1997 Asian financial crisis

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The countries most affected by the 1997 Asian financial crisis

The Asian financial crisis was a period of financial crisis that gripped much of East
Asia beginning in July 1997 and raised fears of a worldwide economic meltdown due
to financial contagion.

The crisis started in Thailand (well known in Thailand as the Tom Yum Goong crisis;
Thai: ) with the financial collapse of the Thai baht after the Thai
government was forced to float the baht due to lack of foreign currency to support
its fixed exchange rate, cutting its peg to the U.S. dollar, after exhaustive efforts to
support it in the face of a severe financial over-extension that was in part real estate
driven. At the time, Thailand had acquired a burden of foreign debt that made the
country effectively bankrupt even before the collapse of its currency.[1] As the crisis
spread, most of Southeast Asia and Japan saw slumping currencies,[2] devalued
stock markets and other asset prices, and a precipitous rise in private debt.[3]

Indonesia, South Korea and Thailand were the countries most affected by the crisis.
Hong Kong, Laos, Malaysia and the Philippines were also hurt by the slump. Brunei,
China, Singapore, Taiwan and Vietnam were less affected, although all suffered from
a loss of demand and confidence throughout the region.

Foreign debt-to-GDP ratios rose from 100% to 167% in the four large Association of
Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) economies in 199396, then shot up beyond 180%
during the worst of the crisis. In South Korea, the ratios rose from 13 to 21% and
then as high as 40%, while the other northern newly industrialized countries fared
much better. Only in Thailand and South Korea did debt service-to-exports ratios
rise.[4]

Although most of the governments of Asia had seemingly sound fiscal policies, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) stepped in to initiate a $40 billion program to
stabilize the currencies of South Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia, economies
particularly hard hit by the crisis. The efforts to stem a global economic crisis did
little to stabilize the domestic situation in Indonesia, however. After 30 years in
power, President Suharto was forced to step down on 21 May 1998 in the wake of
widespread rioting that followed sharp price increases caused by a drastic
devaluation of the rupiah. The effects of the crisis lingered through 1998. In 1998
the Philippines growth dropped to virtually zero. Only Singapore and Taiwan proved

relatively insulated from the shock, but both suffered serious hits in passing, the
former more so due to its size and geographical location between Malaysia and
Indonesia. By 1999, however, analysts saw signs that the economies of Asia were
beginning to recover.[5] After the 1997 Asian Financial Crisis, economies in the
region are working toward financial stability on financial supervision.[6]

Until 1999, Asia attracted almost half of the total capital inflow into developing
countries. The economies of Southeast Asia in particular maintained high interest
rates attractive to foreign investors looking for a high rate of return. As a result the
region's economies received a large inflow of money and experienced a dramatic
run-up in asset prices. At the same time, the regional economies of Thailand,
Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, and South Korea experienced high growth rates, 8
12% GDP, in the late 1980 and early 1993. This achievement was widely acclaimed
by financial institutions including IMF and World Bank, and was known as part of the
"Asian economic miracle".

Contents [hide]
1 Credit bubbles and fixed currency exchange rates
2 Panic amongst lenders and withdrawal of credit
3 IMF role
3.1 Economic reforms
3.2 IMF and high interest rates
4 Thailand
5 Indonesia
6 South Korea
7 Philippines
8 Hong Kong
9 Malaysia
10 Singapore
11 China
12 United States and Japan
13 Consequences
13.1 Asia
13.2 Outside Asia

14 See also
15 References
16 External links
Credit bubbles and fixed currency exchange rates[edit]
The causes of the debacle are many and disputed. Thailand's economy developed
into an economic bubble fueled by hot money. More and more was required as the
size of the bubble grew. The same type of situation happened in Malaysia, and
Indonesia, which had the added complication of what was called "crony capitalism".
[7] The short-term capital flow was expensive and often highly conditioned for quick
profit. Development money went in a largely uncontrolled manner to certain people
only, not particularly the best suited or most efficient, but those closest to the
centers of power.[8]

At the time of the mid-1990s, Thailand, Indonesia and South Korea had large private
current account deficits and the maintenance of fixed exchange rates encouraged
external borrowing and led to excessive exposure to foreign exchange risk in both
the financial and corporate sectors.

In the mid-1990s, a series of external shocks began to change the economic

environment the devaluation of the Chinese renminbi, and the Japanese yen due
to the Plaza Accord of 1985, raising of U.S. interest rates which led to a strong U.S.
dollar, the sharp decline in semiconductor prices; adversely affected their growth.
[9] As the U.S. economy recovered from a recession in the early 1990s, the U.S.
Federal Reserve Bank under Alan Greenspan began to raise U.S. interest rates to
head off inflation.

This made the United States a more attractive investment destination relative to
Southeast Asia, which had been attracting hot money flows through high short-term
interest rates, and raised the value of the U.S. dollar. For the Southeast Asian
nations which had currencies pegged to the U.S. dollar, the higher U.S. dollar
caused their own exports to become more expensive and less competitive in the
global markets. At the same time, Southeast Asia's export growth slowed
dramatically in the spring of 1996, deteriorating their current account position.

Some economists have advanced the growing exports of China as a contributing

factor to ASEAN nations' export growth slowdown, though these economists
maintain the main cause of the crises was excessive real estate speculation.[10]
China had begun to compete effectively with other Asian exporters particularly in
the 1990s after the implementation of a number of export-oriented reforms. Other

economists dispute China's impact, noting that both ASEAN and China experienced
simultaneous rapid export growth in the early 1990s.[11]

Many economists believe that the Asian crisis was created not by market
psychology or technology, but by policies that distorted incentives within the
lenderborrower relationship. The resulting large quantities of credit that became
available generated a highly leveraged economic climate, and pushed up asset
prices to an unsustainable level.[12] These asset prices eventually began to
collapse, causing individuals and companies to default on debt obligations.

Panic amongst lenders and withdrawal of credit[edit]

The resulting panic among lenders led to a large withdrawal of credit from the crisis
countries, causing a credit crunch and further bankruptcies. In addition, as foreign
investors attempted to withdraw their money, the exchange market was flooded
with the currencies of the crisis countries, putting depreciative pressure on their
exchange rates. To prevent currency values collapsing, these countries'
governments raised domestic interest rates to exceedingly high levels (to help
diminish flight of capital by making lending more attractive to investors) and to
intervene in the exchange market, buying up any excess domestic currency at the
fixed exchange rate with foreign reserves. Neither of these policy responses could
be sustained for long.

Very high interest rates, which can be extremely damaging to an economy that is
healthy, wreaked further havoc on economies in an already fragile state, while the
central banks were hemorrhaging foreign reserves, of which they had finite
amounts. When it became clear that the tide of capital fleeing these countries was
not to be stopped, the authorities ceased defending their fixed exchange rates and
allowed their currencies to float. The resulting depreciated value of those currencies
meant that foreign currency-denominated liabilities grew substantially in domestic
currency terms, causing more bankruptcies and further deepening the crisis.

Other economists, including Joseph Stiglitz and Jeffrey Sachs, have downplayed the
role of the real economy in the crisis compared to the financial markets. The rapidity
with which the crisis happened has prompted Sachs and others to compare it to a
classic bank run prompted by a sudden risk shock. Sachs pointed to strict monetary
and contractory fiscal policies implemented by the governments on the advice of
the IMF in the wake of the crisis, while Frederic Mishkin points to the role of
asymmetric information in the financial markets that led to a "herd mentality"
among investors that magnified a small risk in the real economy. The crisis has thus
attracted interest from behavioral economists interested in market psychology.[13]

Another possible cause of the sudden risk shock may also be attributable to the
handover of Hong Kong sovereignty on 1 July 1997. During the 1990s, hot money
flew into the Southeast Asia region through financial hubs, especially Hong Kong.
The investors were often ignorant of the actual fundamentals or risk profiles of the
respective economies, and once the crisis gripped the region, coupled with the
political uncertainty regarding the future of Hong Kong as an Asian financial centre
led some investors to withdraw from Asia altogether. This shrink in investments only
worsened the financial conditions in Asia[14] (subsequently leading to the
depreciation of the Thai baht on 2 July 1997).[15]

Several case studies on the topic Application of network analysis of a financial

system; explains the interconnectivity of financial markets, and the significance of
the robustness of hubs or the main nodes.[16][17][18] Any negative externalities in
the hubs creates a ripple effect through the financial system and the economy (and,
the connected economies) as a whole.[19][20][21]

The foreign ministers of the 10 ASEAN countries believed that the well co-ordinated
manipulation of their currencies was a deliberate attempt to destabilize the ASEAN
economies. Former Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad accused George
Soros of ruining Malaysia's economy with "massive currency speculation". Soros
claims to have been a buyer of the ringgit during its fall, having sold it short in
1997.

At the 30th ASEAN Ministerial Meeting held in Subang Jaya, Malaysia, the foreign
ministers issued a joint declaration on 25 July 1997 expressing serious concern and
called for further intensification of ASEAN's cooperation to safeguard and promote
ASEAN's interest in this regard.[22] Coincidentally, on that same day, the central
bankers of most of the affected countries were at the EMEAP (Executive Meeting of
East Asia Pacific) meeting in Shanghai, and they failed to make the "New
Arrangement to Borrow" operational. A year earlier, the finance ministers of these
same countries had attended the 3rd APEC finance ministers meeting in Kyoto,
Japan, on 17 March 1996, and according to that joint declaration, they had been
unable to double the amounts available under the "General Agreement to Borrow"
and the "Emergency Finance Mechanism".

As such, the crisis could be seen as the failure to adequately build capacity in time
to prevent currency manipulation. This hypothesis enjoyed little support among
economists, however, who argue that no single investor could have had enough
impact on the market to successfully manipulate the currencies' values. In addition,
the level of organization necessary to coordinate a massive exodus of investors
from Southeast Asian currencies in order to manipulate their values rendered this
possibility remote.[citation needed]

IMF role[edit]
Such was the scope and the severity of the collapses involved that outside
intervention, considered by many as a new kind of colonialism,[23] became urgently
needed. Since the countries melting down were among not only the richest in their
region, but in the world, and since hundreds of billions of dollars were at stake, any
response to the crisis was likely to be cooperative and international, in this case
through the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF created a series of bailouts
("rescue packages") for the most-affected economies to enable affected nations to
avoid default, tying the packages to currency, banking and financial system
reforms.[citation needed]

Economic reforms[edit]
The IMF's support was conditional on a series of economic reforms, the "structural
adjustment package" (SAP). The SAPs called on crisis-struck nations to reduce
government spending and deficits, allow insolvent banks and financial institutions to
fail, and aggressively raise interest rates. The reasoning was that these steps would
restore confidence in the nations' fiscal solvency, penalize insolvent companies, and
protect currency values. Above all, it was stipulated that IMF-funded capital had to
be administered rationally in the future, with no favored parties receiving funds by
preference. In at least one of the affected countries the restrictions on foreign
ownership were greatly reduced.[24]

There were to be adequate government controls set up to supervise all financial

activities, ones that were to be independent, in theory, of private interest. Insolvent
institutions had to be closed, and insolvency itself had to be clearly defined. In
addition, financial systems were to become "transparent", that is, provide the kind
of reliable financial information used in the West to make sound financial decisions.
[25]

As countries fell into crisis, many local businesses and governments that had taken
out loans in US dollars, which suddenly became much more expensive relative to
the local currency which formed their earned income, found themselves unable to
pay their creditors. The dynamics of the situation were similar to that of the Latin
American debt crisis. The effects of the SAPs were mixed and their impact
controversial. Critics, however, noted the contractionary nature of these policies,
arguing that in a recession, the traditional Keynesian response was to increase
government spending, prop up major companies, and lower interest rates.

The reasoning was that by stimulating the economy and staving off recession,
governments could restore confidence while preventing economic loss. They

pointed out that the U.S. government had pursued expansionary policies, such as
lowering interest rates, increasing government spending, and cutting taxes, when
the United States itself entered a recession in 2001, and arguably the same in the
fiscal and monetary policies during the 20082009 Global Financial Crisis.

Many commentators in retrospect criticized the IMF for encouraging the developing
economies of Asia down the path of "fast-track capitalism", meaning liberalization of
the financial sector (elimination of restrictions on capital flows), maintenance of
high domestic interest rates to attract portfolio investment and bank capital, and
pegging of the national currency to the dollar to reassure foreign investors against
currency risk.[26]

IMF and high interest rates[edit]

The conventional high-interest-rate economic wisdom is normally employed by
monetary authorities to attain the chain objectives of tightened money supply,
discouraged currency speculation, stabilized exchange rate, curbed currency
depreciation, and ultimately contained inflation.

In the Asian meltdown, highest IMF officials rationalized their prescribed high
interest rates as follows:

From then IMF First Deputy managing director, Stanley Fischer (Stanley Fischer, "The
IMF and the Asian Crisis," Forum Funds Lecture at UCLA, Los Angeles on 20 March
1998):

When their governments "approached the IMF, the reserves of Thailand and South
Korea were perilously low, and the Indonesian Rupiah was excessively depreciated.
Thus, the first order of business was... to restore confidence in the currency. To
achieve this, countries have to make it more attractive to hold domestic currency,
which in turn, requires increasing interest rates temporarily, even if higher interest
costs complicate the situation of weak banks and corporations...
"Why not operate with lower interest rates and a greater devaluation? This is a
relevant tradeoff, but there can be no question that the degree of devaluation in the
Asian countries is excessive, both from the viewpoint of the individual countries,
and from the viewpoint of the international system. Looking first to the individual
country, companies with substantial foreign currency debts, as so many companies
in these countries have, stood to suffer far more from currency (depreciation) than
from a temporary rise in domestic interest rates. Thus, on macroeconomics
monetary policy has to be kept tight to restore confidence in the currency...."

From the then IMF managing director Michel Camdessus ("Doctor Knows Best?"
Asiaweek, 17 July 1998, p. 46):

"To reverse (currency depreciation), countries have to make it more attractive to

hold domestic currency, and that means temporarily raising interest rates, even if
this (hurts) weak banks and corporations."
Thailand[edit]
Further information: Economy of Thailand
From 1985 to 1996, Thailand's economy grew at an average of over 9% per year,
the highest economic growth rate of any country at the time. Inflation was kept
reasonably low within a range of 3.45.7%.[27] The baht was pegged at 25 to the
U.S. dollar.

On 14 May and 15 May 1997, the Thai baht was hit by massive speculative attacks.
On 30 June 1997, Prime Minister Chavalit Yongchaiyudh said that he would not
devalue the baht. This was the spark that ignited the Asian financial crisis as the
Thai government failed to defend the baht, which was pegged to the basket of
currencies in which the U.S. dollar was the main component,[28] against
international speculators.

Thailand's booming economy came to a halt amid massive layoffs in finance, real
estate, and construction that resulted in huge numbers of workers returning to their
villages in the countryside and 600,000 foreign workers being sent back to their
home countries.[29] The baht devalued swiftly and lost more than half of its value.
The baht reached its lowest point of 56 units to the U.S. dollar in January 1998. The
Thai stock market dropped 75%. Finance One, the largest Thai finance company
until then, collapsed.[30]

Without foreign reserves to support the U.S.-Baht currency peg, the Thai
government was eventually forced to float the Baht, on 2 July 1997, allowing the
value of the Baht to be set by the currency market. On 11 August 1997, the IMF
unveiled a rescue package for Thailand with more than $17 billion, subject to
conditions such as passing laws relating to bankruptcy (reorganizing and
restructuring) procedures and establishing strong regulation frameworks for banks
and other financial institutions. The IMF approved on 20 August 1997, another
bailout package of $2.9 billion.

By 2001, Thailand's economy had recovered. The increasing tax revenues allowed
the country to balance its budget and repay its debts to the IMF in 2003, four years

ahead of schedule. The Thai baht continued to appreciate to 29 Baht to the U.S.
dollar in October 2010.

Indonesia[edit]
See also: Fall of Suharto and Economy of Indonesia

Fall of Suharto: President Suharto resigns, 21 May 1998.

In June 1997, Indonesia seemed far from crisis. Unlike Thailand, Indonesia had low
inflation, a trade surplus of more than $900 million, huge foreign exchange reserves
of more than $20 billion, and a good banking sector. But a large number of
Indonesian corporations had been borrowing in U.S. dollars. During the preceding
years, as the rupiah had strengthened respective to the dollar, this practice had
worked well for these corporations; their effective levels of debt and financing costs
had decreased as the local currency's value rose.

In July 1997, when Thailand floated the baht, Indonesia's monetary authorities
widened the rupiah currency trading band from 8% to 12%. The rupiah suddenly
came under severe attack in August. On 14 August 1997, the managed floating
exchange regime was replaced by a free-floating exchange rate arrangement. The
rupiah dropped further. The IMF came forward with a rescue package of $23 billion,
but the rupiah was sinking further amid fears over corporate debts, massive selling
of rupiah, and strong demand for dollars. The rupiah and the Jakarta Stock
Exchange touched a historic low in September. Moody's eventually downgraded
Indonesia's long-term debt to "junk bond".[31]

Although the rupiah crisis began in July and August 1997, it intensified in November
when the effects of that summer devaluation showed up on corporate balance
sheets. Companies that had borrowed in dollars had to face the higher costs
imposed upon them by the rupiah's decline, and many reacted by buying dollars
through selling rupiah, undermining the value of the latter further. In February 1998,
President Suharto sacked Bank Indonesia Governor J. Soedradjad Djiwandono, but
this proved insufficient. Suharto resigned under public pressure in May 1998 and
Vice President B. J. Habibie was elevated in his place. Before the crisis, the
exchange rate between the rupiah and the dollar was roughly 2,600 rupiah to 1 U.S.
dollar.[32]

The rate plunged to over 11,000 rupiah to 1 U.S. dollar on 9 January 1998, with spot
rates over 14,000 during 2326 January and trading again over 14,000 for about six
weeks during JuneJuly 1998. On 31 December 1998, the rate was almost exactly
8,000 to 1 U.S. dollar.[33] Indonesia lost 13.5% of its GDP that year.

The crisis also brought independence to East Timor.

South Korea[edit]
Further information: Economy of South Korea
The banking sector was burdened with non-performing loans as its large
corporations were funding aggressive expansions. During that time, there was a
haste to build great conglomerates to compete on the world stage. Many businesses
ultimately failed to ensure returns and profitability. The chaebol, South Korean
conglomerates, simply absorbed more and more capital investment. Eventually,
excess debt led to major failures and takeovers.

For example, in July 1997, South Korea's third-largest car maker, Kia Motors, asked
for emergency loans. In the wake of the Asian market downturn, Moody's lowered
the credit rating of South Korea from A1 to A3, on 28 November 1997, and
downgraded again to B2 on 11 December. That contributed to a further decline in
South Korean shares since stock markets were already bearish in November. The
Seoul stock exchange fell by 4% on 7 November 1997. On 8 November, it plunged
by 7%, its biggest one-day drop to that date. And on 24 November, stocks fell a
further 7.2% on fears that the IMF would demand tough reforms. In 1998, Hyundai
Motors took over Kia Motors. Samsung Motors' $5 billion venture was dissolved due
to the crisis, and eventually Daewoo Motors was sold to the American company
General Motors (GM).

The South Korean won, meanwhile, weakened to more than 1,700 per U.S. dollar
from around 800. Despite an initial sharp economic slowdown and numerous
corporate bankruptcies, South Korea has managed to triple its per capita GDP in
dollar terms since 1997. Indeed, it resumed its role as the world's fastest-growing
economysince 1960, per capita GDP has grown from $80 in nominal terms to
more than $21,000 as of 2007. However, like the chaebol, South Korea's
government did not escape unscathed. Its national debt-to-GDP ratio more than
doubled (approximately 13% to 30%) as a result of the crisis.

