that economic well
being leads to social well being. Being economically unworried and unburdened, they can now look to other avenues of their progress social, cultural and
moral. Again, backward groups, like Harijans, who were throttled by the high
caste moneyed groups, have been greatly benefited by the agricultural loangiving system.
The Development officials, in their understandable eagerness to achieve
the set targets and to show quick results have been compelled to ignore the less
tangible but more important aim of teaching the villagers to help themselves.
The peasants have to be taught that there are resources at their disposal such as
their own capacity for hard work, their skill, initiative and loyalty to the community and the region. This objective can be realized only by proper local
leadership. Panchayati Raj has already been introduced in a number of States,
like Rajasthan, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Punjab and U.P.
Indias villages have been changing for well over a hundred years. This
fact has been obscured by the myths which educated Indians and foreigners
have perpetrated about them. Since Independence, the Government has launched
a vast programme of developing the country as a whole and agriculture in particular. The gigantic hydro-electric projects as well as the minor irrigation works,
the development of transport facilities, the determined effort to industrialize
the country, the Community Development Programme and the policy of decentralization will ensure that in the not too-distant future Indias villages will
change radically.
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feet, we shall have to mortgage our heads and hearts. In that case we cannot
have any pretensions to strength; and hence to self-respect. Strength within
also denotes the ability to hold our own against opposing forces so that neither
a powerful outside foe nor the inner foes of passions and temptations can pull
us to pieces. Inner strength also signifies that soundness of mind and body
which enables us to think and act straight without feeling the necessity of resorting to subterfuge or being overwhelmed by vacillation which is the hallmark of the weak.
Unless we are strong within and make determined efforts to consolidate
and augment that strength, we stand exposed to aggression, and all other humiliations which are showered on the weak.
A reference to the history of India will very aptly illustrate the truth in
whatever has been stated above. Whenever India was weakened by internal
conflicts and dissensions, she fell a prey to foreign depredations, so much so
that we forfeited our freedom, and had to suffer foreign domination for centuries. But as the brave freedom-fighters instilled in the masses a burning desire
for freedom and the national movement gathered strength, our foreign rulers
were left with no other course but to quit the country. Having broken the chains
that bound us, it was our duty to consolidate our freedom, to augment our
strength. But once again we forget the lesson of history. While designing neighbours were keeping a keen eye on how we went about the business of consolidating our freedom and augmenting our strength, we were keeping ourselves
occupied with party politics and with bids to capture the moral leadership of the
world. The enemy could easily find the chinks in our armour. The result was
the Chinese attack of 1962 in which the Indian Army was worsted for the first
time in recent history. As a result of this fresh humiliation which we had to
suffer, we lost face in the sphere of international politics. As our internal weakness stood exposed, the hollow prestige we had built up vanished into thin air,
and we were left almost friendless in the world.
To-day, we go about seeking the help and protection of others. Except in
so far as it helps to advance the interests of the powerful nations, our friendship
is worth nothing. We are ridiculed, snubbed and patronized. And it has to be so,
because the world knows that we do not possess that inner strength which can
help us to lay claims to respect in the international sphere.
It cannot, therefore, be gainsaid that our strength in relation to outside
depends on our strength within. Weakness is a sin. Just as it is the moral duty of
everyone to maintain and preserve good health, it is the bounden duty of nations to build up enough inner strength, so that they can exist in this violenceridden world with self-respect. It is only innate strength which can help them to
win their rightful place in the comity of nations.
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development effort starting from the grass-roots level on the one hand, and
adoption of large-scale industrialization on the other. While the former presupposed maximum self-reliance at every level and in every sphere, the latter
had to be based on foreign aid. Adoption of the former course meant very hard
work and slow progress, while resort to latter held the promise of quicker and
more spectacular result.
Those in power at that time opted in favour of large-scale industrialization with foreign aid. They had their reasons for taking that decision. Firstly,
they felt that if the world was to be made a better and happier place to live in for
the whole human race, the more advanced nations owed it to the under-developed countries not only to help them in winning political freedom but also to
assist them in getting rid of poverty and other basic ills that plagued them.
Secondly, they believed that if India was to keep pace with the modern world, it
was necessary to import and adopt the latest techniques and to develop the most
modern sources of power.
In Indias case, foreign aid was readily available. In fact it was pressed
upon her from almost all directions. It came to us in the form of international
grants, foreign exchange loans, rupee credit technical aid, private foreign capital investment etc. At the time we accepted such aid, we told those who gave it
to us and also assured ourselves that it had to be and was sans political strings
of any sort. In keeping with our policy of non-alignment vis-a-vis the rival
power blocs, we accepted such help from both sides.
Undoubtedly, such generous foreign assistance contributed a lot to the
economic development of India. It enabled us to build a nucleus of heavy industries which, with the passage of time, may help us to progressively reduce
our dependence on foreign aid. But while this in itself is enough cause for
satisfaction, we cannot possibly ignore the other side of the picture, which has
been so clearly brought into focus by the 1965 armed conflict with Pakistan.
The shape of things as it had emerged shows that acceptance of foreign
aid has definitely not been an unmixed blessing. Along with the advantages it
has brought us, it has also produced quite a few undesirable results. First of all,
we must know that we have been gradually developing an attitude of dependence on foreign aid. This will be evident if we have a look at our trade balance
position. Obviously, we have been living beyond our means. But it is only one
of the many results of the dangerous mental attitude we have been developing.
It has also served to kill initiative. It is only now when ruination stares us in the
face that we have been obliged to think of import substitution and finding indigenous alternative for imported materials. Furthermore, it has prevented the full
utilization of technical and scientific talent available in the country. Whereas
on the one hand we have been complaining of a serious brain-drain through
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Indian scientists preferring to make their homes abroad, on the other we have
been persistently and pathetically dependent on costly foreign experts to advise us on matters well within the competence of indigenous talent. This overdependence on foreign technicians has hampered and even discouraged the
building us of a base of indigenous scientific, technological and managerial
manpower so necessary for a developing country. It is also the reason why very
few really important industries have been started without foreign collaboration.
