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interaction that took place during this period is almost non-existent, because
the adoption of indigenous Caribbean practices was going on outside of the
contexts with which the people writing about the Caribbean were familiar. The
interaction was largely between African people, both free and enslaved, and
Indigenous people.
In the Lesser Antilles especially, there was considerable interaction between
Native people and newcomers in the period between 1493 and the beginning
of intensive European colonization attempts in the 1620s. From
ethnohistorical records made in the 17th century, it is clear that the indigenous
people of the Lesser Antilles expanded their population through the active
incorporation of captives (Hulme and Whitehead 1992). By one estimate
made in 1612, there were two thousand Africans living as captives among the
Caribs in the Lesser Antilles (Alquiza 1612, in Borome 1966: 37). The taking of
European captives also clearly went on in this period, yet that process
remains largely beyond the gaze of contemporary historians.
Agricultural overlap
Compared with other areas of colonialist conquest and population
replacement, North America for example, the degree to which indigenous
economic practices were adopted in the Caribbean is remarkable. The
modern Caribbean subsistence economy certainly contains more elements of
the aboriginal one than is the case anywhere in North America. The long list of
crops used in both systems helps to establish this: the most obvious adopted
food plants are manioc (Manihot esculenta), sweet potatoes (Ipomoea
batatas), and yams (Diascorea sp.), but several kinds of beans (Phasolus
vulgaris and P. lunatus) were used as well. Peanuts (Arachis hypogaea) and
peppers (Capsicum annuum) were also grown in both aboriginal and historic
gardens. Sweet sop and sour sop (Annona spp.), guava (Psidium guajava),
and mamey apples (Mammea americana) are other crops that survived largescale population replacement as important parts of the Caribbean diet
(Reynoso 1881, Sauer 1966, Sturdivant 1961, Watts 1987). During this period
the newcomers also learned about hundreds of other plants used as
medicines, fish poisons, and raw materials for tools.
The new Caribbean people adopted more than just the plants; they used the
indigenous plants within a relationship between people and the environment
that had been developed by their indigenous forbears. More significant than
the individual plants, the human-land relationship survived as one of the most
important continuities of the conquest.
Linguistic connections
The indigenous component of post-conquest West Indian diets also suggests
linguistic connections, because many of the words for indigenous foods come
from indigenous languages. For example, the mamey fruit just mentioned kept
its indigenous name (mamey) in several modern Caribbean languages, from
the Spanish-speaking Greater Antilles to the Anglophone and Francophone
Lesser Antilles. The names of some ways of preparing foods also come from
Indigenous languages: in Puerto Rico dishes
like mofongos, casabe, mazamorra, guanimes are examples (Navarro 1948).
Linguistic continuity is quite variable from island to island, of course,
depending on the history of conquest and the duration and nature of the
period of overlap. On Hispaniola (Dominican Republic and Haiti) the
indigenous population was decimated quickly by the intensity of European
exploitation (Wilson 1990). In Puerto Rico, on the other hand, there was a
longer period of Indian-European-African interaction, and the indigenous
influence can thus be seen more clearly in Puerto Rican culture. A population
census from as late as 1787 records the presence of 2,302 Indians, although
some might have been brought from outside Puerto Rico (Anderson-Crdova
1990, Brau 1966). And on Puerto Rico there are many Tano place-names,
such as Bayamn, Jayuya, Gunica, and Manat (see Dick 1977 and Jesse
1966 for other examples of Indigenous place-names). Also, more Tano words
persist in modern Puerto Rican (and Cuban) language use than in Hispaniola
(Hernandez Aquino 1977, Navarro 1948, Tejera 1977). Similarly, more
Indigenous words have been carried over into modern usage in Dominica and
St. Vincent, where the Island Caribs have survived and flourished, than on
islands were they were quickly killed or driven out.
Despite these connections, it must be noted that in comparison with other
parts of the Americas where Indigenous people still make up a large
percentage of the population, like the Mexican Highlands or the Andes, the
impact of the indigenous Caribbean languages on modern usage is not great.
Only a few hundred Tano words are known to modern scholars (Taylor 1977).
Caribbean languages are predominantly combinations of diverse European
and African languages, mixed together in complex ways (Le Page and
Tabouret-Keller 1985).
Mythology
Native myths also provide connections between the pre- and post-Conquest
Caribbean peoples. Given the overlap that occurred on many islands, it
seems reasonable that some of the rich mythology of the aboriginal people
would survive into modern mythology. To a small extent at least, this seems to
have happened. The most notable story of clearly pre-conquest origins is that
of the "Carib migration" from the mainland. In the accounts of this, when the
Europeans arrived, warlike (and allegedly cannibalistic) Carib Indians were in
the process of conquering the Lesser Antilles, killing or capturing the peaceful
Arawaks, or driving them before the invaders into the Greater Antilles.
Whether or not such a Carib migration or "invasion" actually happened is a
matter of considerable debate among ethnohistorians and archaeologists
(Allaire, this volume; Davis and Goodwin 1990; Wilson 1993). Nonetheless, as
Father Raymond Breton noted in the mid-17th Century (Hulme and Whitehead
1992: 107-116), it did happen in Caribbean mythology when the hero
Kallinago, tired of living on the mainland, moved with his family to Dominica.
In Dominica one of his many descendants, the nephew of his nephew in
Breton's telling, killed him with poison. Instead of dying, he turned himself into
a monstrous fish calledAkaiouman. This powerful man/fish,
called Atraioman in contemporary stories, is still recognized in parts the
Lesser Antilles. Many other myths in the islands come down from preconquest times, and other stories are of African or European origin, but are
spiced with twists and turns that come from native Caribbean peoples
(Corzani 1994; see also Relouzat 1989 for contemporary myths of Carib
origin, and Alegra 1969 for Puerto Rican stories which combine Indigenous,
African, and European mythological traditions).
Population Continuity
Despite the catastrophic population declines in the conquest period,
individuals and groups of Indians managed to survive. Their descendants live
in the Caribbean today, and carry a genetic legacy of the Indigenous people of
Conclusion
The numerous and diverse indigenous people who lived in the Caribbean at
the time of European conquest play a more important role in contemporary
Caribbean society than might be suggested by any listing of the
"contributions" they have made to Caribbean culture. More than the sum of all
of the surviving traits, words, myths, plants, and practices, the importance of
the first people of the Caribbean is more far-reaching than is widely
recognized. The descendants of the Indians of the Caribbean still live in the
islands and play an important political and social role. And in both concrete
economic realms, where an indigenous pattern of human-land relations is still
a part of people's daily life, to the arena of political discourse and nation-
Bibliography
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