In South Korea, the crisis is also commonly referred to as IMF.

Philippines[edit]
Further information: Economy of the Philippines

The Philippine central bank raised interest rates by 1.75 percentage points in May
1997 and again by 2 points on 19 June. Thailand triggered the crisis on 2 July and on
3 July, the Philippine Central Bank intervened to defend the peso, raising the
overnight rate from 15% to 32% at the onset of the Asian crisis in mid-July 1997.
The peso dropped from 26 pesos per dollar at the start of the crisis to 38 pesos in
mid-1999 to 54 pesos as in early August 2001.

The Philippine GDP contracted by 0.6% during the worst part of the crisis, but grew
by 3% by 2001, despite scandals of the administration of Joseph Estrada in 2001,
most notably the "jueteng" scandal, causing the PSE Composite Index, the main
index of the Philippine Stock Exchange, to fall to 1,000 points from a high of 3000
points in 1997. The peso's value declined to about 55 pesos to the U.S. dollar. Later
that year, Estrada was on the verge of impeachment but his allies in the senate
voted against continuing the proceedings.

This led to popular protests culminating in the "EDSA II Revolution", which effected
his resignation and elevated Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo to the presidency. Arroyo
lessened the crisis in the country. The Philippine peso rose to about 50 pesos by the
year's end and traded at around 41 pesos to a dollar in late 2007. The stock market
also reached an all-time high in 2007 and the economy was growing by more than 7
percent, its highest in nearly two decades.

Hong Kong[edit]
Further information: Economy of Hong Kong
In October 1997, the Hong Kong dollar, which had been pegged at 7.8 to the U.S.
dollar since 1983, came under speculative pressure because Hong Kong's inflation
rate had been significantly higher than the United States' for years. Monetary
authorities spent more than $1 billion to defend the local currency. Since Hong Kong
had more than $80 billion in foreign reserves, which is equivalent to 700% of its M1
money supply and 45% of its M3 money supply,[citation needed] the Hong Kong
Monetary Authority (effectively the city's central bank) managed to maintain the
peg.

Stock markets became more and more volatile; between 20 and 23 October the
Hang Seng Index dropped 23%. The Hong Kong Monetary Authority then promised
to protect the currency. On 15 August 1998, it raised overnight interest rates from
8% to 23%, and at one point to '280%'.The HKMA had recognized that speculators
were taking advantage of the city's unique currency-board system, in which
overnight rates automatically increase in proportion to large net sales of the local
currency. The rate hike, however, increased downward pressure on the stock

market, allowing speculators to profit by short selling shares. The HKMA started
buying component shares of the Hang Seng Index in mid-August.

The HKMA and Donald Tsang, then the Financial Secretary, declared war on
speculators. The Government ended up buying approximately HK$120 billion
(US$15 billion) worth of shares in various companies,[34] and became the largest
shareholder of some of those companies (e.g., the government owned 10% of
HSBC) at the end of August, when hostilities ended with the closing of the August
Hang Seng Index futures contract. In 1999, the Government started selling those
shares by launching the Tracker Fund of Hong Kong, making a profit of about HK$30
billion (US$4 billion).

Malaysia[edit]
Further information: Economy of Malaysia
In July 1997, within days of the Thai baht devaluation, the Malaysian ringgit was
"attacked" by speculators. The overnight rate jumped from under 8% to over 40%.
This led to rating downgrades and a general sell off on the stock and currency
markets. By end of 1997, ratings had fallen many notches from investment grade to
junk, the KLSE had lost more than 50% from above 1,200 to under 600, and the
ringgit had lost 50% of its value, falling from above 2.50 to under 4.57 on (23
January 1998) to the dollar. The then prime minister, Mahathir Mohammad imposed
strict capital controls and introduced a 3.80 peg against the U.S. dollar.

Malaysian moves involved fixing the local currency to the U.S. dollar, stopping the
overseas trade in ringgit currency and other ringgit assets therefore making
offshore use of the ringgit invalid, restricting the amount of currency and
investments that residents can take abroad, and imposed for foreign portfolio funds,
a minimum one-year "stay period" which since has been converted to an exit tax.
The decision to make ringgit held abroad invalid has also dried up sources of ringgit
held abroad that speculators borrow from to manipulate the ringgit, for example by
"selling short". Those who do, have to purchase back the limited ringgit at higher
prices, making it unattractive to them.[35] In addition, it also fully suspended the
trading of CLOB (Central Limit Order Book) counters, indefinitely freezing
approximately $4.47 billion worth of shares and affecting 172,000 investors, most of
them Singaporeans.[36][37][38]

In 1998, the output of the real economy declined plunging the country into its first
recession for many years. The construction sector contracted 23.5%, manufacturing
shrunk 9% and the agriculture sector 5.9%. Overall, the country's gross domestic
product plunged 6.2% in 1998. During that year, the ringgit plunged below 4.7 and

the KLSE fell below 270 points. In September that year, various defensive measures
were announced to overcome the crisis.

The principal measure taken were to move the ringgit from a free float to a fixed
exchange rate regime. Bank Negara fixed the ringgit at 3.8 to the dollar. Capital
controls were imposed while aid offered from the IMF was refused. Various task
force agencies were formed. The Corporate Debt Restructuring Committee dealt
with corporate loans. Danaharta discounted and bought bad loans from banks to
facilitate orderly asset realization. Danamodal recapitalized banks.

Growth then settled at a slower but more sustainable pace. The massive current
account deficit became a fairly substantial surplus. Banks were better capitalized
and NPLs were realised in an orderly way. Small banks were bought out by strong
ones. A large number of PLCs were unable to regulate their financial affairs and
were delisted. Compared to the 1997 current account, by 2005, Malaysia was
estimated to have a $14.06 billion surplus.[39] Asset values however, have not
returned to their pre-crisis highs. In 2005 the last of the crisis measures were
removed as taken off the fixed exchange system. But unlike the pre-crisis days, it
did not appear to be a free float, but a managed float, like the Singapore dollar.

Singapore[edit]
Further information: Economy of Singapore
As the financial crisis spread the economy of Singapore dipped into a short
recession. The short duration and milder effect on its economy was credited to the
active management by the government. For example, the Monetary Authority of
Singapore allowed for a gradual 20% depreciation of the Singapore dollar to cushion
and guide the economy to a soft landing. The timing of government programs such
as the Interim Upgrading Program and other construction related projects were
brought forward.[40]

Instead of allowing the labor markets to work, the National Wage Council preemptively agreed to Central Provident Fund cuts to lower labor costs, with limited
impact on disposable income and local demand. Unlike in Hong Kong, no attempt
was made to directly intervene in the capital markets and the Straits Times Index
was allowed to drop 60%. In less than a year, the Singaporean economy fully
recovered and continued on its growth trajectory.[40]

The crisis has also brought the pilot of SilkAir Flight 185, Tsu Way Ming, to commit
an in-flight murder suicide after he lost so much money in the stock market.

China[edit]
Further information: Economy of the People's Republic of China
The Chinese currency, the renminbi (RMB), had been pegged to the U.S. dollar at a
ratio of 8.3 RMB to the dollar, in 1994. Having largely kept itself above the fray
throughout 19971998 there was heavy speculation in the Western press that China
would soon be forced to devalue its currency to protect the competitiveness of its
exports vis-a-vis those of the ASEAN nations, whose exports became cheaper
relative to China's. However, the RMB's non-convertibility protected its value from
currency speculators, and the decision was made to maintain the peg of the
currency, thereby improving the country's standing within Asia. The currency peg
was partly scrapped in July 2005 rising 2.3% against the dollar, reflecting pressure
from the United States.

Unlike investments of many of the Southeast Asian nations, almost all of China's
foreign investment took the form of factories on the ground rather than securities,
which insulated the country from rapid capital flight. While China was unaffected by
the crisis compared to Southeast Asia and South Korea, GDP growth slowed sharply
in 1998 and 1999, calling attention to structural problems within its economy. In
particular, the Asian financial crisis convinced the Chinese government of the need
to resolve the issues of its enormous financial weaknesses, such as having too many
non-performing loans within its banking system, and relying heavily on trade with
the United States.

United States and Japan[edit]

Further information: Economy of the United States and Economy of Japan
The "Asian flu" had also put pressure on the United States and Japan. Their markets
did not collapse, but they were severely hit. On 27 October 1997, the Dow Jones
industrial plunged 554 points or 7.2%, amid ongoing worries about the Asian
economies. The New York Stock Exchange briefly suspended trading. The crisis led
to a drop in consumer and spending confidence (see 27 October 1997 mini-crash).
Indirect effects included the dot-com bubble, and years later the housing bubble
and the subprime mortgage crisis.[41]

Japan was affected because its economy is prominent in the region. Asian countries
usually run a trade deficit with Japan because the latter's economy was more than
twice the size of the rest of Asia together; about 40% of Japan's exports go to Asia.
The Japanese yen fell to 147 as mass selling began, but Japan was the world's
largest holder of currency reserves at the time, so it was easily defended, and
quickly bounced back. The real GDP growth rate slowed dramatically in 1997, from
5% to 1.6%, and even sank into recession in 1998 due to intense competition from

cheapened rivals. The Asian financial crisis also led to more bankruptcies in Japan.
In addition, with South Korea's devalued currency, and China's steady gains, many
companies complained outright that they could not compete.[41]

Another longer-term result was the changing relationship between the United States
and Japan, with the United States no longer openly supporting the highly artificial
trade environment and exchange rates that governed economic relations between
the two countries for almost five decades after World War II.[42]

Consequences[edit]
Asia[edit]
The crisis had significant macroeconomic-level effects, including sharp reductions in
values of currencies, stock markets, and other asset prices of several Asian
countries.[43] The nominal U.S. dollar GDP of ASEAN fell by $9.2 billion in 1997 and
$218.2 billion (31.7%) in 1998. In South Korea, the $170.9 billion fall in 1998 was
equal to 33.1% of the 1997 GDP.[44] Many businesses collapsed, and as a
consequence, millions of people fell below the poverty line in 19971998. Indonesia,
South Korea and Thailand were the countries most affected by the crisis.

Currency

Exchange rate

(per US$1)[45]
June 1997

Change

July 1998

Thailand Thai baht 24.5

41

Decrease 40.2%

Indonesia Indonesian rupiah

2,380 14,150

Decrease 83.2%

Philippines Philippine peso

26.3

42

Decrease 37.4%

Malaysia Malaysian ringgit

2.5

4.1

Decrease 39.0%

South Korea South Korean won 850

1,290 Decrease 34.1%

Country

GNP (US$1 billion)[45]

Change

June 1997

July 1998

Thailand

170

102

Decrease 40.0%

Indonesia

205

34

Decrease 83.4%

Philippines 75

47

Decrease 37.3%

Malaysia

55

Decrease 38.9%

283

Decrease 34.2%

90

South Korea 430

The above tabulation shows that despite the prompt raising of interest rates to 32%
in the Philippines upon the onset of crisis in mid-July 1997, and to 65% in Indonesia
upon the intensification of crisis in 1998, their local currencies depreciated just the
same and did not perform better than those of South Korea, Thailand, and Malaysia,
which countries had their high interest rates set at generally lower than 20% during
the Asian crisis. This created grave doubts on the credibility of IMF and the validity
of its high-interest-rate prescription to economic crisis.

The economic crisis also led to a political upheaval, most notably culminating in the
resignations of President Suharto in Indonesia and Prime Minister General Chavalit
Yongchaiyudh in Thailand. There was a general rise in anti-Western sentiment, with
George Soros and the IMF in particular singled out as targets of criticisms. Heavy
U.S. investment in Thailand ended, replaced by mostly European investment,
though Japanese investment was sustained.[citation needed] Islamic and other
separatist movements intensified in Southeast Asia as central authorities weakened.
[46]

New regulations weakened the influence of the bamboo network, a network of

overseas Chinese family-owned businesses that dominate the private sector of
Southeast Asia. After the crisis, business relationships were more frequently based
on contracts, rather than the trust and family ties of the traditional bamboo
network.[47]

More long-term consequences included reversal of the relative gains made in the
boom years just preceding the crisis. Nominal U.S. dollar GDP per capital fell 42.3%
in Indonesia in 1997, 21.2% in Thailand, 19% in Malaysia, 18.5% in South Korea and
12.5% in the Philippines.[44] The CIA World Factbook reported that the per capita
income (measured by purchasing power parity) in Thailand declined from $8,800 to
$8,300 between 1997 and 2005; in Indonesia it increased from $2,628 to $3,185;
[48] in Malaysia it declined from $11,100 to $10,400. Over the same period, world
per capita income rose from $6,500 to $9,300.[49] Indeed, the CIA's analysis
asserted that the economy of Indonesia was still smaller in 2005 than it had been in
1997, suggesting an impact on that country similar to that of the Great Depression.
Within East Asia, the bulk of investment and a significant amount of economic
weight shifted from Japan and ASEAN to China and India.[50]

The crisis has been intensively analyzed by economists for its breadth, speed, and
dynamism; it affected dozens of countries, had a direct impact on the livelihood of
millions, happened within the course of a mere few months, and at each stage of
the crisis leading economists, in particular the international institutions, seemed a
step behind. Perhaps more interesting to economists was the speed with which it
ended, leaving most of the developed economies unharmed. These curiosities have

prompted an explosion of literature about financial economics and a litany of

explanations why the crisis occurred. A number of critiques have been leveled
against the conduct of the IMF in the crisis, including one by former World Bank
economist Joseph Stiglitz. Politically there were some benefits. In several countries,
particularly South Korea and Indonesia, there was renewed push for improved
corporate governance. Rampaging inflation weakened the authority of the Suharto
regime and led to its toppling in 1998, as well as accelerating East Timor's
independence.[51]

Outside Asia[edit]
After the Asian crisis, international investors were reluctant to lend to developing
countries, leading to economic slowdowns in developing countries in many parts of
the world. The powerful negative shock also sharply reduced the price of oil, which
reached a low of about $11 per barrel towards the end of 1998, causing a financial
pinch in OPEC nations and other oil exporters. In response to a severe fall in oil
prices, the supermajors that emerged in the late-1990s, undertook some major
mergers and acquisitions between 1998 and 2002 often in an effort to improve
economies of scale, hedge against oil price volatility, and reduce large cash
reserves through reinvestment.[52]

The reduction in oil revenue also contributed to the 1998 Russian financial crisis,
which in turn caused Long-Term Capital Management in the United States to
collapse after losing $4.6 billion in 4 months. A wider collapse in the financial
markets was avoided when Alan Greenspan and the Federal Reserve Bank of New
York organized a $3.625 billion bailout. Major emerging economies Brazil and
Argentina also fell into crisis in the late 1990s (see Argentine debt crisis).[53]

The crisis in general was part of a global backlash against the Washington
Consensus and institutions such as the IMF and World Bank, which simultaneously
became unpopular in developed countries following the rise of the anti-globalization
movement in 1999. Four major rounds of world trade talks since the crisis, in
Seattle, Doha, Cancn, and Hong Kong, have failed to produce a significant
agreement as developing countries have become more assertive, and nations are
increasingly turning toward regional or bilateral free trade agreements (FTAs) as an
alternative to global institutions.

Many nations learned from this, and quickly built up foreign exchange reserves as a
hedge against attacks, including Japan, China, South Korea. Pan Asian currency
swaps were introduced in the event of another crisis. However, interestingly
enough, such nations as Brazil, Russia, and India as well as most of East Asia began
copying the Japanese model of weakening their currencies, restructuring their
economies so as to create a current account surplus to build large foreign currency

reserves. This has led to an ever-increasing funding for U.S. treasury bonds, allowing
or aiding housing (in 20012005) and stock asset bubbles (in 19962000) to
develop in the United States.

Minangkabau people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Minangkabau
Urang Minang

Adityawarman.jpg
Adityawarman
Rohana Kudus.jpg
Rohana Kudus
Imam Bonjol in 5000 IDR.jpg
Imam Bonjol
Rasuna Said.jpg
Rasuna Said
SoetanSjahrir.jpg
Sutan Syahrir
Mohammad Natsir1.jpg
Mohammad Natsir
Mohammad Hatta 1950.jpg
Mohammad Hatta

Agus Salim headshot.jpg

Haji Agus Salim
TanMalaka DariPendjara ed3.jpg
Tan Malaka
Chairil Anwar cigarette.jpg
Chairil Anwar
Buya Hamka.jpg
Hamka
Usmar Ismail Kesusastraan Modern Indonesia p133.jpg
Usmar Ismail
Ghazali Shafie (crop).jpg
Ghazali Shafie
Rais Yatim cropped.jpg
Rais Yatim
Christine Hakim.jpg
Christine Hakim
Indra-live-pic2.jpg
Indra Lesmana
Total population
circa 8 million[1]
Regions with significant populations
Indonesia (2010 census) 6,462,713[2]
West Sumatra 4,281,439
Riau

624,145

North Sumatra

345,403

Jakarta 305,538
West Java
Jambi

202,203

168,947

Riau Islands

156,770

Banten 86,217

Bengkulu

73,333

South Sumatra
Lampung

69,996

69,884

Malaysia

891,000[3]

Singapore

15,720

Languages
Minangkabau, Indonesian and Malay.
Religion
Sunni Islam[4]
Related ethnic groups
Malays, Mandailing, Kerinci
Minangkabau people (Minangkabau: Urang Minang, Indonesian: Suku Minang, Jawi:
), also known as Minang is an ethnic group indigenous to the Minangkabau
Highlands of West Sumatra, Indonesia. Their culture is both matrilineal and
patriarchal, with property and land passing down from mother to daughter, while
religious and political affairs are the responsibility of men (although some women
also play important roles in these areas. This custom is called Adat perpatih in
Malaysia and Lareh Bodi Caniago in Indonesia. Today 4 million Minangs live in West
Sumatra, while about 4 million more are scattered throughout many Indonesian and
Malay peninsular cities and towns.

The Minangkabau are famous for their dedication to education, as well the
widespread diaspora of their men throughout southeast Asia, the result being that
Minangs have been disproportionately successful in gaining positions of economic
and political power throughout the region. The co-founder of the Republic of
Indonesia, Mohammad Hatta, was a Minang, as were the first modern heads of state
of both Malaysia and Singapore

The Minangkabau are strongly Islamic, but also follow their ethnic traditions, or
adat. The Minangkabau adat was derived from animist and Hindu-Buddhist beliefs
before the arrival of Islam, and remnants of animist beliefs still exist even among
some practising Muslims. The present relationship between Islam and adat is
described in the saying "tradition [adat] founded upon Islamic law, Islamic law
founded upon the Qur'an" (adat basandi syara', syara' basandi Kitabullah).

As one of the world's most populous (and politically and economically influential)
matrilineal ethnicity, Minangkabau gender dynamics have been extensively studied

by anthropologists. The adat (Minangkabau: Adaik) traditions have allowed

Minangkabau women to hold a relatively advantageous position in their society
compared to most patriarchal societies, as most property and other economic
assets pass though female lines. With the arrival of the Dutch and other Muslim
races, the traditions have been gradually influenced by both western and
conservative Islamic thought.

Their West Sumatran homelands were the location of the Padri War from 1821 to
1837.