The sense of urgency now felt about self-reliance as the national goal
should also help us to realize that our habitual dependence on help from abroad
has also prevented us from making the best use of assistance given to us. We
must admit that we have not been able to secure the maximum possible growth
in those sectors of our economy where dependence on foreign aid could have
been eliminated by now.
Besides all this, in the light of recent events, it cannot be gainsaid that our
pet assumptions about all foreign aid being without strings have also been proved
wrong. It has been proved beyond the shadow of a doubt that the part of it
contributed by the western nations was aimed at gaining political leverage in
this part of the world. While we believed that they were just helping us to
overcome our initial difficulties, they were trying to use economic aid to lure
India into joining the string of defence pacts with which they were planning to
surround Russia and China in a bid to contain communism. When they failed
in deflecting India from her chosen course of non-alignment, they began to
strengthen her arch-enemy, Pakistan, with liberal arms aid. The Indian leaders
naturally protested against this, but they were assured that Pakistan would not
be allowed to use those arms against India. We have seen how much those
assurances were worth.
In 1971, while Pakistan was butchering the people of Bangladesh, and
India was facing the huge influx of refugees from that part of Pakistan, the
U.S.A., fishing in troubled waters, was secretly supplying ship loads of lethal
weapons to Pakistan (in Padma and Sunderbans the two Pakistani ships) in
spite of their earlier commitment and assurance to our Foreign Minister, not to
give any arms to Pakistan till the situation in Bangladesh had become normal.
After the 1965 Indo-Pak war also, in their anxiety to placate Pakistan,
and to retain her on their side, they had stopped aid to India to pressurise the
latter into compromising her sovereignty and territorial integrity. Britain clamped
a ban on even commercial purchases of arms by India; and the U.S.A. tried to
tie up deliveries of foodgrains under the P.L. 480 agreement with certain political objectives she was anxious to achieve.
All this has convincingly demonstrated that we were seriously mistaken
in placing any reliance on foreign aid. Such reliance not only undermines our
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freedom of action, but is also capable of endangering our very survival. The
present upsurge in favour of self-reliance signifies a realistic appreciation of
the obligations of free nationhood. It is an expression of the national desire to
invest our political freedom with a more positive content by achieving economic freedom as well.
Over the years, in a changing context, the implications of self- reliance
for India have also undergone profound changes. When India was a slave country, the word had a connotation quite different from what it has now when we
are free and have to hold our own in a community of nations largely guided by
self-interest rather than by any desire to make this world a better place for
mankind as a whole. We have, therefore, to co-relate our concept of self-reliance with our changed situation and understand clearly what it means.
Judging from the extent to which we have hitherto allowed ourselves to
become dependent on foreign aid, we have to go a long way before we can
hope to become self-reliant. We have to lift ourselves up virtually by our bootstraps. It will require a truly Herculean effort and however inspired we may be
by a sense of urgency, we can at best hope to achieve the ideal only over a
period of time. In spite of the earnest efforts put in during the last eighteen
years to remove want and poverty from this land of ours, we have not so far
been able to touch even the fringe of the problem. There is quite a big gap
between requirements and means and it has to be bridged. We are up against a
formidable economic issue and unless we adopt a practical approach in tackling it, we shall be seriously jeopardising our chances of achieving success.
Much confusion is created by the common assumption that self- reliance
and self-sufficiency are synonymous terms. It will be wholly wrong to believe
that, granted the most strenuous effort, we can become completely self-sufficient now or in the near future. Even the most advanced nations have not been
able to achieve that goal. In the complex modern industrial society, it is just not
possible. No country in the world can turn its back on international co-operation without endangering its own progress. It is, therefore, obvious that we
cannot hope to ban all imports for all times.
What we have to do immediately is to see in what spheres, to what extent
and how soon we can progressively reduce our dependence on imports. The
main items which are at present being imported are capital goods, certain essential raw materials and oil. It should be obvious to anyone that the import of
oil is a recurring drain on our meagre resources. At the same time, oil being one
of the necessaries, our dependence on other countries for it exposes us to unhealthy political pressures. Therefore, we have to strain every nerve to make
ourselves self-sufficient at least in respect of our requirements of oil. We can
do it by increasing production, reducing consumption and eliminating waste. It
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POVERTY IN PLENTY
Poverty in plenty may be an expression of contradiction, but as far as
the human race is concerned we have more poverty to see and suffer around
than any other phenomenon. Whatever achievements of mankind may have been
in the areas of development over the ages, the one eye-sore that has remained
abhorrent and abominable by all standards is povertyeconomic, intellectual
and ethical (moral). There is no denying that poverty is a curse for those who
suffer it and a blessing for those who sermonise on it. Notwithstanding the fact
that religions generally have sung the praise of poverty, and promised the poor
the kingdom of heaven, it is a virtual hell that they undergo in their lives spent in
slums, hovels, gutters and the like.
Though the modern Messiah, Mother Teresa, loved the poor, she consistently refused to address issues of social justice. Her belief that poverty was a
desirable state, non-criticism of the world-order that perpetuated poverty, runs
counter to the ground realities that are further compounded by the tortuous trinitypoverty, population and pollution. This tyrannical triangle eloquently tells
why South Asia is universally acknowledged as a place of the most wretched,
demeaning poverty in the world. When we eulogize the success stories of those
who go up the ladder from rags to riches, we indirectly berate poverty as
despicable and dehumanised state of human existence. Who in his senses would
covet such life as holds pompous promise of Gods grace in heaven but yields
virtually no place, pelf and prestige on this planet. Surely, poverty for a political-cum-economic thinker like Marx, was an object state of helplessness heapedd
upon those who have nothing to lose but eheir poverty, if properly united and
organised under one banner.
The State of poverty that legendary figures like Raja Harishchander, Mahatma Buddha, Mahatma Gandhi et al and an entire tribe of Indian saints and
sages, embraced, is entirely different from the depressing depths of deprivation
and degradation that millions and millions below the poverty line in India and
elsewhere face. Having led the life of self-abnegation himself, Gandhiji was of
the firm conviction that there was enough in the world for each mans need but
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English is the most popular language in the world. About two-thirds of the
scientific and technical books in the world are published in English. For the
people of India English is perhaps the easiest foreign language to learn. There
are other important languages too, but because of the educational set-up already established in India by the British, English has some foundations which
would be difficult to establish for any other language.
Article 343(1) of Indias Constitution lays down that the countrys official language will be Hindi in the Devanagari script. The second clause of that
article provides for the simultaneous use of English, initially for a period of 15
years from the commencement of the Constitution in 1950. In conformity with
the demand of the Southern States, the provision for the use of English for
official purposes of the Union has been extended several times. All indications
point to the continuation of the status quo for an indefinite period, even though
the Founding Fathers of the Constitution and millions of other people, especially in North and Central India, regarded the provision for the use of English
language as essentially a transitional measure.
The English language, instead of being gradually discarded and replaced
by Hindi, has become more popular. This is evident from the number of students opting for the English medium for school, college and university instruction. Families belonging to the middle and the affluent classes take pride in
sending their children to schools where the medium of instruction is English.
They believe, and with considerable justification, that the careers of their wards,
in government and also in private offices, can be built only on the basis of
education in the English medium.
English at present is the language of the elite, who form a small section of
the people, and it will continue to be so. The efforts to popularise the use of
Hindi as a national language for official work have succeeded only partially. As
a result, work in Central Government offices is done in English, which continues to be the only acceptable link language for communication between the
Centre and the States and among the States themselves. Moreover, there is
widespread recognition of the fact that scientific and technical knowledge can
be acquired only through books and journals published in English. Technical
books translated into Hindi and other Indian languages have not proved popular for various reasons. English has several advantages precision of expression,
worldwide popularity and a rich literature. These ensure for it a bright future
despite the loud protests by language fanatics and the anti-English pleadings in
the name of patriotism. While English cannot become Indias main language,
its use as a second language is beneficial to the country.
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language of our elite or on lower levels, the petty officials, the quill-drivers who
move the juggernaut of bureaucratic administration. More than eighty per cent
of our people residing in villages do not understand it, except for a word here or
a word there which they have picked up during their visit to the town. At a
modest estimate it might take two centuries to make this language our lingua
franca. With our huge democratic Leviathan waking up out of the slumber of
centuries English cannot remain our medium of mass-communication. Apart
from this argument of non-feasibility there is the question of national self-respect. Already a good deal of damage has been done. Our schools, colleges
and universities have been greatly handicapped by the use of English as a compulsory subject. How much of our talent has withered and rotted. The sooner
this tyranny is over, the better for the country.
Withthe lucidity and precision characteristic of him, Gandhiji put the
issue in the correct perspective. English should go as the medium of instruction
and be replaced with the mother-tongue. Gandhiji was no English-hater. In fact
he wrote in an English which even the Englishmen envied. But as a patriot his
heart was sore at what harm this language had done. It is my considered opinion that English education in the manner in which it has been given has emasculated the English educated Indians, constrained our intellect and rendered us
effeminate.
English has no legal or moral right to occupy the pre-eminent position it
did during the British regime. Its place might well be in the eighth schedule of
our Constitution.
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advocates of Hindi have insisted that the Head of State should always deliver
formal addresses in Hindi. A young man disturbed former President Reddys
address to the Sangeet Natak Akademi in March, 1979, insisting that Mr Reddy
should speak in Hindi. The fanatic was downright impertinent and the President remarked: I do not like fanatics and I dont want to encourage fanaticism. The interests of any language are ill-served by linguistic purohits claiming a monopoly of cultural patriotism.
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her duties to the family with devotion and earnestness. Domesticity is, in fact,
no longer favoured by thousands of Indian women; they seek independence and
freedom from the boredom which they associate with the home and the care
of children. Why, they ask, should they be expected to serve their husbands
when the equality of sexes is guaranteed by the Indian Constitution? Why, so
runs the argument, must they be regarded as inferior human beings when they
are not so in any way?
It is not for nothing that the modern woman is believed to be jealous,
quarrelsome, selfish and more conscious of fashions, dress and physical makeup than need be. Are we to accept the modern woman as she is because our
society has become materialistic and there is all-round deterioration in moral
values and ethical standards of conduct? Are men any better in the performance
of their duty? What is the justification for men regarding themselves as superior beings? How many husbands, some people ask, share the domestic responsibilities with their wives? Can we blame the various declarations, such as the
Mexico Declaration on the Equality of Women, 1975, and the various resolutions passed by international organisations prescribing equal wages for equal
work? The Constitution of India also lays down that men and women are equal
in status and that there should not be any discrimination on grounds of sex in
any area of employment or in respect of rights and privileges.
But to deplore the attitudes of the modern woman is to ignore the majority of Indian women, especially in the rural areas, who toil at home day after
day, without grumbling and without a protest even when they are ill-treated by
their husbands. The vast majority of them are still devoted, self-effacing and
silent sufferers. Many of them have been debased and exploited, and yet they
continue to accept their fate as if it is ordained by God. To them the World Plan
of Action for improving the lot of women all over the world carries no meaning.
The Indian woman will continue to do her duty to her family, irrespective of
illness, indisposition and the general talk of womens lib.