Contents [hide]
1 Etymology
2 History
3 Historiography
4 Culture
4.1 Ceremonies and festivals
4.2 Performing arts
4.3 Crafts
4.4 Cuisine
4.5 Architecture
4.6 Oral traditions and literature
5 Language
6 Adat and religion
7 Notable Minangkabau
8 See also
9 References
9.1 General
9.2 Notes
10 Further reading
11 External links
Etymology[edit]
Main article: Minangkabau (legend)

The name Minangkabau is thought to be a conjunction of two words, minang

("victorious") and kabau ("buffalo"). There is a legend that the name is derived from
a territorial dispute between the Minangkabau and a neighbouring prince. To avoid a
battle, the local people proposed a fight to the death between two water buffalo to
settle the dispute. The prince agreed and produced the largest, meanest, most
aggressive buffalo. The Minangkabau produced a hungry baby buffalo with its small
horns ground to be as sharp as knives. Seeing the adult buffalo across the field, the
baby ran forward, hoping for milk. The big buffalo saw no threat in the baby buffalo
and paid no attention to it, looking around for a worthy opponent. But when the
baby thrust his head under the big bull's belly, looking for an udder, the sharpened
horns punctured and killed the bull, and the Minangkabau won the contest and the
dispute.

The roofline of traditional houses in West Sumatra, called Rumah Gadang

(Minangkabau, "big house"), curve upward from the middle and end in points, in
imitation of the water buffalo's upward-curving horns.

The first mention of the name Minangkabau as Minangkabwa, is in the 1365

Majapahit court poem, the Desawarnana (or Nagarakrtagama) composed by Mpu
Prapanca.[5]

History[edit]

A statue believed to be Adityawarman, founder of a Minangkabau kingdom.

Flag or marawa of Minangkabau

The Minangkabau language is a member of the Austronesian language family, and
is closest to the Malay language, though when the two languages split from a
common ancestor and the precise historical relationship between Malay and
Minangkabau culture is not known. Until the 20th century the majority of the
Sumatran population lived in the highlands. The highlands are well suited for human
habitation, with plentiful fresh water, fertile soil, a cool climate, and valuable
commodities. It is probable that wet rice cultivation evolved in the Minangkabau
Highlands long before it appeared in other parts of Sumatra, and predates
significant foreign contact.[6]

Adityawarman, a follower of Tantric Buddhism with ties to the Singhasari and

Majapahit kingdoms of Java, is believed to have founded a kingdom in the
Minangkabau highlands at Pagaruyung and ruled between 1347 and 1375. The

establishment of a royal system seems to have involved conflict and violence,

eventually leading to a division of villages into one of two systems of tradition, Bodi
Caniago and Koto Piliang, the later having overt allegiances to royalty.[7] By the
16th century, the time of the next report after the reign of Adityawarman, royal
power had been split into three recognised reigning kings. They were the King of the
World (Raja Alam), the King of Adat (Raja Adat), and the King of Religion (Raja
Ibadat), and collectively they were known as the Kings of the Three Seats (Rajo Tigo
Selo).[8] The Minangkabau kings were charismatic or magical figures, but did not
have much authority over the conduct of village affairs.[7][9]

Tuanku Imam Bonjol, a leader in the Padri War.

It was around the 16th century that Islam started to be adopted by the
Minangkabau. The first contact between the Minangkabau and western nations
occurred with the 1529 voyage of Jean Parmentier to Sumatra. The Dutch East India
Company first acquired gold at Pariaman in 1651, but later moved south to Padang
to avoid interference from the Acehnese occupiers. In 1663 the Dutch agreed to
protect and liberate local villages from the Acehnese in return for a trading
monopoly, and as a result setup trading posts at Painan and Padang. Until early in
the 19th century the Dutch remained content with their coastal trade of gold and
produce, and made no attempt to visit the Minangkabau highlands. As a result of
conflict in Europe, the British occupied Padang from 1781 to 1784 during the Fourth
Anglo-Dutch War, and again from 1795 to 1819 during the Napoleonic Wars.

Late in the 18th century the gold supply which provided the economic base for
Minangkabau royalty began to be exhausted. Around the same time other parts of
the Minangkabau economy had a period of unparalleled expansion as new
opportunities for the export of agricultural commodities arose, particularly with
coffee which was in very high demand. A civil war started in 1803 with the Padri
fundamentalist Islamic group in conflict with the traditional syncretic groups, elite
families and Pagaruyung royals. As a result of a treaty with a number of penghulu
and representatives of the Minangkabau royal family, Dutch forces made their first
attack on a Padri village in April 1821.[7] The first phase of the war ended in 1825
when the Dutch signed an agreement with the Padri leader Tuanku Imam Bonjol to
halt hostilities, allowing them to redeploy their forces to fight the Java War. When
fighting resumed in 1832, the reinforced Dutch troops were able to more effectively
attack the Padri. The main centre of resistance was captured in 1837, Tuanku Imam
Bonjol was captured and exiled soon after, and by the end of the next year the war
was effectively over.

Minangkabau chiefs, picture taken between 1910 and 1930

With the Minangkabau territories now under the control of the Dutch, transportation
systems were improved and economic exploitation was intensified. New forms of
education were introduced, allowing some Minangkabau to take advantage of a
modern education system. The 20th century marked a rise and cultural and political
nationalism, culminating in the demand for Indonesian independence. Later
rebellions against the Dutch occupation occurred such as the 1908 Anti-Tax
Rebellion and the 1927 Communist Uprising. During World War II the Minangkabau
territories were occupied by the Japanese, and when the Japanese surrendered in
August 1945 Indonesia proclaimed independence. The Dutch attempts to regain
control of the area were ultimately unsuccessful and in 1949 the Minangkabau
territories became part of Indonesia as the province of Central Sumatra.

In February 1958, dissatisfaction with the centralist and communist-leaning policies

of the Sukarno administration triggered a revolt which was centred in the
Minangkabau region of Sumatra, with rebels proclaiming the Revolutionary
Government of the Republic of Indonesia (PRRI) in Bukittinggi. The Indonesian
military invaded West Sumatra in April 1958 and had recaptured major towns within
the next month. A period of guerrilla warfare ensued, but most rebels had
surrendered by August 1961. In the years following, West Sumatra was like an
occupied territory with Javanese officials occupying most senior civilian, military and
police positions.[10] The policies of centralisation continued under the Suharto
regime. The national government legislated to apply the Javanese desa village
system throughout Indonesia, and in 1983 the traditional Minangkabau nagari
village units were split into smaller jorong units, thereby destroying the traditional
village social and cultural institutions.[11] In the years following the downfall of the
Suharto regime decentralisation policies were implemented, giving more autonomy
to provinces, thereby allowing West Sumatra to reinstitute the nagari system.[12]

Historiography[edit]

The village of Pariangan, located on the slopes of Mount Marapi, is in folklore said to
be the first Minangkabau village.
The traditional historiography or tambo of the Minangkabau tells of the
development of the Minangkabau World (alam Minangkabau) and its adat. These
stories are derived from an oral history which was transmitted between generations
before the Minangkabau had a written language. The first Minangkabau are said to
have arrived by ship and landed on Mount Marapi when it was no bigger than the
size of an egg, which protruded from a surrounding body of water. After the waters
receded the Minangkabau proliferated and dispersed to the slopes and valleys
surrounding the volcano, a region called the darek. The darek is composed of three
luhak - Tanah Datar, Agam and Limapuluh Koto. The tambo claims the ship was
sailed by a descendant of Alexander the Great (Iskandar Zulkarnain).[13]

A division in Minangkabau adat into two systems is said to be the result of conflict
between two half-brothers Datuk Ketemanggungan and Datuk Perpatih nan
Sabatang, who were the leaders who formulated the foundations of Minangkabau
adat. The former accepted Adityawarman, a prince from Majapahit, as a king while
the latter considered him a minister, and a civil war ensued. The Bodi Caniago/Adat
perpatih system formulated by Datuk Perpatih nan Sabatang is based upon
egalitarian principles with all panghulu (clan chiefs) being equal while the Koto
Piliang /Adat Temenggung system is more autocratic with there being a hierarchy of
panghulu. Each village (nagari) in the darek was an autonomous "republic", and
governed independently of the Minangkabau kings using one of the two adat
systems. After the darek was settled, new outside settlements were created and
ruled using the Koto Piliang system by rajas who were representatives of the king.
[13]

Culture[edit]

Minangkabau men in traditional Minangkabau clothes

Minangkabau women clad in traditional Minang costumes

Minangkabau have large corporate descent groups, but they traditionally reckon
descent matrilineally.[14] A young boy, for instance, has his primary responsibility
to his mother's and sisters' clans.[14] It is considered "customary" and ideal for
married sisters to remain in their parental home, with their husbands having a sort
of visiting status. Not everyone lives up to this ideal, however.[14] In the 1990s,
anthropologist Evelyn Blackwood studied a relatively conservative village[citation
needed] in Sumatera Barat where only about 22 percent of the households were
"matrihouses", consisting of a mother and a married daughter or daughters.[14]
Nonetheless, there is a shared ideal among Minangkabau in which sisters and
unmarried lineage members try to live close to one another or even in the same
house.[14]

Landholding is one of the crucial functions of the suku (female lineage unit).
Because Minangkabau men, like Acehnese men, often migrate to seek experience,
wealth, and commercial success, the women's kin group is responsible for
maintaining the continuity of the family and the distribution and cultivation of the
land.[14] These family groups, however, are typically led by a penghulu (headman),
elected by groups of lineage leaders.[14] With the agrarian base of the
Minangkabau economy in decline, the sukuas a landholding unithas also been
declining somewhat in importance, especially in urban areas.[14] Indeed, the
position of penghulu is not always filled after the death of the incumbent,

particularly if lineage members are not willing to bear the expense of the ceremony
required to install a new penghulu.[14]

The Minangs are the world's largest matrilineal society; properties such as land and
houses are inherited through female lineage and guarded by clanmen. This custom
is called Adat perpatih. Some scholars argue that this might have caused the
diaspora (Minangkabau, "merantau") of Minangkabau males throughout the
Maritime Southeast Asia to become scholars or to seek fortune as merchants.
However, the native Minangkabaus agreed that this matrilineal culture is indeed the
result of (not the reason for) diaspora. With their men travelling out of the country
for unspecified time (with possibility of some of them not returning home), it is only
logical to hand the land and property to those who do not have to leave it: The
women. This also ensures the women's (meaning: mothers of the future
generations') welfare and hence ensuring their offsprings welfare. Besides, native
Minangkabaus argue that "Men can live anywhere and hence they do not need a
house like women do". The concept of matrilineal can be seen from the naming of
important museums such as "The house where Buya Hamka was born" by Maninjau
Lake. It has never been and never will be Buya Hamka's house because it was his
mother's house and passed down only to his sisters. Another museum in Bukit
Tinggi was called by the locals: "Muhammad Hatta's Mom's house" where you will
see that Muhammad Hatta (the Indonesia's Independence Proclamator) only had a
room outside of the house, albeit attached to it.[citation needed]

As early as the age of 7, boys traditionally leave their homes and live in a surau (a
prayer house and community centre) to learn religious and cultural (adat)
teachings. When they are teenagers, they are encouraged to leave their hometown
to learn from schools or from experiences out of their hometown so that when they
are adults they can return home wise and 'useful' for the society and can contribute
their thinking and experience to run the family or nagari (hometown) when they sit
as the member of 'council of uncles'. This tradition has created Minang communities
in many Indonesian cities and towns, which nevertheless are still tied closely to
their homeland; a state in Malaysia named Negeri Sembilan is heavily influenced by
Minang culture because Negeri Sembilan was originally Minangkabau's colony.[15]

The traditions of shariain which inheritance laws favour males and indigenous
female-oriented adat are often depicted as conflicting forces in Minangkabau
society.[14] The male-oriented sharia appears to offer young men something of a
balance against the dominance of law in local villages, which forces a young man to
wait passively for a marriage proposal from some young woman's family.[14] By
acquiring property and education through merantau experience, a young man can
attempt to influence his own destiny in positive ways.[14]

Increasingly, married couples go off on merantau; in such situations, the woman's

role tends to change.[14] When married couples reside in urban areas or outside the
Minangkabau region, women lose some of their social and economic rights in
property. One apparent consequence is an increased likelihood of divorce.[14]

Minangkabau were prominent among the intellectual figures in the Indonesian

independence movement.[14] Not only were they strongly Islamic (meaning: Their
religious belief is different from the occupying Protestant Dutch), and like every
other Sumatran: They are culturally and naturally proud people, they also have
traditional belief of egalitarianism of "Standing as tall, sitting as low" (that no body
stand or sit on an increased stage), they speak a language closely related to Bahasa
Indonesia, which was considerably freer of hierarchical connotations than Javanese.
[14] Partly because of their tradition of merantau, Minangkabau developed a
cosmopolitan bourgeoisie that readily adopted and promoted the ideas of an
emerging nation-state.[14]

Due to their culture that stresses the importance of learning, Minang people are
over-represented in the educated professions in Indonesia, with many ministers
from Minang.[16]

In addition to being renowned as merchants, the Minangs have produced some of

Indonesia's most influential poets, writers, statesmen, scholars, and religious
scholars. Being fervent Muslims, many of them embraced the idea of incorporating
Islamic ideals into modern society. Furthermore, the presence of these intellectuals
combined with the people's basically proud character, made the Minangkabau
homeland (the province of West Sumatra) one of the powerhouses in the Indonesian
struggle for independence.[citation needed]

Ceremonies and festivals[edit]

Tabuik ceremony.

Women carrying platters of food to a ceremony

Rakik Lampion in Maninjau Lake

Minangkabau ceremonies and festivals include:

Turun mandi - baby blessing ceremony

Sunat rasul - circumcision ceremony
Baralek - wedding ceremony
Batagak pangulu - clan leader inauguration ceremony. Other clan leaders, all
relatives in the same clan and all villagers in the region are invited. The ceremony
lasts for seven days or more.
Turun ka sawah - community work ceremony
Manyabik - harvesting ceremony
Hari Rayo - Islamic festivals
Adoption ceremony
Adat ceremony
Funeral ceremony
Wild boar hunt ceremony
Maanta pabukoan - sending food to mother-in-law for Ramadhan
Tabuik - Muslim celebration in the coastal village of Pariaman
Tanah Ta Sirah, inaugurate a new clan leader (Datuk) when the old one died in the
few hours (no need to proceed batagak pangulu, but the clan must invite all clan
leader in the region).
Mambangkik Batang Tarandam, inaugurate a new leader (Datuk) when the old one
died in the pass 10 or 50 years and even more, must do the Batagak Pangulu.
Performing arts[edit]

Saluang performance
Traditional Minangkabau music includes saluang jo dendang which consists of
singing to the accompaniment of a saluang bamboo flute, and talempong gongchime music. Dances include the tari piring (plate dance), tari payung (umbrella
dance) and tari indang (also known as endang or badindin). Demonstrations of the
silat martial art are performed. Pidato adat are ceremonial orations performed at
formal occasions.

Randai is a folk theatre tradition which incorporates music, singing, dance, drama
and the silat martial art. Randai is usually performed for traditional ceremonies and
festivals, and complex stories may span a number of nights.[17] It is performed as a
theatre-in-the-round to achieve an equality and unity between audience members
and the performers.[18] Randai performances are a synthesis of alternating martial

arts dances, songs, and acted scenes. Stories are delivered by the acting and
singing and are mostly based upon Minangkabau legends and folktales.[17] Randai
originated early in the 20th century out of fusion of local martial arts, storytelling
and other performance traditions.[19] Men originally played male and female
characters in the story but, since the 1960s, women have participated.[17]

Crafts[edit]

Minangkabau songket, the pattern in the lower third representing bamboo sprouts

West Sumatra grand mosque with Minangkabau-modern style.

Particular Minangkabau villages specialise in cottage industries producing
handicrafts such as woven sugarcane and reed purses, gold and silver jewellery
using filigree and granulation techniques, woven songket textiles, wood carving,
embroidery, pottery, and metallurgy.

Cuisine[edit]
Main article: Minangkabau cuisine

Rendang

Minangkabau Cuisine
The staple ingredients of the Minangkabau diet are rice, fish, coconut, green leafy
vegetables and chili. Meat is mainly limited to special occasions, and beef and
chicken are most commonly used. Pork is not halal and not consumed, while lamb,
goat and game are rarely consumed for reasons of taste and availability. Spiciness is
a characteristic of Minangkabau food: The most commonly used herbs and spices
are chili, turmeric, ginger and galangal. Vegetables are consumed two or three
times a day. Fruits are mainly seasonal, although fruits such as banana, papaya and
citrus are continually available.[20]

Three meals a day are typical with lunch being the most important, except during
the fasting month of Ramadan when lunch is not eaten. Meals commonly consist of
steamed rice, a hot fried dish and a coconut milk dish, with a little variation from
breakfast to dinner.[20] Meals are generally eaten from a plate using the fingers of
the right hand.[citation needed] Snacks are more frequently eaten by people in

urban areas than in villages. Western food has had little impact upon Minangkabau
consumption and preference.[20]

Rendang is a dish which is considered to be a characteristic of Minangkabau culture;

it is cooked 4-5 times a year.[20] Other characteristic dishes include Asam Padeh,
Soto Padang, Sate Padang, Dendeng Balado (beef with chili sauce).

Food has a central role in the Minangkabau ceremonies which honour religious and
life-cycle rites.

Minangkabau food is popular among Indonesians and restaurants are present

throughout Indonesia. Nasi Padang restaurants, named after the capital of West
Sumatra, are known for placing a variety of Minangkabau dishes on a customer's
tablewith rice and billing only for what is taken.[21] Nasi Kapau is another
restaurant variant which specialises in dishes using offal and tamarind to add a
sourness to the spicy flavour.[22]

Architecture[edit]

Rumah gadang in the Pandai Sikek village of West Sumatra, with two rice barns
(rangkiang) in front.
Rumah gadang (Minangkabau: 'big house') or rumah bagonjong (Minangkabau:
'spired roof house') are the traditional homes of the Minangkabau. The architecture,
construction, internal and external decoration, and the functions of the house reflect
the culture and values of the Minangkabau. A rumah gadang serves as a residence,
a hall for family meetings, and for ceremonial activities. The rumah gadang is
owned by the women of the family who live there ownership is passed from
mother to daughter.[23]

The houses have dramatic curved roof structure with multi-tiered, upswept gables.
According to Minangkabau tradition, the roof shapes was meant to mimic the horns
of buffalo. Shuttered windows are built into walls incised with profuse painted floral
carvings. The term rumah gadang usually refers to the larger communal homes,
however, smaller single residences share many of its architectural elements.

Oral traditions and literature[edit]

A Minangkabau bride and groom.

Minangkabau culture has a long history of oral traditions. One is the pidato adat
(ceremonial orations) which are performed by panghulu (clan chiefs) at formal
occasions such as weddings, funerals, adoption ceremonies, and panghulu
inaugurations. These ceremonial orations consist of many forms including pantun,
aphorisms (papatah-patitih), proverbs (pameo), religious advice (petuah), parables
(tamsia), two-line aphorisms (gurindam), and similes (ibarat).

Minangkabau traditional folktales (kaba) consist of narratives that present the social
and personal consequences of either ignoring or observing the ethical teachings
and the norms embedded in the adat. The storyteller (tukang kaba) recites the story
in poetic or lyrical prose while accompanying himself on a rebab.