The enlightened section of Indian womanhood several of them hold positions of responsibility, such as ministerships, managership, executive posts,
company control, policy-making assignments, educationists and there are some
legislators too. Mrs Vijaylakshmi Pandit was President of the U.N. General
Assembly for a year, and Mrs Indira Gandhi served as Prime Minister for over
a decade. They have brought credit to the country and some of them perform
their household duties too and do not neglect their children. Even today the
typical Indian woman has a better sense of responsibility, a better image in the
country and abroad and a more secure future than the women of the West who
frantically seek jobs and leave their husbands and children to look after themselves.
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It will be relevant to recall what Plato said about women. In his scheme of
things women are assigned a place of complete equality with man. The ancient
Indian sages have all regarded women as the very symbols of patience, fortitude and sacrifice. The recent talk of liberating women from the boredom verging on bondage has both a positive and a negative aspect. The loud pronouncements about the rights of women are valid up to a point; when overstressed they
are likely to lead to unpleasant consequences and distort Indian life in millions
of homes where the husband and the father are the principal wage earners and
where women are required by custom and tradition to look after the home and
the family.
In the Indian context, it is not incorrect to say that the modern liberated, fashionable and socially busy society women are ill-fits. The question
whether a world ruled by women would be free of corruption and frull of joy
and laughter seems irrelevant in such a context. Women are more honest than
men, it is true, but the physical disabilities and handicaps hardly make them
suitable for the onerous duties in the world outside the home. Only a small
minority of working women are successful; the majority of them are known to
be inefficient in administration and have little output.
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VOLUNTARY ORGANISATIONS
Official agencies admittedly form an essential constituent of the governmental set-up in every country, but nowhere can they perform all the functions
and tasks which the people expect of them. The role which such agencies play
has to be supplemented by non-official or voluntary organisations comprising
workers inspired by the spirit of social and national service, without any expectations of regular salaries or other material rewards and perquisites. Such agencies make a substantial contribution to positive and constructive activity, filling in the gaps and carrying on other useful activity the importance of which is
being increasingly recognised in the modern State.
For several decades the Government of India was indifferent to voluntary
organisations. The vital impact of volunteers work during the countrys freedom struggle was forgotten. Most of the national activity in those years was
conducted on a voluntary basis; at best some of the workers received a petty
subsistence allowance to keep their body and soul together. In this connection
we may recall the work done in the rural areas, caste-ridden societies, the tribal
regions, and among women to facilitate their social transformation, by voluntary organisations established by G.K. Gokhale, Mahadev Ranade, Bal
Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai.
As a matter of fact, India has for decades been famous for its voluntary
agencies, their mechanism and methods of collaboration. Some of the wellknown voluntary organisations currently doing valuable public service are the
Harijan Sevak Sangh, the Bharatiya Depressed Classes League, the Indian Red
Cross Society, the Ramakrishna Mission, the Servants of India Society and the
Social Work Centre (Rajasthan).
Official recognition of the vital role which non-official agencies can play
was indicated recently through the Central Governments policy clarification.
The Government now seeks the widest possible participation of voluntary organisations in the whole range of nation-building and development activity.
The Government has called for voluntary action for womens uplift, child welfare, family planning, and in health, sanitation, educational, social and economic fields. This alone can involve massive involvement in programmes; in
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fact, such schemes are ineffective unless mass participation and community
action are assured. In the area of rural reconstruction and poverty eradication,
in particular, the contribution of voluntary organisations has been considerable.
These workers command the local peoples confidence while officials of various categories are regarded as outsiders merely carrying on their prescribed
duties and then disappearing like birds of passage.
Voluntary bodies, especially those working at the grassroots level, can
render service of which official agencies and their staff are incapable. Unfortunately, many high officials, for reasons which smack of prejudice and mistrust,
dislike voluntary organisations. During the Emergency (1975-77), for instance,
most of the voluntary agencies became suspect. Very often there is lack of
encouragement by the Government and the necessary atmosphere conducive to
voluntary work is lacking. As a result, according to a recent study, substantial
funds sanctioned under various schemes for voluntary work have remained
unutilised.
It is now officially conceded that the selection of intended beneficiaries
(the individuals and groups for whom certain economic assistance and constructive employment programmes are drawn up) is better in every way and the
peoples genuine participation is also greater if voluntary agencies are brought
into the picture in a planned manner. Implementation of Government programmes
implemented through officials suffers from various shortcomings and deficiencies bureaucratic attitudes, red-tapism, delays, complacency, lack of earnestness and of sincerity among the workers, waste and leakage of funds, corruption. No wonder the overall results are poor despite the heavy expenditure.
Human beings are nowhere perfect, but experience has shown that voluntary workers, especially when they are given certain incentives, provided with
the requisite facilities and are not looked upon with disfavour by officials, can
ensure better results in the social and economic arenas. They have shown initiative as well as enterprise. They have adopted new paths and motivated large
sections of the masses while officials are able to create only temporary fervour
and enthusiasm.
The tragedy is that many voluntary organisations, except those which enjoy the patronage of high-ups at the Central or State levels, have been compelled to fold up owing to several adverse circumstances, including intense
rivalries and lack of adequate funds and workers. Unless they are regarded as
partners in progress and accorded their due place (just as the role of the private
sector in the planned economy is described as vital), they cannot function without let or hindrance. Since the field is now wide open for voluntary organisations, the prospects of expediting national reconstruction are brighter.
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common family kitchen, whether the food was to our taste or not. In fact in no
aspect of life was there individual freedom. Personal choice in any matter was
virtually ruled out. It all amounted to a silent, rigid life. The women had hardly
any liberty to move out of the house or dress as they pleased, or to establish
friendship with other women of their age group. The social inhibitions were
many; personal liberties few.
The caste system further imposed social restrictions. Every member, male
or female, was bound by the customs, traditions and culture to which the elders
were habituated. Little wonder that there was no opportunity for the development of individual personality. Life was dull and boring; there was no variety,
which is rightly regarded as the spice of life. Nor was every one happy and
contented though the system had perforce to be accepted as inevitable, as if
ordained by God.
There certainly was social and economic security for all members. No
member of the joint family, elder and youngster, had to bother about food and
shelter problems which cause a great deal of worry to people who are living
separately and entirely on their own limited resources.
Expenditure on illness also came from the common kitty. But this didnt
ensure happiness always. Each couple in olden times had a fairly large number
of children, the belief being that there would be shelter and food for every
additional pair of hands. The fires of the common kitchen would be kept burning all the day through. The feeding system was very much like the community
kitchen.
As compared to the busy, crowded joint family establishment in sprawling, though old-fashioned, badly ventilated and congested ancestral mansions,
the small, separate homes of couples choosing to live away from their parents
often look like empty shells when both husband and wife are away to work.
Under the traditional joint family system, women were never allowed to
take up employment elsewhere, though many of them worked on the familys
jointly owned farm, small or big. But in modern times, women, both before and
after marriage, take up employment in offices and factories to supplement the
family income. In joint families there was no incentive for supplementing the
parents or husbands income; nor was there any eagerness to maintain or enhance the standard of living.
In the joint family one had to suffer silently; no voices were raised and no
protests were made. Joint families are wholly unsuitable for modern social and
economic conditions. As was inevitable, the system has broken up in most
places under the mounting modern pressures of various types. There are very
few exceptions of joint families now, and even these may not last long.
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Crime pays in seeking social justice, has become the most popular line in
Hindi showbusiness world.
The treatment in any populist crime film is akin to near-perfect. The implications look impressive, until one sees how non-committal the maker is.
Each case of so-called injustice appears to bbe an isolated case, suggesting vendetta and violence as only possible solutions. Nothing could be more
artificial and non-realistic than this anti-social approach.
One reason of lack of realism in Hindi films is its unwillingness to grapple
with real issues. On the contrary, there is all too familiar willingness to embrace
cliches which cover its lack of moral or artistic content and conviction.
In some films, the honourable job is assigned to the heroine as in Zakhmi
Aurat and Insaf Ki Devi. The characterization is laughable, if not sad! The hero
becomes an appendageunwanted like the sixth finger!
Projection of women is another sickening aspect of our films. Whether it
is mother, sister, wife, mistress, beloved or vamp, it is the same story of a character distorted into grotesque proportions.
Mother is a door-mat, a self-sacrificing woman who puts Sita to shame.
Much the same could be said of the sister who, in any case, is wronged and
seduced by bad characters.
The love girl is sex personified. She wears less clothing but more seductive smiles. She gets chased in public parks, school or college is teased and
tormented all in the name of pyar and finally surrenders to her tormentor. She
falls in love!
Absurdity touches its acme when a decent woman goes out for a job. She
at once runs into smugglers, pistol-wielding goondas and ruffians who take her
to the oldest profession.
Love is a nobel sentiment. What happens on the silver screen? Anything
but silvery. Women do fall in love. But they do not fall the way they fall in our
films. She sheds all inhibitions. She sings, dances and does all sorts of things,
even in public parks. Never mind if she is a doctor, a professor or a highly
placed person in society. All that matters is love. It is dil and sachi mohabaat.
The tragedy is that our makers cannot bring the film story down to the
level of everyday reality. Reasons are: poor scripts, lack of human depth and
directors who have no mastery over their crafts manship.
Traditional film-making in India has remained in a perpetual quagmire.
It did not call for evolution of new sysmbols, but the pinpointing of familiar
fragments of visible reality and endowing them with a particular meaning in a
particular context. The audience is expected to see (read) a film in the way its
maker wants it to see.
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struction, and the message that can be conveyed through films cannot be conveyed as effectively through any other channel, such as the radio, because of
the colourful, visual impact made by gorgeously dressed girls conducting themselves in a particular fashion, defying their parents and guardians, challenging
their judgement, describing them as old-fashioned etc., walking out of their
houses at odd hours and sometimes marrying the hero secretly and then creating awkward situations or giving major shocks to their parents. The love scenes,
the amorous couples, the stereotyped formula stories and the eternal triangle
all create an effect that is far from healthy or conducive to good morals and
good conduct.
The modern cinema propagates false social values and specialises in presenting artificial situations, far too much of make-believe, deception and hypocrisy. The tragedy is that the general standard of Indian films, poor as it has
been, has been deteriorating in recent years. The trend is towards imitating
Western films with their faminine liberties, free mixing up of the sexes which
violate Indian culture, cabaret scenes and semi- naked human postures. Young
boys and girls are attracted by the affluence and glamour they see on the screen,
and there are many cases of youth either running away from home or pressing
their parents to let them go to Bombay to take up the film line. Each cinemacrazy boy and girl (especially those having an attractive personality) thinks he
or she can prosper like the heroes and the stars seen on the screen. All the
stories they hear of top stars being paid lakhs of rupees for each film and
living in grand style proves irresistible. Thousands of young boys and girls
have virtually ruined themselves in the senseless quest for becoming cinema
stars. Only a handful of talented actors and actresses prosper, while most of
the young aspirants have to face intense frustration and utter disappointment
because everyone cannot become a cinema hero or heroine. Most of them have
to remain content with secondary or supporting roles, sometimes not even that.
Another notable aspect of the situation is that whenever some enterprising producer presents a simple, true-to-life story, based on the works of famous
short story or fiction writers as Prem Chand or Sarat Chandra, such films, and
also art films free of glamour, seldom prove successful and prove to be flops at
the box office. The modern audiences want songs and dances, spectacle and
gorgeous costumes, love scenes and fights. What sort of citizens can the country hope to produce when the films the young see are totally misleading, lack
aesthetical values. The film censors also seem to be more liberal than ever and
allow sex and violent scenes which have a bad effect on the mental make-up of
youth. Visiting the cinemas too often at the cost of class lectures and by missing
lectures also spoil the education of youth. Instead of imbibing the basic virtues
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of life, our youth begin to think of flirting and seducing, like the screen heroes.