A theme in Minangkabau folktales is the central role mothers and motherhood has
in Minangkabau society, with the folktales Rancak diLabueh and Malin Kundang
being two examples. Rancak diLabueh is about a mother who acts as teacher and
adviser to her two growing children. Initially her son is vain and headstrong and only
after her perseverance does he become a good son who listens to his mother.[24]
Malin Kundang is about the dangers of treating your mother badly. A sailor from a
poor family voyages to seek his fortune, becoming rich and marrying. After refusing
to recognise his elderly mother on his return home, being ashamed of his humble
origins, he is cursed and dies when a storm ensues and turn him along with his ship
to stone. The said stone is in Air Manis beach and is known by locals as batu Malin
Kundang.[24]

Other popular folktales also relate to the important role of the woman in
Minangkabau society. In the Cindua Mato epic the woman is the source of wisdom,
while in the Sabai nan Aluih she is more a doer than a thinker. Cindua Mato (Staring
Eye) is about the traditions of Minangkabau royalty. The story involves a mythical
Minangkabau queen, Bundo Kanduang, who embodies the behaviours prescribed by
adat. Cindua Mato, a servant of the queen, uses magic to defeat hostile outside
forces and save the kingdom.[25] Sabai nan Aluih (The genteel Sabai) is about a girl
named Sabai who avenges the murder of her father by a powerful and evil ruler
from a neighbouring village. After her father's death, her cowardly elder brother
refuses to confront the murderer and so Sabai decides to take matters into her own
hands. She seeks out the murderer and shoots him in revenge.[17]

Language[edit]
Main article: Minangkabau language

Location ethnic groups of Sumatra, the Minangkabau is shown in light and dark olive
The Minangkabau language (Baso Minangkabau) is an Austronesian language
belonging to the Malayic linguistic subgroup, which in turn belongs to the MalayoPolynesian branch. The Minangkabau language is closely related to the Negeri
Sembilan Malay language used by the people of Negeri Sembilan, many of which
are descendants of Minangkabau immigrants.

The language has a number of dialects and sub-dialects, but native Minangkabau
speakers generally have no difficulty understanding the variety of dialects. The
differences between dialects are mainly at the phonological level, though some
lexical differences also exist. Minangkabau dialects are regional, consisting of one or
more villages (nagari), and usually correspond to differences in customs and
traditions. Each sub-village (jorong) has its own sub-dialect consisting of subtle
differences which can be detected by native speakers.[26] The Padang dialect has
become the lingua franca for people of different language regions.[27]

The Minangkabau society has a diglossia situation, whereby they use their native
language for everyday conversations, while the Indonesian language is used for
most formal occasions, in education, and in writing, even to relatives and friends.
[26] The Minangkabau language was originally written using the Jawi script, an
adapted Arabic alphabet. Romanization of the language dates from the 19th
century, and a standardised official orthography of the language was published in
1976.[27]

Denominations

ISO 639-3

Population (as of)

Dialects

Minangkabau
min 6,500,000 (1981) Agam, Payakumbuh, Tanah Datar,
Sijunjung, Batu Sangkar-Pariangan, Singkarak, Pariaman, Orang Mamak, Ulu,
Kampar Ocu, Rokan, Pasaman, Rao, Kuantan, Kerinci-Minangkabau, Pesisir, Aneuk
Jamee (Jamee), Painan, Penghulu, Mukomuko.
Source: Gordon (2005).[28]
Despite widespread use of Indonesian, they have their own mother tongue. The
Minangkabau language shares many similar words with Malay, yet it has a
distinctive pronunciation and some grammatical differences rendering it
unintelligible to Malay speakers.[citation needed]

Adat and religion[edit]

A Minangkabau mosque circa 1900.

Animism had been an important component of Minangkabau culture. Even after the
penetration of Islam into Minangkabau society in the 16th century, animistic beliefs
were not extinguished. In this belief system, people were said to have two souls, a
real soul and a soul which can disappear called the semangat. Semangat represents
the vitality of life and it is said to be possessed by all living creatures including
animals and plants. An illness may be explained as the capture of the semangat by
an evil spirit, and a shaman (pawang) may be consulted to conjure invisible forces
and bring comfort to the family. Sacrificial offerings can be made to placate the
spirits, and certain objects such as amulets are used as protection.[29]

Until the rise of the Padri movement late in the 18th century, Islamic practices such
as prayers, fasting and attendance at mosques had been weakly observed in the
Minangkabau highlands. The Padri were inspired by the Wahhabi movement in
Mecca, and sought to eliminate societal problems such as tobacco and opium
smoking, gambling and general anarchy by ensuring the tenets of the Koran were
strictly observed. All Minangkabau customs allegedly in conflict with the Koran were
to be abolished. Although the Padri were eventually defeated by the Dutch, during
this period the relationship between adat and religion was reformulated. Previously
adat was said to be based upon appropriateness and propriety, but this was
changed so adat was more strongly based upon Islamic precepts.[4][30]

With the Minangkabau highlands being the heartland of their culture, and with Islam
likely entering the region from coast it is said that 'custom descended, religion
ascended' (adat manurun, syarak mandaki).[8]

Notable Minangkabau[edit]

Mohammad Hatta, Indonesian nationalist and first vice-president of Indonesia

See also: List of Minangkabau people
The Minangkabau are known as a society that places top priority in high education
and thus they are widespread across Indonesia and foreign countries in a variety of
professions and expertise such as politicians, writers, scholars, teachers, journalists,
and businesspeople. Based on a relatively small population, Minangkabau is one of
the most successful.[31] Based on Tempo magazine (2000 New Year special
edition), six of the top ten most influential Indonesians of the 20th century were
Minang.[32] Three out of the four Indonesian founding fathers are Minangkabau
people.[33][34]

Many of Minangkabau people held prominent positions in the Indonesian and Malay
nationalist movement.[35] In 19201960, the political leadership in Indonesian was

replete with Minangkabau people, such as Mohammad Hatta a former Indonesian

government prime minister and vice-president, Agus Salim a former Indonesian
government minister, Tan Malaka international communist leader and founder of
PARI and Murba, Sutan Sjahrir a former Indonesian government prime minister and
founder of Socialist Party of Indonesia, Muhammad Natsir a former Indonesian
government prime minister and founder of Masyumi, Assaat a former Indonesian
president, and Abdul Halim a former Indonesian government prime minister. During
the liberal democracy era, Minangkabau politician dominated Indonesian parliament
and cabinets. They were diversely affiliated to all of the existing factions, such as
Islamist, nationalist, socialist and communist.

Minangkabau writers and journalists have made significant contributions to modern

Indonesian literature. These include authors Marah Roesli, Abdul Muis, Sutan Takdir
Alisjahbana, Idrus, Hamka, and Ali Akbar Navis; poets Muhammad Yamin, Chairil
Anwar, and Taufik Ismail; and journalists Djamaluddin Adinegoro, Rosihan Anwar,
and Ani Idrus. Many prominent Indonesian novels were written by Minangkabau
writers and later influenced the development of modern Indonesian language.[36]

Moreover, there are also significant number of Minangkabau people in the popular
entertainment industry, such as movie directors Usmar Ismail, Nasri Cheppy, and
Mira Lesmana; movie producer Djamaluddin Malik, screenwriter Arizal and Asrul
Sani; as well as celebrities Soekarno M. Noer, Christine Hakim, Camelia Malik, Fariz
RM, Eva Arnaz, Dorce Gamalama, Afgansyah Reza, Nirina Zubir, Titi Rajo Bintang,
Dude Herlino, Marshanda, Bunga Citra Lestari, and Sherina Munaf.

Nowadays, besides Chinese Indonesian, Minangkabau people have made significant

contributions to Indonesia's economic activities. Minangkabau businessmen are also
notable in hospitality sector, media industry, healthcare, publisher, automotive, and
textile trading. Minangkabau businessmen also prominent in traditional
Minangkabau cuisine restaurant chains in many cities of Indonesia, Malaysia,
Singapore, and Australia. Notable successes include Abdul Latief, Basrizal Koto,
Mokhzani Mahathir, and Tunku Tan Sri Abdullah.

Historically, Minangs had also settled outside West Sumatra, migrating as far as the
south Philippines by the 14th century. The Minangkabaus migrated to the Malay
peninsula in the 14th century and began to take control of the local politics. In 1773
Raja Melewar was appointed the first head of state of Negeri Sembilan.

Notable people of Minangkabau descent outside of Indonesia include the first

President of Singapore, Yusof Ishak; the first Supreme Head of State (Yang diPertuan Agong) of the Federation of Malaya, Tuanku Abdul Rahman; Zubir Said, who

composed Majulah Singapura (the national anthem of Singapore); World War II hero,
Lieutenant Adnan Bin Saidi; member of the House of Representatives of the
Netherlands, Rustam Effendi; Ahmad Khatib, the imam (head) of the Shafi'i school of
law at Masjid al-Haram; and Khatib's grandson Fouad Abdulhameed Alkhateeb as
Saudi Arabian ambassador.

Character education is an umbrella term loosely used to describe the teaching of

children in a manner that will help them develop variously as moral, civic, good,
mannered, behaved, non-bullying, healthy, critical, successful, traditional, compliant
or socially acceptable beings. Concepts that now and in the past have fallen under
this term include social and emotional learning, moral reasoning and cognitive
development, life skills education, health education, violence prevention, critical
thinking, ethical reasoning, and conflict resolution and mediation.[1] Many of these
are now considered failed programs, i.e. "religious education", "moral education",
"values clarification".[2]

Today, there are dozens of character education programs in, and vying for adoption
by, schools and businesses.[3] Some are commercial, some non-profit and many are
uniquely devised by states, districts and schools, themselves. A common approach
of these programs is to provide a list of principles, pillars, values or virtues, which
are memorized or around which themed activities are planned.[4] It is commonly
claimed that the values included in any particular list are universally recognized.
However, there is no agreement among the competing programs on core values
(e.g., honesty, stewardship, kindness, generosity, courage, freedom, justice,
equality, and respect) or even how many to list. There is also no common or
standard means for assessing, implementing or evaluating programs.[5]

Contents [hide]
1 Terminology

2 In-school programs
3 History
3.1 Understanding character
3.1.1 Psychic arts
3.1.2 Race character
3.1.3 Generational character
3.2 Developing character
3.2.1 Eastern philosophy
3.2.2 Western philosophy
3.2.3 Contemporary views
3.3 History of character education in U.S. schools
3.3.1 The colonial period
3.3.2 Nineteenth century
3.3.3 Mid-twentieth century
3.3.4 Character education movement of the 1980s
3.4 Modern scientific approaches
4 Issues and controversies
4.1 Scientific studies
4.2 Functional and ideological problems
5 See also
6 References
7 External links and Bibliography
Terminology[edit]
"Character" is one of those overarching concepts that is the subject of disciplines
from philosophy to theology, from psychology to sociologywith many competing
and conflicting theories.

Character as it relates to character education most often refers to how 'good' a

person is. In other words, a person who exhibits personal qualities like those a
society considers desirable might be considered to have good characterand
developing such personal qualities is often seen as a purpose of education.
However, the various proponents of character education are far from agreement as

to what "good" is, or what qualities are desirable. Compounding this problem is that
there is no scientific definition of character. Because such a concept blends
personality and behavioral components, scientists have long since abandoned use
of the term "character" and, instead, use the term psychological motivators to
measure the behavioral predispositions of individuals. With no clinically defined
meaning, there is virtually no way to measure if an individual has a deficit of
character, or if a school program can improve it.

The various terms in the lists of values that character education programs propose
even those few found in common among some programssuffer from vague
definitions. This makes the need and effectiveness of character education
problematic to measure.

In-school programs[edit]
There is no common practice in schools in relation to the formation of pupils'
character or values education.[6] This is partly due to the many competing
programs and the lack of standards in character education, but also because of how
and by whom the programs are executed.

Programs are generally of four varieties:[4] cheerleading, praise and reward, define
and drill, and forced formality. They may be used alone or in combination.

1) Cheerleading involves multicolored posters, banners, and bulletin boards

featuring a value or virtue of the month; lively morning public-address
announcements; occasional motivational assemblies; and possibly a high-profile
event such as a fund-raiser for a good cause.

2) Praise-and-reward approach seeks to make virtue into habit using "positive

reinforcement". Elements include "catching students being good" and praising them
or giving them chits that can be exchanged for privileges or prizes. In this approach,
all too often, the real significance of the students' actions is lost, as the reward or
award becomes the primary focus.

3) Define-and-drill calls on students to memorize a list of values and the definition

of each. Students' simple memorization of definitions seems to be equated with
their development of the far more complex capacity for making moral decisions.

4) Forced-formality focuses on strict, uniform compliance with specific rules of

conduct, (i.e., walking in lines, arms at one's sides), or formal forms of address ("yes
sir," "no ma'am"), or other procedures deemed to promote order or respect of
adults.

"These four approaches aim for quick behavioral results, rather than helping
students better understand and commit to the values that are core to our society, or
helping them develop the skills for putting those values into action in life's complex
situations." [4]

Generally, the most common practitioners of character education in the United

States are school counselors, although there is a growing tendency to include other
professionals in schools and the wider community. Depending on the program, the
means of implementation may be by teachers and/or any other adults (faculty, bus
drivers, cafeteria workers, maintenance staff, etc.); by storytelling, which can be
through books and media; or by embedding into the classroom curriculum. There
are many theories about means, but no comparative data and no consensus in the
industry as to what, if any, approach may be effective.[7]

History[edit]
It has been said that, "character education is as old as education itself". Indeed, the
attempt to understand and develop character extends into prehistory.

Understanding character[edit]
Psychic arts[edit]
Since very early times, people have tried to access or "read" the pre-disposition
(character) of self and others. Being able to predict and even manipulate human
behavior, motivations, and reactions would bestow obvious advantages. Prescientific character assessment techniques have included, among others:
anthropometry, astrology, palmistry, metoposcopy, and chiromancy. These
approaches have been scientifically discredited although they continue to be widely
practiced.

Race character[edit]
The concept of inherited "race character" has long been used to characterize
desirable versus undesirable qualities in members of groups as a whole along
national, tribal, ethnic, religious and even class lines. Race character is
predominantly used as a justification for the denigration and subsequent
persecution of minority groups, most infamously, justifying European persecution of

native Americans, the concept of slavery, and the Nazis' persecution of Jews.
Though race character continues to be used as a justification for persecution of
minorities worldwide,[8] it has been scientifically discredited and is not overtly a
component of modern character education in western societies.

Generational character[edit]
Particularly in modern liberal republics, social and economic change is rapid and can
result in cognitive stress to older generations when each succeeding generation
expands on and exhibits their own modes of expressing the freedoms such societies
enjoy.

America is a prime example. With few traditions, each generation exhibites

attitudes and behaviors that conservative segments of preceding generations
uneasily assimilate. Individual incidents can also produce a moral panic. Cries about
loss of morals in the succeeding generation, overwhelmingly unsubstantiated,[9]
and calls for remediation have been constant in America since before its founding.
(It should be expected thatin a free country that supports children's rightsthis
trend will continue apace.)

Developing character[edit]
Eastern philosophy[edit]
Eastern philosophy views the nature of man as initially quiet and calm, but when
affected by the external world, it develops desires. When the desires are not
properly controlled and the conscious mind is distracted by the material world, we
lose our true selves and the principle of reason in Nature is destroyed. From this
arise rebellion, disobedience, cunning and deceit, and general immorality. This is
the way of chaos. Confucianism stands with Taoism as two of the great
religious/philosophical systems of China.

A hallmark of the philosophy of Confucius is his emphasis on tradition and study. He

disparages those who have faith in natural understanding or intuition and argues for
long and careful study. Study, for Confucius, means finding a good teacher, who is
familiar with the ways of the past and the practices of the ancients, imitating his
words and deeds. The result is a heavy scheme of obligations and intricate duties
throughout all of one's many social roles. Confucius is said to have sung his sayings
and accompanied himself on a 'qin' (a kind of zither). According to Confucius,
musical training is the most effective method for molding the moral character of
man and keeping society in order. He said: "Let a man be stimulated by poetry,
established by the rules of propriety, perfected by music." [10]

The theme of Taoism[11] is one of harmony with nature. Zhuangzi was a central
figure in Taoist philosophy. He wrote that people develop different moral attitudes
from different natural upbringings, each feeling that his own views are obvious and
natural, yet all are blinded by this socialization to their true nature. To Zhuangzi,
pre-social desires are relatively few and easy to satisfy, but socialization creates a
plethora of desires for "social goods" such as status, reputation, and pride. These
conventional values, because of their comparative nature create attitudes of
resentment and anger inciting competition and then violence. The way to social
order is for people to eliminate these socialized ambitions through open-minded
receptivity to all kinds of voices - particularly those who have run afoul of human
authority or seem least authoritative. Each has insights. Indeed, in Taoist moral
philosophy, perfection may well look like its opposite to us. One theme of
Zhuangzi's that links Taoism to the Zen branch of Buddhism is the concept of flow,
of losing oneself in activity, particularly the absorption in skilled execution of a
highly cultivated way. His most famous example concerns a butcher who carves
beef with the focus and absorption of a virtuoso dancer in an elegantly
choreographed performance. The height of human satisfaction comes in achieving
and exercising such skills with the focus and commitment that gets us "outside
ourselves" and into such an intimate connection with our inborn nature.

Western philosophy[edit]
The early Greek philosophers[12] felt that happiness requires virtue and hence that
a happy person must have virtuous traits of character.

Socrates identifies happiness with pleasure and explains the various virtues as
instrumental means to pleasure. He teaches, however, that pleasure is to be
understood in an overarching sense wherein fleeing battle is a momentary pleasure
that detracts from the greater pleasure of acting bravely.

Plato wrote that to be virtuous, we must both understand what contributes to our
overall good and have our spirited and appetitive desires educated properly and
guided by the rational part of the soul. The path he prescribes is that a potentially
virtuous person should learn when young to love and take pleasure in virtuous
actions, but he must wait until late in life to develop the understanding of why what
he loves is good. An obvious problem is that this reasoning is circular.

Aristotle is perhaps, even today, the most influential of all the early Western
philosophers. His view is often summarized as 'moderation in all things'. For
example, courage is worthy, for too little of it makes one defenseless. But too much
courage can result in foolhardiness in the face of danger. To be clear, Aristotle
emphasizes that the moderate state is not an arithmetic mean, but one relative to
the situation: sometimes the mean course is to be angry at, say, injustice or

mistreatment, at other times anger is wholly inappropriate. Additionally, because

people are different, the mean for one person may be bravery, but for another it is
recklessness.

For Aristotle, the key to finding this balance is to enjoy and recognize the value of
developing ones rational powers, and then using this recognition to determine
which actions are appropriate in which circumstances.

The views of nineteenth-century philosophers were heavily indebted to these early

Greeks. Two of them, Karl Marx and John Stuart Mill,[13] had a major influence on
approaches to developing character.

Karl Marx applies Aristotle's conclusions in his understanding of work as a place

where workers should be able to express their rational powers. But workers subject
to capitalist values are characterized primarily by material self-interest. This makes
them distrustful of others, viewing them primarily as competitors. Given these
attitudes, workers become prone to a number of vices, including selfishness,
cowardice, and intemperance.

To correct these conditions, he proposes that workers perform tasks that are
interesting and mentally challengingand that each worker help decide how, and to
what ends, their work should be directed. Marx believes that this, coupled with
democratic conditions in the workplace, reduces competitive feelings among
workers so they want to exhibit traditional virtues like generosity and trustfulness,
and avoid the more traditional vices such as cowardice, stinginess, and selfindulgence.

John Stuart Mill, like Marx, also highly regarded development of the rational mind.
He argued that seriously unequal societies, by preventing individuals from
developing their deliberative powers, affect individuals' character in unhealthy ways
and impede their ability to live virtuous lives. In particular, Mill argued that societies
that have systematically subordinated women have harmed men and women, and
advised that the place of women in families and in societies be reconsidered.