The youth imbibe negative social values. Both rural and urban youth thus fall
victims to vicious temptations. It is not contended that there should be a total
ban on films. But steps should certainly be taken to see that good instructive
films are made, not trash and ruinous presentations merely to cater to cheap
tastes.
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SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY OF
FILM-MAKERS
India is one of the worlds major film producers, next only, in respect of
the number of motion pictures produced, to the U.S.A. and Japan. Moreover, in
a country like India where the literacy percentage is only 36, the cinema and
television (TV) are the best and the most effective audio-visual media; they
open the flood-gates of communication and heighten the effectiveness and acceptability of the message sought to be conveyed. The cinema in particular is
the easiest medium to reach the masses in the country because television is
confined largely to the urban areas, the community reception centres in the
rural areas being very limited and these, too, not in full working order.
But the quality of Indian films is distinctly poor; the stories and the method
of presentation of various situations are hackneyed and obsolete. They conform
to a set, all-too-familiar formula, the departures being few and far between, and
where certain film producers show initiative and try to present make a bold
breakthrough in a bid to create pictures of great social utility, the lack of adequate responses by the audiences (poor box-office returns) act as a damper
and a source of discouragement. The result is a return to commercialisation, the
craze for the box-office, cheap popularity and the demand of the masses so as
to make profits or at least to ensure satisfactory returns on the heavy investment
generally made in the productions, partly because of the fabulous fees of the
top stars, the attractive leading heroes and heroines, who dictate their terms
and whose names attract large crowds.
It is indeed unfortunate that our film producers forget their social responsibility the duty of imparting real education and instruction to the masses, to rid
them of superstitions and false beliefs and notions. While films should enlighten them on various issues and thus promote the causes which the Government pursues, they concentrate only on entertainment, dances and songs, cheap
love scenes and lilting, catchy tunes. Instead of presenting life as it is and as it
should be in a country such as India, our film producers create false values,
generally present stories of affluent classes, of life in bungalows and palaces,
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scious of the value of time and of leisure, for leisure is, after all, time that we
spend according to our choice. And our culture and capacity, our education and
our sense of good citizenship are all reflected in the use we make of leisure.
There are people who are so material minded, and so anxious to earn and
save money, that they believe leisure should be utilised for supplementing ones
earnings so as to make up for the deficit in the family budget caused by inadequate incomes and ever-mounting expenditure and prices. But that would mean
taking a narrow and worldly view of leisure. Repetitive tasks certainly lead to
boredom, and the frantic continuation of the money-earning process, by working overtime or taking up some other boring work during the leisure hours,
merely adds to the burdens of life. In such cases there would be no difference
between regular working days and ones holidays during which we should have
some change in our occupation and enrich our minds in one way or the other.
Of course, too much leisure means mere idleness and is hardly helpful in
ones life. Leisure and rest are appreciated only when there is enough work
during the rest of the week or the month. Excess or surfeit of leisure is, therefore, inadvisable; there must be a sense of proportion, that is, a period of sustained work, followed by a break or rest or change, to refresh the mind and the
body. Strain during days or hours of leisure defeats the very purpose of providing leisure and giving holidays.
Typical examples of people merely wasting their leisure are provided by
the countrys youth who have many weeks of vacation every year from the
colleges and universities but do little constructive work either for their own
mental and intellectual enrichment or for the social good. Efforts have been
made at many centres of education to persuade the students to take to useful
activity, according to their taste or preference, during the long summer vacations, but very limited success has been achieved in this area. Our youth prefer
to waste time in gossip, scandalous talk, personal, defamatory or libellous conversation, outright censure and condemnation of everyone else, not excluding
their own teachers, Principals, and sometimes their parents. That, surely, is
gross abuse of precious leisure.
All the talk of enjoying ones holidays contains many wrong notions
about leisure. One can enjoy leisure even while doing some other useful
work, such as social service, helping the weak, the handicapped elders and the
hapless, educating the illiterate. In our country the vast majority urgently need
instruction and enlightenment from those who are better placed in life and have
had the benefit of education. And yet it is the height of callousness and a distinct failure of ones duty as a wideawake citizen if we are selfish and ignore
our social responsibility because there is no punishment of any kind yet devised by even the most powerful administrator or dictator for those who kill
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time and waste their leisure. But this does not mean that we should become
irresponsible and wasteful or that we would behave and conduct ourselves better only under the fear of some punishment.
A persons mental, moral and intellectual development can be judged by
this yardstick. Does he know how to make the best possible use of leisure? Of
course there is no uniformity in this area; people can, and do, use their leisure
hours differently depending upon their circumstances. But while a good intelligent citizen uses his leisure gainfully, a bad, careless and irresponsible citizen
merely wastes his time when there is leisure.
Examples have been known in history of people who have utilised their
leisure to overcome their crippling weaknesses and handicaps. The story goes
that in ancient Greece, Demosthenes, who was a stammerer and was conscious
of his handicap even though he wanted to become a great orator, overcame his
handicap during his spare time by putting pebbles in his mouth, shouting and
speaking hour after hour against the noise of the sea waves. After some time he
discovered that, as a result of the prolonged practice he could speak clearly,
fairly well and without stammering. Leisure thus can be used to overcome deficiencies, and add an extra dimension to our character and capacities. It all
depends on how we spend it.
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organized murder, war is also organized loot. All efforts are directed towards
crippling the economy of the enemy. The atom bomb was thrown not on Tokyo,
the capital of Japan but on Hiroshima, the industrial hub of that country. The
outcome of war in the modern world is unpayable debts, repudiations, ruined
investments, the utter disorganization of finance, the collapse of the monetary
system, the disappearance of the greater part of foreign trade, and, usually, on
top of it, revolution from below. Here then is a crime which does not pay.