Contemporary views[edit]
Because women and men today may not be well-positioned to fully develop the
capacities Aristotle and others considered central to virtuous character, it continues
to be a central issue not only in ethics, but also in feminist philosophy, political
philosophy, philosophy of education, and philosophy of literature. Because moral

character requires communities where citizens can fully realize their human powers
and ties of friendship, there are hard questions of how educational, economic,
political, and social institutions should be structured to make that development
possible.[citation needed]

Situationism
Impressed by scientific experiments in social psychology, "situationist" philosophers
argue that character traits are not stable or consistent and cannot be used to
explain why people act as they do. Experimental data shows that much of human
behavior is attributable to seemingly trivial features of the situations in which
people find themselves. In a typical experiment, seminary students agreed to give a
talk on the importance of helping those in need. On the way to the building where
their talks were to be given, they encountered a confederate slumped over and
groaning. Ironically, those who were told they were already late were much less
likely to help than those who were told they had time to spare.

Perhaps most damning to the traditional view of character are the results of the
experiments conducted by Stanley Milgram in the 1960s and Philip G. Zimbardo in
1971. In the first of these experiments,[14] the great majority of subjects, when
politely though firmly requested by an experimenter, were willing to administer
what they thought were increasingly severe electric shocks to a screaming "victim."
In the second, the infamous Stanford prison experiment,[15] the planned two-week
investigation into the psychology of prison life had to be ended after only six days
because the college students who were assigned to act as guards became sadistic
and those who were the "prisoners" became depressed and showed signs of
extreme stress. These and other experiments are taken to show that if humans do
have noble tendencies, they are narrow, "local" traits that are not unified with other
traits into a wider behavioral pattern of being.

History of character education in U.S. schools[edit]

[References[1][16]]

The colonial period[edit]

As common schools spread throughout the colonies, the moral education of children
was taken for granted. Formal education had a distinctly moral and religion
emphasis. In the Christian tradition, it is believed that humans are flawed at birth
(original sin), requiring salvation through religious means: teaching, guidance and
supernatural rituals. This belief in America, originally heavily populated by
Protestant immigrants, creates a situation of a-priori assumption that humans are
morally deficient by nature and that preemptive measures are needed to develop
children into acceptable members of society: home, church and school.

Character education in school in the United States began with the circulation of the
New England Primer. Besides rudimentary instruction in reading, it was filled with
Biblical quotes, prayers, catechisms and religiously charged moral exhortations.
Typical is this short verse from the 1777 edition:[17]

Good children must,

Fear God all day, Love Christ alway,
Parents obey, In secret pray,
No false thing say, Mind little play,
By no sin stray, Make no delay,
In doing good.

Nineteenth century[edit]
As the young republic took shape, schooling was promoted for both secular and
moral reasons. By the time of the nineteenth century, however, religion became a
problem in the schools. In the United States, the overwhelming dominant religion
was Protestantism. While not as prominent as during the Puritan era, the King James
Bible was, nevertheless, a staple of U.S. public schools. Yet, as waves of immigrants
from Ireland, Germany, and Italy came to the country from the mid-nineteenth
century forward, they reacted to the Protestant tone and orthodoxy of the schools.
Concerned that their children would be weaned from their faith, Catholics developed
their own school system. Later in the twentieth century, other religious groups, such
as Jews, Muslims, and even various Protestant denominations, formed their own
schools. Each group desired, and continues to desire, that its moral education be
rooted in its respective faith or code.

Horace Mann, the nineteenth-century champion of the common schools, strongly

advocated for moral education. He and his followers were worried by the
widespread drunkenness, crime, and poverty during the Jacksonian period they lived
in. No less troubling were the waves of immigrants flooding into cities, unprepared
for urban life and particularly unprepared to participate in democratic civic life.

The most successful textbooks during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
were the famed McGuffey Readers, fostering virtues such as thrift honesty, piety,
punctuality and industry. McGuffey was a theological and conservative teacher and
attempted to give schools a curriculum that would instill Presbyterian Calvinist
beliefs and manners in their students.

Mid-twentieth century[edit]
During the late-nineteenth-century and twentieth-century period, intellectual
leaders and writers were deeply influenced by the ideas of the English naturalist
Charles Darwin, the German political philosopher Karl Marx, the Austrian neurologist
and founder of psychoanalysis Sigmund Freud, and by a growing strict interpretation
of the separation of church and state doctrine. This trend increased after World War
II and was further intensified by what appeared to be changes in the nation's moral
consensus in the late 1960s. Educators and others became wary of using the
schools for moral education. More and more this was seen to be the province of the
family and the church.

Still, due to a perceived view of academic and moral decline, educators continued to
receive mandates to address the moral concerns of students, which they did using
primarily two approaches: values clarification and cognitive developmental moral
education.[18]

Values clarification. Values change over time in response to changing life

experiences. Recognizing these changes and understanding how they affect one's
actions and behaviors is the goal of the values clarification process. Values
clarification does not tell you what you should have, it simply provides the means to
discover what your values are. This approach, although widely practiced, came
under strong criticism for, among other things, promoting moral relativism among
students.

Cognitive-developmental theory of moral education and development sprang from

the work of the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget and was further developed by
Lawrence Kohlberg. Kohlberg rejected the focus on values and virtues, not only due
to the lack of consensus on what virtues are to be taught, but also because of the
complex nature of practicing such virtues. For example, people often make different
decisions yet hold the same basic moral values. Kohlberg believed a better
approach to affecting moral behavior should focus on stages of moral development.
These stages are critical, as they consider the way a person organizes their
understanding of virtues, rules, and norms, and integrates these into a moral
choice.

Character education movement of the 1980s[edit]

The impetus and energy behind the return of a more didactic character education to
American schools did not come from within the educational community. It has been
fueled by desire from conservative and religious segments of the population for
traditionally orderly schools where conformity to "standards" of behavior and good

habits are stressed.[19] State and national politicians, as well as local school
districts, lobbied by character education organizations, have responded by
supporting this sentiment.[20] During his presidency, Bill Clinton hosted five
conferences on character education. President George W. Bush[21] expanded on the
programs of the previous administration and made character education a major
focus of his educational reform agenda.[16]

Modern scientific approaches[edit]

Today, the sciences of social psychology, neuropsychology and evolutionary
psychology have taken new approaches to the understanding of human social
behavior.

Personality and social psychology is a scientific method used by health professionals

for researching personal and social motivators in and between the individual and
society, as well as applying them to the problems people have in the context of
society.[22] Personality and social psychologists study how people think about,
influence, and relate to one another. By exploring forces within the person (such as
traits, attitudes, and goals) as well as forces within the situation (such as social
norms and incentives), they seek to provide insight into issues as wide-ranging as
prejudice, romantic attraction, persuasion, friendship, helping, aggression,
conformity, and group interaction.

Neuropsychology addresses how brain regions associated with emotional processing

are involved in moral cognition by studying the biological mechanisms that underlie
human choices and behavior. Like social psychology, it seeks to determine, not how
we should, but how we do behave - though neurologically. For instance, what
happens in the brain when we favor one response over another, or when it is
difficult to make any decision? Studies of clinical populations, including patients with
VMPC (ventromedial prefrontal cortex) damage, reveal an association between
impairments in emotional processing and impairments in moral judgement and
behavior.[23] These and other studies conclude that not only are emotions engaged
during moral cognition, but that emotions, particularly those mediated by VMPC, are
in fact critical for morality.

Other neurological research is documenting how much the unconscious mind is

involved in decision making.[24] According to cognitive neuroscientists, we are
conscious of only about 5 percent of our cognitive activity, so most of our decisions,
actions, emotions, and behavior depends on the 95 percent of brain activity that
goes beyond our conscious awareness. These studies show that actions come from
preconscious brain activity patterns and not from people consciously thinking about
what they are going to do.

Evolutionary psychology,[25] a new science, emerged in the 1990s to focus on

explaining human behavior against the backdrop of Darwinian processes. This
science considers how the biological forces of genetics and neurotransmissions in
the brain influence unconscious strategies and conscious and proposes that these
features of biology have developed through evolution processes. In this view, the
cognitive programs of the human brain are adaptations. They exist because this
behavior in our ancestors enabled them to survive and reproduce these same traits
in their descendants, thereby equipping us with solutions to problems that our
ancestors faced during our species' evolutionary history. Ethical topics addressed
include altruistic behaviors, deceptive or harmful behaviors, an innate sense of
fairness or unfairness, feelings of kindness or love, self-sacrifice, feelings related to
competitiveness and moral punishment or retribution, and moral "cheating" or
hypocrisy.

Issues and controversies[edit]

Scientific studies[edit]
October 2010, the largest federal study yet found that schoolwide Character
Education programs dont produce any improvements in student behavior or
academic performance.[26]

A 2007 report released under the auspices of the U.S. Department of Education also
found that the vast majority of character education programs have failed to prove
their effectiveness.[7] Previous and current research on the subject fails to find one
peer-reviewed study demonstrating any scientifically validated need for[9] or result
from character education programs. Typically, support is attested to by referring to
"correlations" (e.g., grades, number of disciplinary referrals, subjective opinion,
etc.).[16][27]

Functional and ideological problems[edit]

1) An assumption that "character" is deficient in some or all children[28]

2) Lack of agreement on what constitutes effectiveness [29]

3) Lack of evidence that it does what it claims[27][30]

4) A conflict between what good character is and the way that character education
proposes to teach it[28][31]

5) Differing standards in methods and objectives. Differing standards for assessing

need and evaluating results. Some attempts have been made.[32]

6) Supportive "studies" that overwhelmingly rely on subjective feedback (usually

surveys) from vested participants[7][33]

7) Programs instituted towards ideological and/or religious ends[21][34][35]

8) The pervasive problem of confusing morality with social conformity[4][36][37]

[38]

9) There are few if any common goals among character education programs. The
dissensions in the list of values among character education programs, itself,
constitutes a major criticism that there is anything to character education that is
either fundamental or universally relevant to students or society.[39]

10) It might be said that there is agreement in as much as what values do not find
inclusion on lists of core values. Not found, even though they are fundamental to
the success of modern democratic societies, are such noted values as
independence, inventiveness, curiosity, critical thinking, skepticism, and even
moderation. "Take chances, make mistakes, get messy!" the famous saying by Ms.
Frizzle on the much celebrated TV show, The Magic School Bus,[40] embodies
values that would be antithetical to those found on todays character education
lists.

Multi-party system
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This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. The specific
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standards. Please helpimprove this article if you can. (May 2012)
A multi-party system is a system in which multiple political parties across the political spectrum run
for national election and they all have a similar or equal chance of gaining control of government
offices, separately or in coalition government. An example of such a coalition is the one between
the Christian Democratic Union of Germany (CDU/CSU) and the Social Democratic Party (SPD) set
up after the 2013 federal elections in Germany. In the vast majority of multi-party systems, numerous
major and minor political parties hold a serious chance of receiving office, and because they all
compete, a majority may not control the legislature, forcing the creation of a coalition.[1] In some
countries, every government ever formed since its independence has been by means of a coalition.
Multi-party systems tend to be more common in parliamentary systems than presidential systems,
and far more common in countries that use proportional representation compared to countries that
use first past the post elections. This is because it is very rare for national consensus on political
issues apart from large issues such as national defence. First past the post requires concentrated
areas of support for large representation in the Legislature where as proportional representation is
exactly proportional to a populations views.
Brazil, Denmark, Finland, Germany, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Mexico,
The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway,Pakistan, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, South
Africa, Spain, Sri Lanka, Sweden, Taiwan and Philippines are examples of nations that have used a
multi-party system effectively in their democracies. In these countries, usually no single party has a
parliamentary majority by itself. Instead, multiple political parties form coalitions for the purpose of
developing power blocks for governing.
In some multi-party systems, only two or three parties have a substantial chance of forming a
government with or without forming a cooalition. If only two parties are likely to win however that is
a two party system where there are two major political parties and only they are likely to win an
election.They also usually alternate in and out of government such was the case in the United
Kingdombefore 2010. This is the case in both Canada and the United Kingdom where majority
governments are very common. In the UK only the Conservative Party and the Labour Party only
have a serious chance of winning enough seats to form a government another major party,
the Liberal Democrats, have never had enough seats to form a government, but have held enough
seats to be the lower half of a two party coalition.

Comparisons with other party systems[edit]

Indian state governments led by various political parties and coalitions

Single-party system and two-party system[edit]

See also: Single-party system and Two-party system
A system where only two parties have the possibility of winning an election is called two-party
system. A system where only three parties have a realistic possibility of winning an election or
forming a coalition is sometimes called a "Third-party system". But, in some cases the system is
called a "Stalled Third-Party System," when there are three parties and all three parties win a large
number of votes, but only two have a chance of winning a general election. Usually this is because
the electoral system penalises the third party, e.g. as in UK politics. In the 2010 elections, the Liberal
Democrats gained 23% of the total vote but won less than 10% of the seats due to the First-PastThe-Post electoral system. Despite this, they still had enough seats (and enough public support) for
the other major two parties to form coalitions with them, or to make deals in order to gain their
support. An example is the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalitionformed after the 2010 general
election. Another is the Lib-Lab pact during Prime Minister James Callaghan's
Minority LabourGovernment; when Labour lost its three-seat majority in 1977, the pact fell short of a
full coalition.
Unlike a single-party system (or a two-party system), a multi-party system encourages the
general constituency to form multiple distinct, officially recognized groups, generally called political
parties. Each party competes for votes from the enfranchised constituents (those allowed to vote). A
multi-party system prevents the leadership of a single party from controlling a
single legislative chamber without challenge.
If the government includes an elected Congress or Parliament, the parties may share power
according to proportional representation or the first-past-the-post system. In proportional
representation, each party wins a number of seats proportional to the number of votes it receives. In
first-past-the-post, the electorate is divided into a number of districts, each of which selects one
person to fill one seat by a plurality of the vote. First-past-the-post is not conducive to a proliferation
of parties, and naturally gravitates toward a two-party system, in which only two parties have a real
chance of electing their candidates to office. This gravitation is known as Duverger's law.
Proportional representation, on the other hand, does not have this tendency, and allows multiple
major parties to arise. But, recent coalition governments, such as that in the U.K., represent twoparty systems rather than multi-party systems. This is regardless of the number of parties in
government.
A two-party system requires voters to align themselves in large blocs, sometimes so large that they
cannot agree on any overarching principles. Some theories argue that this allows centrists to gain

control. On the other hand, if there are multiple major parties, each with less than a majority of the
vote, the parties are strongly motivated to work together to form working governments. This also
promotes centrism, as well as promoting coalition-building skills while discouraging polarization.

Fireworks
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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This article is about the explosive. For other uses, see Fireworks (disambiguation).
Fireworks

Fireworks over Paris, France.

Fireworks over Ottawa during Canada Day celebrations.

Fireworks over Sydney Harbour on New Year's Eve 200607.

File:2010ExpoFireworks.ogg
Fireworks video:0 from the Expo 2010 opening ceremony in Shanghai, China.
File:Fireworks closer view.ogv

Fireworks closer view.

A fireworks display on Taipei 101, Taiwan which in 2005 held the world's first
fireworks display on a supertall skyscraper.

Fireworks display at Niagara Falls during the Winter Festival of lights with the Skylon
Tower in the distance.

Malta International Fireworks Festival 2014, St. Paul's Bay, Malta.

Fireworks over Copacabana Beach, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, during New Year's Eve.
Fireworks are a class of explosive pyrotechnic devices used for aesthetic, cultural,
and religious purposes. A fireworks event (also called a fireworks show or
pyrotechnics) is a display of the effects produced by firework devices. Fireworks
competitions are also regularly held at a number of places. Fireworks take many
forms to produce the four primary effects: noise, light, smoke and floating materials
(confetti for example.) They may be designed to burn with flames and sparks of
many colors, typically red, orange, yellow, green, blue, purple, silver and gold.
Displays are common throughout the world and are the focal point of many cultural
and religious[1] celebrations.

The earliest documentation of fireworks dates back to 7th century China, where
they were invented. The fireworks were used to accompany many festivities. It is a
part of the culture of China and had its origin there; eventually it spread to other
cultures and societies.[2] Important events and festivities such as the Spring
Festival (Chinese New Year) and the Mid-Autumn Festival were and still are times
when fireworks are guaranteed sights. China is the largest manufacturer and
exporter of fireworks in the world.[3]

Fireworks are generally classified as to where they perform, either as a ground or

aerial firework. In the latter case they may provide their own propulsion (skyrocket)
or be shot into the air by a mortar (aerial shell). The most common feature of
fireworks is a paper or pasteboard tube or casing filled with the combustible
material, often pyrotechnic stars. A number of these tubes or cases are often
combined so as to make, when kindled, a great variety of sparkling shapes, often
variously colored. The skyrocket is a common form of firework, although the first
skyrockets were used in war. Such rocket technology has also been used for the
delivery of mail by rocket and is used as propulsion for most model rockets. The
aerial shell is the backbone of today's commercial aerial display. A smaller version

for consumer use is known as the festival ball in the United States. There are also
ground fireworks which, while less popular than aerial fireworks, can produce
various shapes, like rotating circles, stars and 3D globes.[4]

Contents
1 History
2 Safety
3 Competitions
4 Fireworks world records
4.1 Largest firework display of all time
4.2 Largest Catherine wheel
4.3 Longest firework waterfall
4.4 Most firework rockets launched in 30 seconds
4.5 Largest firework rocket
5 Clubs/Associations
5.1 National Fireworks Association
5.2 Pyrotechnics Guild International
5.3 Western Pyrotechnic Association
6 Olympics
7 Fireworks celebrations throughout the world
7.1 Dutch fireworks festivals
7.2 Indian fireworks celebrations
7.3 Japanese fireworks festivals
7.4 Maltese fireworks celebrations
7.5 North Korea Firework Festival
7.6 Philippines fireworks celebrations
7.7 Singapore fireworks celebrations
7.8 South Korean fireworks festivals
7.9 Swiss fireworks festivals
7.10 United Kingdom fireworks festivals
7.11 United States fireworks celebrations

8 Uses other than public displays

9 Fireworks classifications
9.1 North America
9.1.1 Previous US Department of Transportation explosives classifications
9.2 British fireworks classification
10 Pyrotechnic compounds
10.1 Abstract reference of chemicals used in fireworks industry
11 Effects
11.1 Peony
11.2 Brocade
11.3 Chrysanthemum
11.4 Strobe
11.5 Falling leaf
11.6 Dahlia
11.7 Willow
11.8 Ground bloom flower
11.9 Palm
11.10 Ring
11.11 Diadem
11.12 Kamuro
11.13 Crossette
11.14 Spider
11.15 Horsetail
11.16 Waterfall
11.17 Time rain
11.18 Multi-break shells
11.19 Fish
11.20 Salute
11.21 Mine
11.22 Bengal fire

11.23 Roman candle

11.24 Cake
12 Noise-related effects
12.1 Bangs and report
12.2 Crackle
12.3 Hummers
12.4 Whistle
13 Laws and politics
13.1 Safety of commercial and display fireworks in Canada
13.2 Safety of consumer fireworks in Great Britain
13.3 Safety of commercial and display fireworks in the United Kingdom
13.4 Safety of consumer fireworks in the United States
13.4.1 Pollution
13.5 Laws governing consumer fireworks
13.5.1 Asia
13.5.1.1 Philippines
13.5.2 Europe
13.5.2.1 Croatia
13.5.2.2 Finland
13.5.2.3 France
13.5.2.4 Iceland
13.5.2.5 Ireland
13.5.2.6 Italy
13.5.2.7 Netherlands
13.5.2.8 Norway
13.5.2.9 Sweden
13.5.2.10 Switzerland
13.5.2.11 United Kingdom
13.5.3 North America
13.5.3.1 United States

13.5.4 Oceania
13.5.4.1 Australia
13.5.4.2 New Zealand
13.5.5 South America
13.5.5.1 Chile
14 References
15 Further reading
16 External links
History[edit]

An illustration of a fireworks display from the 1628-1643 edition of the Ming Dynasty
novel Jin Ping Mei.[5]

An etching of the Royal Fireworks display on the Thames, London, England in 1749.

Fireworks at the London Eye on New Year's Eve.

An 18th-century illustration of Chinese fireworks from an English abstract of an

account of China by French Jesuit Pierre Nicolas d'Incarville.[5]

A firework display for Muammad Shh, portrayed seated and leaning against a
bolster.
Further information: History of gunpowder and Four Great Inventions

Preparing fireworks at Sayn Castle, Germany.

Two ignited Catherine wheels spinning during a traditional Maltese feast.

A ground firework showing various technical parts mentioned in the article, such as
the chain and a set of gears.

The grand finale showing also the jets that produce power. A picture taken from the
back so the stars and flowers are not so clearly visible.
The earliest documentation of fireworks dates back to 7th century China (time of
the Tang Dynasty), where they were invented. The fireworks were used to
accompany many festivities. It is thus a part of the culture of China and had its
origin there; eventually it spread to other cultures and societies.[2] The art and
science of firework making has developed into an independent profession. In China,
pyrotechnicians were respected for their knowledge of complex techniques in
mounting firework displays.[6] Chinese people originally believed that the fireworks
could expel evil spirits and bring about luck and happiness.[7]

During the Song Dynasty (9601279), many of the common people could purchase
various kinds of fireworks from market vendors,[8] and grand displays of fireworks
were also known to be held. In 1110, a large fireworks display in a martial
demonstration was held to entertain Emperor Huizong of Song (r. 11001125) and
his court.[9] A record from 1264 states that a rocket-propelled firework went off
near the Empress Dowager Gong Sheng and startled her during a feast held in her
honor by her son Emperor Lizong of Song (r. 12241264).[10] Rocket propulsion was
common in warfare, as evidenced by the Huolongjing compiled by Liu Bowen (1311
1375) and Jiao Yu (fl. c. 13501412).[11] In 1240 the Arabs acquired knowledge of
gunpowder and its uses from China. A Syrian named Hasan al-Rammah wrote of
rockets, fireworks, and other incendiaries, using terms that suggested he derived
his knowledge from Chinese sources, such as his references to fireworks as "Chinese
flowers".[2][12]

With the development of chinoiserie in Europe, Chinese fireworks began to gain

popularity around the mid-17th century.[13] Lev Izmailov, ambassador of Peter the
Great, once reported from China: "They make such fireworks that no one in Europe
has ever seen."[13] In 1758, the Jesuit missionary Pierre Nicolas le Chron
d'Incarville, living in Beijing, wrote about the methods and composition on how to
make many types of Chinese fireworks to the Paris Academy of Sciences, which
revealed and published the account five years later.[14] His writings would be
translated in 1765, resulting in the popularization of fireworks and further attempts
to uncover the secrets of Chinese fireworks.[14]

Amde-Franois Frzier published his revised work Trait des feux d'artice pour le
spectacle (Treatise on Fireworks) in 1747 (originally 1706),[15] covering the
recreational and ceremonial uses of fireworks, rather than their military uses.

Music for the Royal Fireworks was composed by George Frideric Handel in 1749 to
celebrate the Peace treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, which had been declared the previous
year.

Safety[edit]
See also: Pyrotechnic incidents
Improper use of fireworks may be unsafe, both to the person operating them (risks
of burns and wounds) and to bystanders; in addition, they may start fires after
landing on flammable material. For this reason, the use of fireworks is generally
legally restricted. Display fireworks are restricted by law for use by professionals;
consumer items, available to the public, are smaller versions containing limited
amounts of explosive material to reduce potential danger. Fireworks may pose a
problem for animals, both domestic and wild, who can be terrified by the noise,
leading to them running away or hurting themselves on fences or in other ways in
an attempt to escape. With proper desensitization training the number of pets going
missing due to fireworks can be reduced.[16][17][18][19]

Competitions[edit]
Main article: Fireworks competitions
Pyrotechnical competitions involving fireworks are held in many countries. The
largest and most prestigious fireworks competitions is the Montreal Fireworks
Festival, an annual competition held in Montreal, Quebec, Canada. Another
magnificent competition is the Festival d'art pyrotechnique de Cannes[20] held in
the summer annually at the Bay of Cannes in Cte d'Azur, France. The World Pyro
Olympics is an annual competition among the top fireworks companies in the world.
It is held in Manila, Philippines. The event is one of the largest and most intense
international fireworks competitions. DIFC DaNang International Fireworks
Competition[21] is held yearly in DaNang, Vietnam. Liuyang International Fireworks
Competition held in Liuyang City, Hunan Province, China.

Fireworks world records[edit]

The current Guinness World Records as of 30 November 2014 are:

Largest firework display of all time[edit]

Svea Fireworks and Sr-Tre officially set the new world record for the most fireworks
ignited during a single coordinated display, on November 29, 2014, in the small
town of Sgne, Norway.[22][23] Hailed as a "tribute to the 200th anniversary of the
Norwegian constitution", the display incorporated 540,382 individual firework
effects in a spectacular 90 minute show. Guinness World Record adjudicators were
on hand to confirm the breaking of the previous record held by Dubai.

Largest Catherine wheel[edit]

A self-propelled vertical firework wheel was designed by The Lily Fireworks Factory
and fired for at least one revolution on the eve of the annual festival of Our Lady Of
The Lilies.[24] The Lily Fireworks Factory, Mqabba, Malta currently possesses this
record, burning a Catherine Wheel with a diameter of 32.044 m (105 ft 1.6 in), on
June 18, 2011.[25]

Longest firework waterfall[edit]

The world's longest firework waterfall was the 'Niagara Falls', which measured
3,517.23 m (11,539 ft 6 in) when ignited on August 23, 2008 at the Ariake Seas
Fireworks Festival, Fukuoka, Japan.[26]

Most firework rockets launched in 30 seconds[edit]

The most firework rockets launched in 30 seconds is 125,801, organized by
Pyroworks International Inc. (Philippines), in Cebu, Philippines, on May 8, 2010.[27]

Largest firework rocket[edit]

The largest firework rocket weighed 13.40 kg (29.5 lb) and was produced and
launched by Associao Nacional de Empresas de Produtos Explosivos (Portugal) at
the 12th International Symposium on Fireworks in Oporto and Vila Nova de Gaia,
Portugal, on October 13, 2010.[28]

Clubs/Associations[edit]
Enthusiasts in the United States have formed clubs which unite hobbyists and
professionals. The groups provide safety instruction and organize meetings and
private "shoots" at remote premises where members shoot commercial fireworks as
well as fire pieces of their own manufacture. Clubs secure permission to fire items
otherwise banned by state or local ordinances. Competitions are held among
members and between clubs, demonstrating everything from single shells to
elaborate displays choreographed to music. One of the oldest clubs is CrackerJacks,
organized in 1976 in the Eastern Seaboard region of the U.S.[29]

National Fireworks Association[edit]

The National Fireworks Association, or NFA, was founded in 1993 by Cameron Starr
and is an organization composed of individuals and companies dedicated to the safe
use of fireworks.[30] Their annual expo brings together manufacturers, importers,
wholesalers and retailers from the US, China and other countries. The expo features

seminars, nightly new fireworks demonstrations and is one of the largest fireworks
trade shows in the nation.[31]

Pyrotechnics Guild International[edit]

The Pyrotechnics Guild International, Inc. or PGI,[32] founded in 1969, is an
independent worldwide nonprofit organization of amateur and professional fireworks
enthusiasts. It is notable for its large number of members, around 3,500 in total.
The PGI exists solely to further the safe usage and enjoyment of both professional
grade and consumer grade fireworks while both advancing the art and craft of
pyrotechnics and preserving its historical aspects. Each August the PGI conducts its
annual week-long convention, where some the world's biggest and best fireworks
displays occur. Vendors, competitors, and club members come from around the US
and from various parts of the globe to enjoy the show and to help out at this allvolunteer event. Aside from the nightly firework shows, the competition is a
highlight of the convention. This is a completely unique event where individual
classes of hand-built fireworks are competitively judged, ranging from simple
fireworks rockets to extremely large and complex aerial shells. Some of the biggest,
best, most intricate fireworks displays in the United States take place during the
convention week.

Amateur and professional members can come to the convention to purchase

fireworks, paper goods, novelty items, non-explosive chemical components and
much more at the PGI trade show. Before the nightly fireworks displays and
competitions, club members have a chance to enjoy open shooting of any and all
legal consumer or professional grade fireworks, as well as testing and display of
hand-built fireworks. The week ends with the Grand Public Display on Friday night,
which gives the chosen display company a chance to strut their stuff in front of
some of the world's biggest fireworks aficionados. The stakes are high and much
planning is put into the show. In 1994 a shell of 36 inches (910 mm) in diameter was
fired during the convention, more than twice as large as the largest shell usually
seen in the US, and shells as large as 24 inches (610 mm) are frequently fired.

Western Pyrotechnic Association[edit]

Because of enthusiasm for display fireworks west of the Rocky Mountains, The
WPA[33] was formed in 1989 in part because of the travel distances required to
attend PGI events in the U.S. midwest. The organization sponsors two major
firework events per year, almost always at Lake Havasu, Arizona. Activities are
similar (except sometimes in scale) to those at PGI conventions. Most members of
the WPA are firework professionals, who claim it's essential to have a few
opportunities per year to perform shows for amusement, as well as for other
professionals. Many participants teach workshops (including manufacturing
workshops) during these events as well.

Olympics[edit]
Fireworks play a major role during the ceremonies for the Summer and Winter
Olympic Games. In the opening ceremonies, the fireworks will go off all across the
stadium when a person declares the competition open. This also occurs when the
cauldron is officially lit by an athlete at the end of the ceremony with the Olympic
Torch. In the closing ceremonies, the fireworks appear once again at the end when
the flame is extinguished.

Fireworks celebrations throughout the world[edit]

Dutch fireworks festivals[edit]
In the Netherlands and former colonies, New Year's is a time to set off fireworks.
Due to strict laws, sales and use of fireworks are only allowed for 3 days (if one of
these days is a Sunday, sales start one day earlier), so everyone must pack all of
their fireworks into that period of time.

Indian fireworks celebrations[edit]

fireworks from India

Fireworks over Pune in 2012

Indians throughout the world celebrate with fireworks as part of their popular
"festival of lights" (Diwali) on new moon day (Amavasya) of Aswayuja month
which generally falls in OctNov every year. Quieter varieties of fireworks are more
popular for this festival as it is a festival of light celebrated on the new moon night.
It is the festival of Hindu religion.

Japanese fireworks festivals[edit]

During the summer in Japan, fireworks festivals ( hanabi taikai?) are held
nearly every day someplace in the country, in total numbering more than 200
during August. The festivals consist of large fireworks shows, the largest of which
use between 100,000 and 120,000 rounds (PL Art of Fireworks), and can attract
more than 800,000 spectators. Street vendors set up stalls to sell various drinks and
staple Japanese food (such as Yakisoba, Okonomiyaki, Takoyaki, kakigori (shaved
ice)), and operate traditionally held festival games, such as Kingyo-sukui, or
Goldfish scooping.

Even today, men and women attend these events wearing the traditional Yukata,
summer Kimono, or Jinbei (men only), collecting in large social circles of family or
friends to sit picnic-like, eating and drinking, while watching the show.

The first fireworks festival in Japan was held in 1733.[34]

Maltese fireworks celebrations[edit]

Malta International Fireworks Festival 2014

Fireworks have been used in Malta for hundreds of years. When the islands were
ruled by the Order of St John, fireworks were used on special occasions such as the
election of a new Grand Master, the appointment of a new Pope or the birth of a
prince.[35]

Nowadays, fireworks are used in village feasts throughout the summer. The Malta
International Fireworks Festival is also held annually.[36]

North Korea Firework Festival[edit]

Fireworks have been used in Kaesong on Buddha's Birthday.

Philippines fireworks celebrations[edit]

The World Pyro Olympics is an annual fireworks competition held in the Philippines
which runs for five days. Every day, there would be two competitors from around
the world who battle to set up the grandest possible fireworks display. The host of
the event does not participate in the competition but performs a fireworks display
on the last night. Awards, such as the People's Choice, are given out after the
exhibition. The crowning of the World Pyro Olympics Champion ends the event.

Singapore fireworks celebrations[edit]

The Singapore Fireworks Celebrations, August 8, 2006.

Hogmanay fireworks in Edinburgh.

Main article: Singapore Fireworks Celebrations

The Singapore Fireworks Celebrations (previously the Singapore Fireworks Festival)

is an annual event held in Singapore as part of its National Day celebrations. The
festival features local and foreign teams which launch displays on different nights.
While currently non-competitive in nature, the organizer has plans to introduce a
competitive element in the future.

The annual festival has grown in magnitude, from 4,000 rounds used in 2004, 6,000
in 2005, to over 9,100 in 2006.

South Korean fireworks festivals[edit]

Seoul International Firework Festival[37] has been held since last 2000. It was held
at the Han River on October 7, 2000 with 4 major country's participating for the first
time. South Korea, United States, Japan, and China took part in this festival hoping
to successfully hold the upcoming South Korea & Japan 2002 FIFA World Cup[38]
and for the harmony of Korean people.

From 2000, the festival has been held in the same area, and not only the citizens of
Seoul but includes other provinces. People from abroad also enjoy one of the most
beautiful fireworks festival in the world.

Swiss fireworks festivals[edit]

Although the Swiss have a year round fireworks culture, the 1st of August (Swiss
National Day) is the big time to set off fireworks.

United Kingdom fireworks festivals[edit]

One of the biggest occasions for fireworks in Great Britain is Guy Fawkes Night held
each year on November 5, while the biggest in Northern Ireland takes place at
Halloween. Guy Fawkes Night is a celebration of the foiling of the Gunpowder Plot on
November 5, 1605, an attempt to kill King James I.

There are many firework societies in the counties of East Sussex and West Sussex
which were at one time a single county. The societies predate the county boundary
changes and are still known collectively as Sussex Bonfire Societies.

United States fireworks celebrations[edit]

The New Year's Eve ball drop in New York City's Times Square, signaling the start of
2012 at midnight with a large-scale fireworks show.
America's earliest settlers brought their enthusiasm for fireworks to the United
States. Fireworks and black ash were used to celebrate important events long
before the American Revolutionary War. The very first celebration of Independence
Day was in 1777, six years before Americans knew whether the new nation would
survive the war; fireworks were a part of all festivities. In 1789, George
Washington's inauguration was also accompanied by a fireworks display. This early
fascination with their noise and color continues today. On New Year's Eve, there are
special fireworks shows to signal the arrival of the New Year at the stroke of
midnight like the famous ball drop in New York City's Times Square.

In 1976, Macy's sponsored the annual Independence Day fireworks show from New
York City and is televised live on NBC since its debut. Over three million people
came to see the show in person, while the telecast on NBC attracted millions of
viewers. The show takes place in the East River and the Hudson River.

In 1999, Walt Disney World in Lake Buena Vista, Florida, pioneered the commercial
use of aerial fireworks launched with compressed air rather than gunpowder for the
Epcot night time spectacular, IllumiNations: Reflections of Earth. The display shell
explodes in the air using an electronic timer. The advantages of compressed air
launch are a reduction in fumes, and much greater accuracy in height and timing.
[39]

The Walt Disney Company is the largest consumer of fireworks in the world.

Currently, the largest annual pyrotechnic display in North America is Thunder Over
Louisville which kicks off the Kentucky Derby Festival.

The second largest fireworks display in North America is Cincinnati Bell/WEBN

Riverfest fireworks display. This incredible pyrotechnic display takes place over the
Ohio river between the border of Ohio (Cincinnati) and Kentucky (Covington). It
attracts over 500,000 people each year and over 2,500 viewers by boat. It is
televised on WLWT and broadcast over the internet for millions of viewers. This
annual event has taken place Labor Day weekend since 1977.

Every year, on the 4th of July, Pyrotechnic Innovations has a live webcam[40] that
shows a crew setting up a professional fireworks display. It gives a behind the
scenes look at what goes into a large display.

One of the world's largest fireworks companies, Zambelli Fireworks, is based in New
Castle, Pennsylvania.[41] Subsequently, due to Zambelli's influence in the fireworks
industry, New Castle is known as the "Fireworks Capital of America," a name the city
government trademarked in 2006.[42]

In the United States, fireworks displays are a popular patriotic tradition on the
Fourth of July, but almost all of the fireworks exploded in the US are hand-made in
China.[43] An American's invention to automate the process, patented in both the
U.S. and China, has generated similar devices but no sales in China.[44]

Uses other than public displays[edit]

Main article: Consumer fireworks
Consumer fireworks are fireworks the general public can buy. They typically have
less explosive power than professional fireworks, but can still produce an acceptable
show. Some examples of consumer fireworks are firecrackers, rockets, cakes
(multishot aerial fireworks) and smoke balls.

Fireworks can also be used in an agricultural capacity as bird scarers.

Fireworks classifications[edit]
See also: Dangerous goods

Independence Day fireworks in San Diego.

fireworks
North America[edit]
The Canadian, Mexican, and United States governments classify fireworks and
similar devices according to their potential hazards using the United Nations
explosives shipping classification system. This system is based on hazard in
shipping only, vs. the old US system of both shipping and use hazards.

The UN classification system consists of five parts: the Primary class, the Secondary
class indicating the hazard potential, the Compatibility Group, the UN Number an

international code assigned to a specific dangerous good, and the Shipping Name
describing the type of dangerous good in clear language.

Here are some common fireworks classes:

Class 1.1G (Mass Explosion Possible:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0094 Flashpowder

Class 1.1G (Mass Explosion Possible:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0333 Fireworks (Salutes
in bulk or in manufacture)
Class 1.2G (Projection but not mass explosion:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0334 Fireworks
(Rarely used)
Class 1.3G (Fire, Minor Blast:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0335 Fireworks (Most Display
Fireworks)
Current US law states that without appropriate ATF license/permit, the possession or
sale of any display/professional fireworks is a felony punishable by up to 5 years in
prison.
Any ground salute device with over 50 mg of explosive composition
Torpedoes (except for railroad signaling use)
Multi-tube devices containing over 500 g (18 oz) of pyrotechnic composition and
without 1/2" space between each tube
Any multiple tube fountains with over 500 g (18 oz) of pyrotechnic composition and
without 1/2" space between each tube
Any reloadable aerial shells over 1.75" diameter
Display shells
Any single-shot or reloadable aerial shell/mine/comet/tube with over 60 g (2.1 oz) of
pyrotechnic composition
Any Roman candle or rocket with over 20 g (0.71 oz) of pyrotechnic composition
Any aerial salute with over 130 mg of explosive composition
Class 1.4G (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0336
Fireworks (Consumer or Common Fireworks)
Most popular consumer fireworks sold in the US, including:
Reloadable aerial shells 1.75" or less sold in a box with not more than 12 shells and
one launching tube
Single-shot aerial tubes
Bottle rockets

Skyrockets and missiles

Ground spinners, pinwheels and helicopters
Flares & fountains
Roman candles
Smoke and novelty items
Multi-shot aerial devices, or "cakes"
Firecracker packs (see this link for various brand/label images). Although some
firecracker items may be called "M-80's", "M-1000's", "Cherry bombs" or "Silver
Salutes" by the manufacturer, they must contain less than 50 mg of flash or other
explosive powder in order to be legally sold to consumers in the United States.
Sparklers
Catherine wheel
Black snakes and strobes
Mines
Class 1.4S (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package: Packed As To Not Hinder
Nearby Firefighters) e.g.:UN0336 Fireworks (Consumer or Common Fireworks)
Class 1.4G (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package:Pyrotechnics) e.g.: UN0431
ARTICLES, PYROTECHNIC for technical purposes (Proximate Pyrotechnics)
Class 1.4S (Minor Explosion Hazard Confined To Package: Packed As To Not Hinder
Nearby Firefighters) e.g.: UN0432 ARTICLES, PYROTECHNIC for technical purposes
(Proximate Pyrotechnics)
Previous US Department of Transportation explosives classifications[edit]
Explosives, including fireworks, were previously[when?] divided into three
classifications for transportation purposes by the Department of Transportation.