The crimes of extreme civilization are probably worse than those of extreme barbarism, because of their refinement, the corruption they presuppose
and their superior degree of intellectuality. The barbarian hacked the enemy to
pieces; the civilized man tortures him mentally, wins him financially and then,
if necessary liquidates him physically. Politicians are past masters in this sordid
game. The barbarian was cruel but open-handed, his descendant today is no
less cruel but hypocritical.
The barbarian was a beast, with beastly appetites. He was a tiger, an ape,
a camel, a goat in turn, whatever suited the occasion. After all it was a struggle
for survival, for him. He acted like an automation. There was no consciousness
of crime. The modern civilized man perpetrates crime deliberately. He hoards
foodstuffs with a view to selling them at the opportune moment. And in the
meantime millions are starved to death. Bengal famine was a glaring example
of this sordid game.
The civilized man stabs in the dark. His crimes wear a thick cloak.
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new world free of strike, voices were raised urging that provisions covering
human rights should be included in the Charter of the United Nations. As a
result, the Conference accepted as one among the purposes of the United Nations to achieve international co-operation... in promoting and encouraging
respect for human rights and for the fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion (Article 1 of the U.N. Charter).
The Charter specifically referred to human rights and fundamental freedoms
at six other places, but it did not go beyond saying that the world body was to
promote respect for them and to encourage their observance. Neither did it
define these rights and freedoms in precise terms.
As the Charter, thus, did not create any definite obligations for the United
Nations to fulfil, the task of drawing up a declaration of general principles and
a treaty containing binding obligations was entrusted to a Commission the United
Nations Commission on Human Rights.
The Declaration drawn up by the Commission recognized two types of
human rights, viz., (i) civil and political, e.g., life, liberty and security of person, freedom from arbitrary arrest, imprisonment or exile, right to a fair trial,
freedom of thought, conscience and religion and freedom of peaceful assembly
and association, and (ii) economic, social and cultural rights, e.g., rights to
work, social security, education, participation in the cultural life of the community, sharing in scientific advancement and its benefits and enjoying the arts.
The declaration was adopted by the U.N. General Assembly at its session held
in Paris in 1948 and declared to be a common standard of achievement for all
peoples and all nations, to the end that every individual and every organ of
society, keeping this Declaration constantly in mind, shall strive by teaching
and education to promote respect for these rights and freedoms and by progressive measures, national and international, to secure their universal and effective
recognition and observance.
Although the Declaration defined human rights, yet there were more than
one opinions as to its effect. Some wanted to accord to it the status of an international treaty or agreement whereas there were others who refused to accept it
as a statement of legal obligations. In any case, it had served to enunciate in
precise terms the obligations which members of the U.N. had already accepted
while subscribing to its Charter. On its basis, the General Assembly condemned
the apartheid legislation enacted by South Africa as contrary to the Charter
and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
To make the enforcement of human rights more effective, the General
Assembly charged the Commission on Human Rights with drawing up two covenants in treaty form one covering civil and political rights and the other dealing with economic, social and cultural rights. The task was beset with difficul-
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ties but the Commission fulfilled it and the two covenants were unanimously
adopted by the world today. These covenants define the rights referred to in the
Declaration even more precisely and also embody provisions directing signatory States to enforce the civil and political rights through legislative action
and provision of adequate remedies against violation of such rights. The enforcement of economic, social and cultural rights has, however, been made
contingent upon availability of resources. The measures of implementation
embodied in the covenants also envisage arrangements for an international review of the manner in which States carry out their obligations under them.
Ultimately, the sanction behind this body of international law which has
been created on the subject are the universal dictates of humanity. That is why
the Declaration and the relative covenants may sometimes appear to be transgressing a States right to deal with its citizens as it sees fit. But till the ideal of
one world has been achieved, it is certain that no international organization will
be able to over-ride the authority of supreme national bodies in each State.
However, it can be expected that States will find inspiration for their
attitudes and actions in the standards set by the international community represented in the United Nations. The main instrument at the disposal of the world
body is exposure to world public opinion. The reporting procedure under the
international covenants is designed to give publicity to the progress made by
each country in enforcing human rights and the obstacles it encountered in the
process.
Although this is about all that the international community can do to
enforce human rights, yet humanity will under-rate the task at its own peril.
States which do not recognise basic human rights or deny them to their citizens
are, sooner or later, bound to find themselves heading towards political and
social unrest.
Men cannot hope to rid the world of the scourge of civil and international
conflicts nor make it a safe place till they have created for each member of the
human race conditions of life which allow for full development and unrestricted
use of human intelligence and capabilities, so that man should not only be able
to satisfy his physical and spiritual needs, but also seek fulfilment in other
ways. Till this has been assured, the fires of strife and conflict will go on smouldering in the world and lasting peace on earth will remain an empty dream,
therein lies the significance of human rights and their enforcement.
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EVILS OF INDUSTRIALIZATION
Now-a-days industrialization is regarded as the measure of economic
development and material progress achieved by a country. Economists categorise the nations of the world as developed or highly industrialized and developing which means on the way to becoming industrialized. The former are
rich in material wealth and their people enjoy high standards of living. As
compared to them, the latter are backward and an overwhelming majority of
their population is poor. From this it would however be wrong to conclude that
industrialization has been an unmixed blessing for man.
The process of industrialization can be said to have had its beginnings in
Europe in the eighteenth century. It has been continuing ever since in different
places and at different times. That is how in the contemporary world we see that
whereas countries like the U.S.A. and the West European nations are entering
their second industrial revolutions, late-comers like India and China have just
made a start in that direction. The socio-economic impact of industrialization
has, however, been similar everywhere.
Wherever it has started and as it has progressed, industrialization has
brought about a very profound and many-sided transformation in society. It has
served to draw away men and women from agriculture, the main occupation of
mankind since the beginnings of civilization, and introduced them to new ways
of working, living and thinking. This in turn has led to increasing urbanization
with its own peculiar problems, development of working class movements,
evolution of new state policies suited to the needs of industrialized societies
and political changes corresponding with the shift in the centres of economic
power.