Class A explosives included high explosives such as dynamite, TNT, blasting caps,
packages of flash powder, bulk packages of black powder and blasting agents such
as ANFO and other slurry types of explosives.
Class B explosives included low explosives such as "display fireworks" which were
the larger and more powerful fireworks used at most public displays.
Class C explosives included other low explosives such as igniters, fuses and
"common fireworks", which were the smaller and less powerful fireworks available
for sale to and use by the general public.
At the time, the purchase and use of all of these explosives (with specific exceptions
for high explosives purchased and used in state, black powder used for sporting

purposes and common fireworks) required either a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and
Firearms (ATF) license or permit to purchase and use, and/or a state or local license
or permit to purchase and use. The BATF and most states performed a direct
substitution of Shipping Class 1.3 for Class B, and Shipping Class 1.4 for Class C.
This allows some hazardous items that would have previously been classified as
Class B and regulated to be classified as Shipping Class 1.4 due to a packaging
method that confines any explosion to the package. Being Shipping Class 1.4, they
can now be sold to the general public and are unregulated by the BATF.

Fireworks at the opening ceremony of the 2012 Summer Olympics

British fireworks classification[edit]
Main article: Fireworks law in the United Kingdom
Britain has its own system of classifying fireworks.

Category 1 indoor fireworks, for use in small areas.

Category 2 garden fireworks; must be safely viewable from 5 m (16 ft) and must
not scatter debris beyond 3 m (9.8 ft).
Category 3 display fireworks; must be safely viewable from 25 m (82 ft) and must
not scatter debris beyond 20 m (66 ft).
Category 4 professional fireworks; a person must have adequate insurance and
storage to purchase and use these fireworks. Insurance can only be obtained once
they have acknowledged the safe use and storage of Category 4 fireworks. There is
no such thing as a "license" to buy or use Category 4 fireworks.
Pyrotechnic compounds[edit]

Copper compounds glow green or blue-green in a flame.

Orange, green, pink, yellow and blue fireworks in Kurume, Japan.

Main article: Pyrotechnic composition
Colors in fireworks are usually generated by pyrotechnic starsusually just called
starswhich produce intense light when ignited. Stars contain five basic types of
ingredients.

A fuel which allows the star to burn

An oxidizer a compound which chemically oxidizes the fuel, necessary for

combustion
Color-producing chemicals
A binder which holds the compound together.
A chlorine donor which provides chlorine to strengthen the color of the flame.
Sometimes the oxidizer can serve this purpose.
Some of the more common color-producing compounds are tabulated here. The
color of a compound in a firework will be the same as its color in a flame test
(shown at right). Not all compounds that produce a colored flame are appropriate
for coloring fireworks, however. Ideal colorants will produce a pure, intense color
when present in moderate concentration.

Main article: Pyrotechnic colorant

Color Metal
Red

Strontium (intense red)

Lithium (medium red)

Orange

Calcium

Yellow Sodium
Apple Green Barium
Blue

Copper

Azure Cesium
Violet Potassium (light pinkish violet)
Rubidium (violet-red)
Gold Charcoal, iron, or lampblack
White Titanium, aluminum, beryllium, or magnesium powders
The brightest stars, often called Mag Stars, are fueled by aluminum. Magnesium is
rarely used in the fireworks industry due to its lack of ability to form a protective
oxide layer. Often an alloy of both metals called magnalium is used.

Many of the chemicals used in the manufacture of fireworks are non-toxic, while
many more have some degree of toxicity, can cause skin sensitivity, or exist in dust
form and are thereby inhalation hazards. Others, such as barium chloride are
poisons if directly ingested or inhaled.

Abstract reference of chemicals used in fireworks industry[edit]

The following table is an educational guideline for the chemistry of fireworks.

Symbol

Name Fireworks Usage

Color

Al
Aluminum Aluminum is used to produce silver and white flames and sparks. It is a
common component of sparklers.
silver, white
Ba
Barium

Barium is used to create greenish colors in fireworks.

apple green

C
Carbon
Carbon is one of the main components of black powder, which is used
as a propellant in fireworks. Carbon provides the fuel for a firework. Common forms
include carbon black, sugar, or starch.
Ca
Calcium
Calcium is used to deepen firework colors. Calcium salts produce
orange fireworks. orange
Cl
Chlorine
Chlorine is an important component of many oxidizers in fireworks.
Several of the metal salts that produce colors contain chlorine.
Cs
Cesium
Cesium compounds help to oxidize firework mixtures. Cesium
compounds produce an azure (sky-blue) color in fireworks. light blue
Cu
Copper
Copper produces blue-green colors in fireworks and halides of copper
are used to make shades of blue.
blue-green, blue
Fe
Iron Iron is used to produce sparks. The heat of the metal determines the color of
the sparks. (Think of "red hot.") Current technology does not allow the generation of
sufficient heat to make the iron glow blue (as in a "blue giant" star).
yellow
through red
K
Potassium Potassium compounds help to oxidize firework mixtures. Potassium
nitrate, potassium chlorate, and potassium perchlorate are all important oxidizers.
The potassium content can impart a violet-pink color to the sparks.
violet-pink

Li
Lithium
Lithium is a metal that is used to impart a red color to fireworks.
Lithium carbonate, in particular, is a common colorant.
red
Mg
Magnesium Magnesium burns an extremely brilliantindeed, almost blindingly so
white, so it is used to add white sparks or improve the overall brilliance of a
firework.
dazzling white
Na
Sodium
Sodium imparts a yellow color to fireworks, however, the color is often
so bright that it frequently masks less intense colors.
yellow
O
Oxygen
Fireworks include oxidizers, which are substances that produce oxygen
in order for burning to occur. The oxidizers are usually nitrates, chlorates, or
perchlorates. Sometimes the same substance is used to provide oxygen and color.
P
Phosphorus Phosphorus burns spontaneously in air and is also responsible for some
glow in the dark effects. It may be a component of a firework's fuel.
Rb
Rubidium
Rubidium compounds help to oxidize firework mixtures. Rubidium
compounds produce a violet-red color in fireworks. violet-red
S
Sulfur Sulfur is a component of black powder, and as such, it is found in a firework's
propellant/fuel.
Sb
Antimony

Antimony is used to create firework glitter effects.

white

Sr
Strontium
Strontium salts impart a red color to fireworks. Strontium compounds
are also important for stabilizing fireworks mixtures.
red
Ti
Titanium
sparks.

Titanium metal can be burned as powder or flakes to produce silver

silver

Zn
Zinc Zinc is a bluish white metal that is used to create smoke effects for fireworks
and other pyrotechnic devices.

Effects[edit]

Flower Bed fireworks effect, Somerville, Massachusetts.

Peony[edit]
The most commonly seen shell type, the peony has a spherical break of colored
stars that burn without a tail effect.

Brocade[edit]
Chrysanthemum[edit]
The chrysanthemum has a spherical break of colored stars with a very short burn
time, then followed by crackling.

Strobe[edit]
A series of quickly flashing stars that are used in peony shells and mines

Falling leaf[edit]
A mine-shaped explosion that free falls to the ground.

Dahlia[edit]
Essentially, the dahlia is the same as a peony shell, but with fewer and larger stars.
These stars travel a longer-than-usual distance from the shell break before burning
out. For instance, if a 3" peony shell is made with a star size designed for a 6" shell,
it is then considered a dahlia. Some dahlia shells are cylindrical rather than
spherical to allow for larger stars.

Willow[edit]
The willow is similar to the chrysanthemum, but has less of an ongoing flare after
ignition of the shell. In addition, the flame trails gradually extinguish, and in doing
so, falls creating a willow branch-like effect.

Ground bloom flower[edit]

Deerfield beach fireworks

A minute barrel-like figure that, when ignited it releases a small flare with an
ongoing good thrust in order to rapidly spin and cause the illusion that it's coming
from all angles. As it spins, the color of the flame will usually change and often ends
with an orange flame color (color of a burning hydrocarbon in oxygen).

Palm[edit]

A collection of palm-shell fireworks illuminating the beach of Tybee Island, Georgia.

A typical kamuro effect.

A typical spider effect.

A shell containing a relatively few large comet stars arranged in such a way as to
burst with large arms or tendrils, producing a palm tree-like effect. Proper palm
shells feature a thick rising tail that displays as the shell ascends, thereby
simulating the tree trunk to further enhance the "palm tree" effect. One might also
see a burst of color inside the palm burst (given by a small insert shell) to simulate
coconuts.

Ring[edit]

Hearts effects.
A shell with stars specially arranged to create a ring like shape. Variations include
smiley faces, hearts, and clovers.

Diadem[edit]
The diadem is a type of Peony or Chrysanthemum with a center cluster of nonmoving stars, usually of a strobing effect.

Kamuro[edit]
Kamuro is a Japanese word meaning "Boys haircut" which is what this shell looks
like when fully exploded in the air. A dense burst of glittering silver or gold stars
which leave a heavy glitter trail and are very shiny in the night's sky.

Crossette[edit]

Crossette effect at a display in Walt Disney World Resort

Crossette is an effect characterized by a "star" which quickly shoots outward in four
directions from the initial comet. When multiple crossette shells are fired
simultaneously, the result is a mass of criss-crossing trails, hence the name. Each
specialized star in a crossette shell contains a small shot hole that effectively
divides the star into four sides. The shot hole is packed with an explosive powder.
When the charge ignites, the star splits into four segments that propel outward.
Once limited to silver or gold effects, colored crossettes such as red, green, or white
are now very common.

Spider[edit]
A shell containing a fast burning tailed or charcoal star that is burst very hard so
that the stars travel in a straight and flat trajectory before slightly falling and
burning out. This appears in the sky as a series of radial lines much like the legs of a
spider.

Horsetail[edit]
Named for the shape of its break, this shell has stars that leave behind a short tail.

Waterfall[edit]
Like a horsetail, but the stars burn for a long time.

Time rain[edit]
The time rain is an effect created by large, slow-burning stars within a shell that
leave a trail of large glittering sparks behind and make a sizzling noise. The "time"
refers to the fact that these stars burn away gradually, as opposed to the standard
brocade "rain" effect where a large amount of glitter material is released at once.

Multi-break shells[edit]
A large shell containing several smaller shells of various sizes and types. The initial
burst scatters the shells across the sky before they explode. Also called a bouquet
shell. When a shell contains smaller shells of the same size and type, the effect is
usually referred to as "Thousands". Very large bouquet shells (up to 48 in [120 cm])
are frequently used in Japan.

Fish[edit]
Shells that have the property of launching the flaming debris in all different
directions are known as fish. Also, what gives them their identities are the flares
swarming in random directions.

Salute[edit]
Main article: Salute (pyrotechnics)
A shell intended to produce a loud report rather than a visual effect. Salute shells
usually contain flash powder, producing a quick flash followed by a very loud report.
Salute shells can be anywhere from 1" to 5" in diameter. Titanium may be added to
the flash powder mix to produce a cloud of bright sparks around the flash. Salutes
are commonly used in large quantities during finales to create intense noise and
brightness. They are often cylindrical in shape to allow for a larger payload of flash
powder, but ball shapes are common and cheaper as well. Salutes are also called
Maroons. Another type of salute is the lampare. A lampare shell has the flash
powder used in a regular salute, but is filled with a flammable liquid. When the shell
explodes it has a loud report with a fireball.

Mine[edit]
A mine (a.k.a. pot feu) is a ground firework that expels stars and/or other
garnitures into the sky. Shot from a mortar like a shell, a mine consists of a canister
with the lift charge on the bottom with the effects placed on top. Mines can project
small reports, serpents, small shells, as well as just stars. Although mines up to 12
inches (300 mm) in diameter appear on occasion, they are usually between 3 and 5
inches (76 and 127 mm) in diameter.

Bengal fire[edit]
Bengal fire or Bengal light produces a steady, vivid, blue-colored light.[45] It is often
made using combinations of potassium nitrate and copper compounds.[46][47]

Roman candle[edit]
Main article: Roman candle (firework)
A Roman candle is a long tube containing several large stars which fire at a regular
interval. These are commonly arranged in fan shapes or crisscrossing shapes, at a
closer proximity to the audience. Some larger Roman candles contain small shells
(bombettes) rather than stars.

Cake[edit]
Main article: Cake (firework)
A cake is a cluster of individual tubes linked by fuse that fires a series of aerial
effects. Tube diameters can range in size from 14 to 4 inches (6 to 100 mm), and a
single cake can have over 1,000 shots. The variety of effects within individual cakes
is often such that they defy descriptive titles and are instead given cryptic names
such as "Bermuda Triangle", "Pyro Glyphics", "Summer Storm", "Waco Wakeup", and
"Poisonous Spider", to name a few. Others are simply quantities of 2.5"-4" shells
fused together in single-shot tubes.

Noise-related effects[edit]

Fireworks
Problems playing this file? See media help.
Bangs and report[edit]
The bang is the most common effect in fireworks and sounds like a gunshot,
technically called a report.

Crackle[edit]
The firework produces a crackling sound.

Hummers[edit]
Tiny tube fireworks that are ejected into the air spinning with such force that they
shred their outer coating, in doing so they whizz and hum.

Whistle[edit]
High pitched often very loud screaming and screeching created by the resonance of
gas. This is caused by a very fast strobing (on/off burning stage) of the fuel. The
rapid bursts of gas from the fuel vibrate the air many hundreds of times per second
causing the familiar whistling sound. It is not as is commonly thought made in
the conventional way that musical instruments are using specific tube shapes or
apertures. Common whistle fuels contain benzoate or salicylate compounds and a
suitable oxidizer such as potassium perchlorate.

Laws and politics[edit]

Safety of commercial and display fireworks in Canada[edit]

Victoria Day 2005 fireworks display from Ontario Place, Toronto. The Canadian
government has passed several laws regulating firework use.
A photo of a pin board firing system for fireworks displays.
For public displays, a pin board firing system allows an operator to ignite fireworks
at a distance.
Fireworks safety is considered to be extremely important in Canada. The use,
storage and sale of commercial-grade fireworks in Canada is licensed by Natural
Resources Canada's Explosive Regulatory Division (ERD). Unlike their consumer
counterpart, commercial-grade fireworks function differently, and come in a wide
range of sizes from 50 mm (2.0 in) up to 300 mm (12 in) or more in diameter.

Commercial grade fireworks require a "Fireworks Operator certificate", obtained

from the ERD by completing a one-day safety course. The certification system
consists of three levels: Assistant, Supervisor, and Supervisor with Endorsements.
Assistants can only work under direct supervision of a Supervisor. Supervisor
certification is gained after assisting three shows within the past five years.
Supervisors can independently use and fire most commercial grade pyrotechnics.
Supervisor with Endorsements certification can be obtained after supervising three
shows within the past five years, and allows the holder to fire from barges, bridges,
rooftops and over unusual sites.[48]

Since commercial-grade fireworks are shells which are loaded into separate mortars
by hand, there is danger in every stage of the setup.[49] Setup of these fireworks
involves: the placement and securing of mortars on wooden or wire racks; loading
of the shells; and if electronically firing, wiring and testing. The mortars are
generally made of FRE (Fiber-Reinforced Epoxy) or HDPE (High-Density
Polyethelene), some older mortars are made of sheet steel, but have been banned
by most countries due to the problem of shrapnel produced during a misfire.

Setup of mortars in Canada for an oblong firing site require that a mortar be
configured at an angle of 10 to 15 degrees down-range with a safety distance of at
least 200 meters (660 feet) down-range and 100 meters (330 feet) surrounding the
mortars, plus distance adjustments for wind speed and direction. In June 2007, the
ERD approved circular firing sites for use with vertically fired mortars with a safety
distance of at least 175 meters (574 feet) radius, plus distance adjustments for wind
speed and direction.[50]

Loading of shells is a delicate process, and must be done with caution, and a loader
must ensure not only the mortar is clean, but also make sure that no part of their
body is directly over the mortar in case of a premature fire. Wiring the shells is a
painstaking process; whether the shells are being fired manually or electronically,
with any "chain fusing" or wiring of electrical igniters care must be taken to prevent
the fuse (an electrical match, often incorrectly called a squib) from igniting. If the
setup is wired electrically, the electrical matches are usually plugged into a "firing
rail" or "breakout box" which runs back to the main firing board; from there, the
firing board is simply hooked up to a car battery, and can proceed with firing the
show when ready. After the display, the operators must ensure the site is inspected
for misfired or unfired materials within 30 minutes of the conclusion of the show.
Further, they must return the next day, during daylight, to reinspect the area again.
[48]

Safety of consumer fireworks in Great Britain[edit]

The safety of consumer fireworks in England, Scotland, and Wales is always a widely
discussed topic around Guy Fawkes Night, November 5. The most common injuries
are burns from hand-held fireworks such as sparklers. There are also injuries due to
people being hit by projectiles fired from fireworks, although these can usually be
explained by people setting up fireworks incorrectly. Other issues include the
dangers of falling rocket sticks, especially from larger rockets containing metal
motors.

"Shock" adverts have been used for many years in an attempt to restrict injuries
from fireworks, especially targeted at young people. The vast majority of fireworks
are "Category 3, (Display Fireworks)" all of which state that spectators must be at
least 25 meters (82 feet) away when the firework is fired. This is a safety concern as
few people have access to that amount of private space. Other categories include
"Category 2 (Garden Fireworks)" for which spectators must be a minimum of 8
meters (26 feet 3 inches) away when the firework is fired, and "Category 4
Professional Use Only". Any firework classed as Category 4 may only be used by
professional pyrotechnists and must not be sold to the general public.

Safety of commercial and display fireworks in the United Kingdom[edit]

In the UK, responsibility for the safety of firework displays is shared between the
Health and Safety Executive, fire brigades and local authorities. Currently, there is
no national system of licensing for fireworks operators, but in order to purchase
display fireworks, operators must have licensed explosives storage and public
liability insurance.

Safety of consumer fireworks in the United States[edit]

It is common for small firework stands to be next to the highway, in rural America.

Consumer fireworks are illegal in Stafford, Texas, United States.

An example of a consumer firework in California.

Availability and use of consumer fireworks are hotly debated topics. Critics and
safety advocates point to the numerous injuries and accidental fires that are
attributed to fireworks as justification for banning or at least severely restricting
access to fireworks. Complaints about excessive noise created by fireworks and the
large amounts of debris and fallout left over after shooting are also used to support
this position. There are numerous incidents of consumer fireworks being used in a
manner that is disrespectful of the communities and neighborhoods where the users
live.

Meanwhile, those who support more liberal firework laws look at the same statistics
as the critics and conclude that, when used properly, consumer fireworks are a safer
form of recreation than riding bicycles or playing soccer.[51]

The Consumer Product Safety Commission has guidelines concerning the standard
of consumer fireworks sold in the US. Together with US Customs, they are very
proactive in enforcing these rules, intercepting imported fireworks that don't comply
and issuing recalls on unacceptable consumer fireworks that are found to have
"slipped through". Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) is the
federal agency that regulates explosives, including Display Fireworks in the US.

Many states have laws which further restrict access to and use of consumer
fireworks, and some of these states such as New Jersey[52] vigorously enforce
them. Each year, there are many raids on individuals suspected of illegally
possessing fireworks.[53]

The U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) as well as the
U.S. Consumer Product Safety Commission (CPSC) have general jurisdiction over
what types of fireworks may be legally sold in the United States. The federal law is
only the minimum standard however, and each state is free to enact laws that are
more stringent if they so choose. Citing concerns over fireworks safety, some states,
such as California, have enacted legislation restricting fireworks usage to devices

that do not leave the ground, such as fountains. North Carolina limits fireworks to a
charge of 200 grams (7.1 ounces) of black powder. States such as New Jersey,
Massachusetts, and Delaware ban all consumer fireworks completely. Rhode Island,
Arizona, and New York have recently passed bills legalizing certain types of small
fireworks. On the other hand, states such as New Hampshire, South Dakota, South
Carolina and Tennessee allow most or all legal consumer fireworks to be sold and
used throughout the year. Michigan has recently overturned its ban on fireworks
that leave the ground, allowing for the sale and use for the 1st time in 2012. New
Mexico in some cases, will not allow fireworks from individual residents if the
fireworks are said to detonate over 5 feet (1.5 m) in height.

Illinois only permits sparklers, snake/glow worm pellets, smoke devices, trick
noisemakers, and plastic or paper caps.[54] However, many users travel to
neighboring states such as Indiana, Missouri, Kentucky, and Wisconsin to obtain
fireworks for use in Illinois.[55] This situation is similar to the plight of many St.
Louis residents as fireworks are illegal within both city and county limits. However,
fireworks are readily available in nearby St. Charles County.

Pennsylvania is somewhere in between; the law only allows fireworks that don't
leave the ground to be sold and used by residents. Yet residents from out of state
and Pennsylvania residents with a permit can buy any consumer fireworks from an
outlet.

Differences in legislation among states have led many fireworks dealers to set up
shop along state borders to attract customers from neighboring states where
fireworks are restricted. Some Native American tribes on reservation lands show
similar behavior, often selling fireworks that are not legal for sale outside of the
reservation.

The type of fireworks sold in the United States vary widely, from fireworks which are
legal under federal law, all the way to illegal explosive devices/professional
fireworks that are sold on the black market. Both the illicit manufacture and
diversion of illegal explosives to the consumer market have become a growing
problem in recent years.

Pollution[edit]
Fireworks produce smoke and dust that may contain residues of heavy metals,
sulfur-coal compounds and some low concentration toxic chemicals. These byproducts of fireworks combustion will vary depending on the mix of ingredients of a
particular firework. (The color green, for instance, may be produced by adding the
various compounds and salts of Barium, some of which are toxic, and some of which

are not.) Some fishermen have noticed and reported to environmental authorities
that firework residues can hurt fish and other water-life because some may contain
toxic compounds such as antimony sulfide.[disambiguation needed] This is a
subject of much debate because large-scale pollution from other sources makes it
difficult to measure the amount of pollution that comes specifically from fireworks.
The possible toxicity of any fallout may also be affected by the amount of black
powder used, type of oxidizer, colors produced and launch method.

Fireworks have also been noted as a source of perchlorate in lakes.[56] The U. S.

Environmental Protection Agency's Richard Wilkin and colleagues have conducted
research on the use of pyrotechnic devices over bodies of water, noting concerns
over the effects of environmental perchlorate on human health and wildlife. Sources
of perchlorate range from lightning and certain fertilizers to the perchlorate
compounds in rocket fuel and explosives. Scientists long suspected community
fireworks displays were another source, but few studies had been done on the topic.
Wilkin's group has now established fireworks displays as a source of perchlorate
contamination by analyzing water in an Oklahoma lake before and after fireworks
displays in 2004, 2005 and 2006. Within 14 hours after the fireworks, perchlorate
levels rose 24 to 1,028 times above background levels. Levels peaked about 24
hours after the display, and then decreased to the pre-fireworks background within
20 to 80 days. The study is detailed in the June 1, 2007 issue of the journal
Environmental Science & Technology. (Environ. Sci. Technol., 2007, 41 (11), pp
39663971)[57]

Perchlorate, a type of salt in its solid form, dissolves and moves rapidly in
groundwater and surface water. Even in low concentrations in drinking water
supplies, perchlorate is known to inhibit the uptake of iodine by the thyroid gland.
While there are currently no federal drinking water standards for perchlorate, some
states have established public health goals, or action levels, and some are in the
process of establishing state maximum contaminant levels. For example, the US
Environmental Protection Agency conducted studies on the impacts of perchlorate
on the environment as well as drinking water.[58] California has also issued
guidance regarding perchlorate use.[59]

Several states have enacted drinking water standard for perchlorate including
Massachusetts in 2006. California's legislature enacted AB 826, the Perchlorate
Contamination Prevention Act of 2003, requiring California's Department of Toxic
Substance Control (DTSC) to adopt regulations specifying best management
practices for perchlorate and perchlorate-containing substances. The Perchlorate
Best Management Practices were adopted on December 31, 2005 and became
operative on July 1, 2006.[60] California issued drinking water standards in 2007.
Several other states, including Arizona, Maryland, Nevada, New Mexico, New York,
and Texas have established non-enforceable, advisory levels for perchlorate.

The courts have also taken action with regard to perchlorate contamination. For
example, in 2003, a federal district court in California found that Comprehensive
Environmental Response, Compensation and Liability Act (CERCLA) applied because
perchlorate is ignitable and therefore a "characteristic" hazardous waste. (see
Castaic Lake Water Agency v. Whittaker, 272 F. Supp. 2d 1053, 105961 (C.D. Cal.
2003)).

Pollutants from fireworks raise concerns because of potential health risks associated
with hazardous by-products. For most people the effects of exposure to low levels of
toxins from many sources over long periods are unknown. For persons with asthma
or multiple chemical sensitivity the smoke from fireworks may aggravate existing
health problems.[61] Environmental pollution is also a concern because heavy
metals and other chemicals from fireworks may contaminate water supplies and
because fireworks combustion gases might contribute to such things as acid rain
which can cause vegetation and even property damage. However, gunpowder
smoke and the solid residues are basic, and as such the net effect of fireworks on
acid rain is debatable. The carbon used in fireworks is produced from wood and
does not lead to more carbon dioxide in the air. What is not disputed is that most
consumer fireworks leave behind a considerable amount of solid debris, including
both readily biodegradable components as well as nondegradable plastic items.
Concerns over pollution, consumer safety, and debris have restricted the sale and
use of consumer fireworks in many countries. Professional displays, on the other
hand, remain popular around the world.

Others argue that alleged concern over pollution from fireworks constitutes a red
herring, since the amount of contamination from fireworks is minuscule in
comparison to emissions from sources such as the burning of fossil fuels. In the US
some states and local governments restrict the use of fireworks in accordance with
the Clean Air Act which allows laws relating to the prevention and control of outdoor
air pollution to be enacted. Few governmental entities, by contrast, effectively limit
pollution from burning fossil fuels such as diesel fuel or coal. Coal fueled electricity
generation alone is a much greater source of heavy metal contamination in the
environment than fireworks.

Some companies within the U.S. fireworks industry claim they are working with
Chinese manufacturers to reduce and ultimately hope to eliminate of the pollutant
perchlorate.[62]

In February 2013, the China News Service reported that residents of the capital city
Beijing were asked to reduce fireworks during the traditional Lantern Festival due to
record air pollution.[63]

Laws governing consumer fireworks[edit]

Asia[edit]
Philippines[edit]

Fireworks in Quezon Memorial Circle Quezon City, Philippines.

Europe[edit]
Croatia[edit]
In Croatia, 1st class fireworks (all kinds of weak fireworks, mostly firecrackers) can
be sold and used throughout the entire year and anyone 14 or older can buy them.
2nd class (stronger than 1st class, mostly rockets, boxes and firecrackers) and 3rd
class (larger boxes, the strongest firecrackers) fireworks can only be sold and used
from the December 15 until the January 1 and can not be sold to anyone under 18
years of age, as they can cause serious injury if misused.[citation needed]

Finland[edit]
In Finland those under 18 years old have not been allowed to buy any fireworks
since 2009. Safety goggles are required. The use of fireworks is generally allowed
on the evening and night of New Year's Eve, December 31. In some municipalities of
Western Finland it is allowed to use fireworks without a fire station's permission on
the last weekend of August. With the fire station's permission, fireworks can be used
year round.

France[edit]
In France, fireworks are legislated into four different classes, defined by total weight
of explosive material. These are: (K1) small firecrackers under 3 g (0.11 oz) and
Roman candles under 10 g (0.35 oz) which can be sold to minors over the age of 12;
(K2) firecrackers and candles under 100 g (3.5 oz) which can be sold to anyone over
the age of majority, as can (K3) bombs and scenic fireworks with under 500 g (1.1
lb) of explosive; (K4) all other fireworks or explosives launched by mortar which are
only sold to licensed professionals. Fireworks usage of any class requires the
authorization of the town hall of the local community, as well as the notification of
the fire brigade.[64]

Iceland[edit]
In Iceland, the Icelandic law states that anyone may purchase and use fireworks
during a certain period around New Year's Eve. Most places that sell fireworks in

Iceland make their own rules about age of buyers; usually it is around 16. The
people of Reykjavk spend enormous sums of money on fireworks, most of which are
fired as midnight approaches on December 31. As a result, every New Year's Eve the
city is lit up with fireworks displays.

Ireland[edit]
In Ireland, the law on fireworks is governed by Part 6 of the Criminal Justice Act
2006. Generally, fireworks are illegal. Private fireworks displays are allowed on two
conditions; the fireworks must be licensed for import and a professional fireworks
operator must be used. Licenses are free and only granted on application to the
Department of Justice for a specific event. Grant of a license also requires public
liability insurance and the assent of the local police and fire marshall.[65]

Importation, sale or use of fireworks even on private property can result in a fine of
up to 10,000 and/or up to five years in prison. Police are also empowered to search
any person or vehicle without a warrant if they suspect fireworks may be found. Any
person who police reasonably suspect of a fireworks related offence can also be
arrested without a warrant and held for questioning for up to 12 hours.[65]

Despite the law, around Halloween and New Year's Eve a large amount of fireworks
are set off, many smuggled across the border from Northern Ireland.

Large licensed public fireworks displays are commonplace around Saint Patrick's
Day (Skyfest), Midsummer, Halloween and New Year's Eve.

Italy[edit]
In Italy only certified fireworks are legal. Homemade fireworks and fireworks not
approved by Italian authorities are illegal. Fireworks are divided into four classes
(according to harmonized European law):

1st Category, which can be sold to people over the age of 14 for use in confined
areas - with a very low hazard and negligible noise level.
2nd Category, which can be sold to people over the age of 18 with a valid ID card
for outdoor use in confined areas - with low hazard and low noise level.
3rd Category, which can be sold to people over the age of 18 with a Firearm License
for outdoor use in large open areas - with medium hazard and not harmful noise
level.

4th Category, professional fireworks for use only by persons with specialist
knowledge (licensed pyrotechnicians) in authorized shows - with high hazard and
not harmful noise level.[66]
Netherlands[edit]

Fireworks vandalism in the Netherlands.

In the Netherlands, most fireworks cannot be sold to anyone under the age of 16,
although Category 1 fireworks can be sold to children aged 12 and over.[67] They
may only be sold during a period of three days before a new year. If one of these
days is a Sunday, that day is excluded from sale and sale may commence one day
earlier. Category 1 fireworks can be sold during the entire year.[68] Fireworks may
only be set off on December 31 after 6:00 pm, through January 1, 02:00 am.
Category 1 fireworks can be set off during the entire year. In 2014, the government
decided to shorten the times on which fireworks can be set off. As of December 13,
2014, these are December 31, 06:00 pm, through January 1, 02:00 am.[69]

Norway[edit]
In Norway, fireworks can only be purchased and used by people 18 or older. Sale is
restricted to a few days before New Year's Eve. Rockets are not allowed as of 2009.
[70]

Sweden[edit]
In Sweden, people under the age of 18 are not allowed to purchase fireworks. The
most common and only types on the market for the general public in Sweden are
rockets and cakes with a caliber of up to 49 mm. Fire cracker types are banned since
December 1, 2001 because of a statistically high number of accidents reported past
years.

Switzerland[edit]
In Switzerland, fireworks are often used on the 1 August, which is the Swiss National
Day, and (in some places) on New Year's Eve.

A grand musical firework takes place every year in Geneva, during the Ftes de
Genve, on a Saturday evening in mid-August. The fireworks involves about forty
firing stations on the lake and about 30,000 rockets; they are about one-hour long
and are accompanied by music.

United Kingdom[edit]
Main article: British firework law
A photograph showing a Guy Fawkes Fireworks display in the United Kingdom.
Bonfire Night Fireworks display in Banbury, UK on November 5 2011.
In the United Kingdom fireworks cannot be sold to people under the age of 18 and
are not permitted to be set off between 11 p.m. and 7 a.m. with exceptions only for:

New Year (Midnight New Year's Eve, valid until 1 a.m.)[71]

Bonfire Night (November 5) (Valid until midnight)[71]
The Chinese New Year (Valid until 1 a.m.)[71]
Diwali (Valid until 1 a.m.)[71]
The legal NEC (Net Explosive Content) of a UK Firework available to the public is 2
kilograms (4.4 pounds). Jumping Jacks, Strings of Firecrackers, Shell Firing tubes,
Bangers and Mini-Rockets were all banned during the late 1990s. In 2004 single
shot Air Bombs and Bottle Rockets were banned, and rocket sizes were limited. From
March 2008 any firework with over 5% flashpowder per tube will be classified 1.3G.
The aim of these measures was to eliminate "pocket money" fireworks, and to limit
the disruptive effects of loud bangs.

North America[edit]
United States[edit]

A fireworks show celebrating Independence Day in the United States.

In the United States, the laws governing consumer fireworks vary widely from state
to state, or from county to county. It is common for consumers to cross state and
county lines in order to purchase types of fireworks which are outlawed in their
home-jurisdictions. Fireworks laws in urban areas typically limit sales or use by
dates or seasons. Municipalities may have stricter laws than their counties or states
do. In the United States, fireworks dealers generally only sell to people over 16 or
18 years of age.

The American Pyrotechnic Association maintains a directory of state laws[72]

pertaining to fireworks.

Three states (Delaware, Massachusetts, New Jersey) ban the sale, but not use, of all
consumer fireworks including novelties and sparklers by the general public.

One state (Arizona) permits residents to purchase and use all non-aerial fireworks
such as novelties, fountains, sparklers, and smoke bombs, while still prohibiting
firecrackers.

Two states (Illinois, and Iowa) permit the sale and use of only wire or wood stick
sparklers and other novelties.

Eighteen states (California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida, Georgia, Idaho,

Maryland, Minnesota, Nebraska, New York, North Carolina, Oregon, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, Utah, Virginia, Wisconsin, West Virginia, and the District of Columbia)
allow the sale and use of non-aerial and non-explosive fireworks like novelties,
fountains and sparklers. Wisconsin also allows the purchase of aerial explosive
fireworks, but only allows their launch in designated areas in each county.

For example: California has very specific requirements for the types of consumer
fireworks that can be sold to and used by residents. Even then each city can and
often does place restrictions on sale and use. However, the manufacture of
fireworks is legal throughout the state if they are to be used as an artform and not
further distributed.

Another example: In Minnesota only consumer fireworks that do not explode or fly
through the air are now permitted to be sold to and used by residents. In Nebraska
the sale and use of all consumer fireworks are prohibited in Omaha as of December
31, 2010, while in Lincoln there is a two-day selling period and in other parts of the
state all of the permitted types can be sold and used by residents.

Because some states restrict the in-state use of fireworks by purchasers, large
fireworks stores like this one near Richmond, Indiana, are sometimes located on
state borders.
Twenty three states (Alabama, Alaska, Arkansas, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky,
Louisiana, Maine (Maine's new law became effective January 1, 2012), Michigan,
Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Dakota, Ohio,
Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Washington and
Wyoming) permit the sale of all or most types of consumer fireworks to residents.
Many of these states have selling seasons around Independence Day and/or

Christmas and New Year's Eve. Some of these states also allow local laws or
regulations to further restrict the types permitted or the selling seasons.

For example: Missouri permits all types of consumer fireworks to be sold to

residents with two selling seasons; June 20 July 10 and December 20 January 2.
South Carolina permits all types of consumer fireworks except small rockets less
than " in diameter and 3" long to be sold and used by residents year round.

Two states (Hawaii and Nevada) allow each county to establish their own
regulations. For example, Clark County, Nevada, where Las Vegas is located, allows
residents to purchase and use only non-explosive and non-aerial consumer
fireworks during Independence Day, while other counties permit all types of
consumer fireworks.

Many states have stores with all types of consumer fireworks that sell to nonresidents with the provision they are to remove the purchased fireworks from that
state. This is why there are so many stores selling all types of consumer fireworks in
states like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Florida, Missouri, Nevada and Wisconsin, even
though residents are limited or prohibited from buying or using those very same
consumer fireworks unless they have the appropriate licenses and/or permits.

Many Native American Tribes have consumer fireworks stores on reservation lands
that are exempt from state and local authority and will sell to people that are not in
the tribe.

Oceania[edit]
Australia[edit]

Fireworks over Sydney Harbour during the APEC Australia 2007 summit.

New Year fireworks in Valparaiso, Chile.

In Australia, Type 1 fireworks (sparklers, party poppers or similar below prescribed
sizes)[73] are permitted to be sold to the public. For anything that has a large
explosion or gets airborne, users need to register for a Type 2 Licence. On August
24, 2009 the ACT Government announced a complete ban on backyard fireworks.
[74] The Northern Territory allows fireworks to be sold to residents 18 years or older
on Northern Territory Day (July 1) between the hours of 9am and 9pm for personal

purposes. The types of fireworks allowed for sale is restricted to quieter fireworks,
which can only be used at the address provided to the seller.[citation needed]

New Zealand[edit]
Fireworks in New Zealand are available from the 2nd to the November 5, around
Guy Fawkes Night, and may be purchased only by those 18 years of age and older
(up from 14 years pre-2007). Despite the restriction on when fireworks may be sold,
there is no restriction regarding when fireworks may be used. The types of fireworks
available to the public are multi-shot "cakes", Roman candles, single shot shooters,
ground and wall spinners, fountains, cones, sparklers, and various novelties, such as
smoke bombs and Pharaoh's serpents. As of November 2014, setting off fireworks in
public places for Guy Fawkes Night, such as on beaches and in parks, was prohibited
in Auckland, and a maximum fine of $20,000 could be given to any people who did
not acknowledge this law.[75]

South America[edit]
Chile[edit]
In Chile, the manufacture, importation, possession and use of fireworks is prohibited
to unauthorized individuals; only certified firework companies can legally use
fireworks. As they are considered a type of explosive, offenders can be tried before
military courts, though this is not often used.