Industrialization has been made possible by the march of science and the
progress of technology. But while great strides have been made in technology,
international trade has grown manifold, the national wealth of industrialised
countries has multiplied and what are generally referred to as standards of
living have gone up, man himself has lost more than he has gained in the
process.
Writing on the industrial revolution in Europe and the U.S.A., Lewis
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to add to the difficulties of labour and also to create a new social phenomenon:
chronic mass unemployment. Instead of machinery being used always to help
and ease human effort, in order to increase profits, it is quite often employed to
snatch bread out of the mouths of millions willing to work.
The economic imbalance created by industrialization has had deep ramifications at all levels from the individual to the international. The mania for
mass-production which gripped Europe in the eighteenth and the nineteenth
centuries gave birth to economic imperialism and launched European nations
like Britain, France, Belgium, Holland, Germany and others on the path of
exploiting the weaker and unorganized races of the world and ultimately subjugating them. It plunged a large number of countries in Asia and Africa into
slavery for several generations. To a very great extent, it is the insatiable material ambition of the industrialized or developed nations which has repeatedly
led to global and international conflicts in the twentieth century.
Great strides in scientific research and technology have enabled man to
bring into use new basic materials, to develop new sources of power, to invent
new machines and to evolve better and faster methods of transportation and
communication. He claims to have gained mastery over nature but the outcry
now being heard against increasing environmental pollution and progressive
depletion of natural resources available to man shows how nature has been
suffering on account of thoughtless human intervention in its recycling process
ever since industrialization became the vogue. The problem did not assume
serious proportions as long as the damage was containable and not beyond selfrepair. But with the spectacular technological break-through accomplished during and after the second world war, those limits were exceeded.
It is the highly developed nations of the world which have benefited most
from this breakthrough and it was in their domains that environmental pestilence bred by advanced technology first raised its head. The outcry against
environmental pollution has been the loudest in the U.S.A. which is one of the
two most industrially advanced countries. The bye-products of industrialization, e.g., industrial wastes, discarded packaging material and other junk, and
exhaust fumes from automobiles have contaminated the atmosphere so much
that school-children are warned against deep breathing as dangerous to health.
Fears have been expressed that the rapid combustion of fossil fuels for power
and the increasing invasion of the stratosphere by aircraft are rapidly changing
the earths heat balance about which men know very little, and this may well
bring on a new ice-age or cause a deluge.
Environmental pollution following in the wake of growing industrialization is by no means a phenomenon peculiar to the U.S.A. alone. It is a worldwide problem. In India, the pollution of the Ganga by emissions from the Barauni
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oil refinery a few years ago led to a public outcry. The profound changes which
the relationship between man and his environment has been undergoing as the
pace of industrialization has grown faster, and the continuing and accelerating
impairment of the biosphere by modern scientific and technological developments have been causing international concern for quite some time now.
At the root of most of the socio-cultural, economic, and ecological evils
of industrialization is a wrong order of priorities which places man and his
welfare below pecuniary benefits which can be derived from modern technology.
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copying Nature, but this is a fallacious belief. It is true that much of art is the
result of inspiration derived from Nature and from what one sees around oneself the hills, the rivers, the seas, the beautiful environment, the creatures of
God such as birds and butterflies, etc. not to mention human beings themselves.
But even then art is linked with life and living.
An unfortunate aspect of life in the modern world is that misconceptions
about art and artists, and about their role, have been spreading fast. Anyone, it
is said, who finds a way to make a lamp or some other artistic piece out of a
Campa-Cola bottle gets more protection than a humble man who creates a work
of real art. There is indeed a distortion of values in the world of art; really
talented artists often starve because of the lack of patronagte by those who lead
a life devoted to unartistic activity. An artist who revolts against mans fate in
life may or may not get adequate encouragement. Moreover, what passes for
art in todays world may in reality be fraud or cheap imitation of a masterpiece.
Again, is it not true that the measure of the creator is the amount of life he
puts into his work. A real work of art has to be full of life; if it is lifeless and
soulless or dull, it evidently lacks life. Who can deny that a painting or a piece
of sculpture has great appeal if it is life-like, emanating vigour and activity and
if it inspires human feelings. Besides, the real artist is he who does not cater to
cheap tastes or panders to the low, inhuman or base instincts of men and women.
If an artist sells himself for the baser things, he is a traitor to art.
True art grasps, rediscovers and reveals to us reality which human beings
tend to forget and from which we often seek to get away. Often the reality is
harsh; even that serves as a reminder of what we are prone to ignore. When the
reality is pleasant, and artistic creations please, we begin to appreciate art, not
otherwise. Art, like most human beings, is temperamental; it is no secret that
artists, poets and musicians work when they get the requisite inspiration. Dictation and imposition of authority are what art and artists firmly resent. In this
sense art is an intense form of individualism. Even so, art should never seek
popularity; on the contrary the people should try to value art and make themselves artistic as far as they can.
Life itself is an art, and though artists and poets may seem visionaries,
they have a specific and distinct role to play. The irony, however, is that if art
and artists continue to live in a world of their own, far removed from life, they
may have to starve unless they are able to get permanent and affluent patrons.
Art and artists are now being patronised and encouraged by the Government of
India and the State Governments. But official patronage alone cannot be a
lasting guarantee of the prosperity of art; the people themselves must learn to
appreciate art in whichever form it comes before them.
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Life itself is an art. The swing of the pendulum may raise art to the skies
or bring it down crashing to the earth. Experimentation is what art thrives on,
and such experimentation, as in science, ultimately proves highly beneficial to
society. The progress in art reveals the progress of a country and its innermost
character. The relationship is, therefore, intimate and is becoming increasingly
obvious.