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C0mnuntarg
(lfr
attfr
THE
REV.
D.D.
THE
REV.
ALFRED PLUMMER,
THE
REV.
College,
M.A., D.D.
Durham
D.D.
The International
Critical
On
Commentary
New Testaments
EDITORS
PREFACE
THERE
field
Handbuch zum
Handbuch
zum
;
Kurzgefasstes exegetisches
N. T. ; Meyer s Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar ; Keil and
Delitzsch s Biblischer Commentar ilber das A. T. ; Lange s
Theologisch-homiletisches Bibelwerk ; Nowack s Handkommentar
zum A. T. ; Holtzmann s Handkommentar zum N. T.
Several
of these have been translated, edited, and in some cases enlarged
Commentaries
De Wette
A. T.
and adapted,
for
others are in
process of translation.
when
scholars
it
in
Commentary
is
the
practicable to
production
combine
of
its
van.
British
critical,
modern
and American
comprehensive
biblical scholarship,
Messrs.
the
Rev.
Sons of
for
New
the
Testament,
in
Great Britain.
The Commentaries
and
will
be
free
will
ecclesiastical
bias.
They
upon
it,
and
discuss
The details
ing impartially the questions still remaining open.
of criticism will appear in their proper place in the body of the
Each section of the Text will be introduced
Commentary.
with a paraphrase, or summary of contents.
Technical details
will
be arranged,
as far as
possible, so as to
Hebrew.
dealt with,
as well as
questions of Biblical
uniform
series.
Commentary
Critical
The International
EXODUS. The
KENNEDY, D.D.,
Rev. A. R. S.
University of Edinburgh.
LEVITICUS.
J. F.
NUMBERS.
The Rev. G.
Mansfield College, Oxford.
DEUTERONOMY.
fessor of
of
of Presbyterian
[Now
Church
Ready.
Professor of Hebrew,
Wadham
College, Oxford.
Professor of Hebrew,
[Now Ready.
The Rev.
S.
Hebrew, Oxford.
JOSHUA. The
JUDGES. The
Rev.
of
Professor of Theol
[Now Ready.
SAMUEL.
KINGS.
and Professor
CHRONICLES.
New
PSALMS.
The Rev. CHAS. A. BRIGGS, D.D., D.Litt., Graduate ProTheological Encyclopaedia and Symbolics, Union Theological
Seminary, New York.
[2 vols. Now Read*
fessor of
The Rev.
brew. Oxford.
S.
He
Chaps.
XL-LXVI. The
Rev. A.
S.
GRAY, D.D.,
of
pretation of
DANIEL. The
of
Hebrew,
Michael
P.
Rev.
E.
Church,
JOHN
P.
New York
Divinity
Philadelphia,
now
Rector of
St.
City.
AMOS AND
MICAH TO HAGGAI.
Prof.
JOHN
P.
SMITH,
University of Chicago;
ZECHARIAH TO JONAH.
P.
SMITH and
Prof.
cal Literature,
Mawr
Bryn
Prof.
H. G. MITCHELL, D.D.,
Prof.
JOHN
BEWER.
Prof. J. A.
of
Hebrew, Hart
[Now
Ready.
GEORGE
ST.
ment
MARK.
Rev. E. P.
Literature,
ST. LUKE.
of
New
Testa
[Now Ready.
[Nuw
of
Ready.
JOHN. The
Patrick
9t.
ROMANS.
Professor of Divinity and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford, and the Rev.
A. C. HEADLAM, M.A., D.D., Principal of King s College, London.
[Now Ready.
CORINTHIANS. The
New
[Now Ready.
City.
THESSALONIANS. The
Biblical Theology,
HEBREWS.
and Professor
of Exegesis, Oxford.
of
Hebrew
in
King
College, London.
of
New
[Now Ready.
THE EPISTLES OF
REVELATION. The
GENESIS
JOHN SKINNER,
D.D.
THE INTERNATIONAL
COMMENTARY
CRITICAL
COMMENTARY
ON
GENESIS
BY
JOHN SKINNER,
D.D.,
HON. M.A.(CANTAB.)
AND LITERATURE,
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER
1910
SONS
TO
MY WIFE
PREFACE.
IT
is
little
Editors of
"The
International Critical
"
The
English or in German.
still finds his best guidance in Spurrell s
reader
English
valuable Notes on the text, Bennett s compressed but sug
of commentaries either in
in the
Century Bible^ and Driver s
in the first volume of the
work
and
masterly
thorough
all of which were in existence
Westminster Commentaries
when I commenced my task. While no one of these books
gestive
exposition
will
still
room
the
ship demands.
The
parallels,
PREFACE
VIII
this
for
applies to
list
many books
of
of a more
"Abbreviations"),
treated within
my
in its
conservative
its
events,
my own
belief in
the essential
soundness of the
It will
taking required.
analysis
cates are discovered
a chain which
link, that
is
it
it
is
starts
composition of sources
is
PREFACE
differences of representation or
IX
language assume a
signifi
cance which they might not have apart from that presumption.
That the analysis is frequently tentative and precarious is
and the danger of basing conclusions
fully acknowledged
;
on
insufficient
avoid.
On
the
is
one that
have sought to
historical
way
little
heed to the
It is naturally difficult to
findings of archaeological experts.
and it is advis
estimate the worth of such an anticipation
;
of Genesis.
It
will
still
be neces
we
sary,
these.
the
It is
Book
in
of the
PREFACE
embarrassment may
of footnotes
but
result
first
of
all,
to
two
friends
who
has
me
rendered
must
for
his
give effect.
JOHN SKINNER.
CAMBRIDGE,
April 1910.
to
CONTENTS.
......
.......
....
.....
......
.....
.....
......
.......
...
......
.....
......
.....
.....
....
......
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION
i.
Introductory:
and
general Scope
A.
2.
3.
5.
7.
8.
9.
ii.
ofj and
xiii
xxviii
EXTENDED NOTES
xxxii
xxxiv
xliii
COMMENTARY
viii
in
Types of mythical
Prophecy
10.
B. STRUCTURE
6.
i-lxvii
its
Title
History or Legend?
Myth and Legend Foreign Myths
Motive
4.
PAGES
xm-xx
xlvii
Hi
Ivii
1-540
31
4 I ~5
62-66
80
174-181
185-187
228-231
38
89
90-97
111-115
122-124
134-139
CONTENTS
XII
Chronology of i i
Historic Value of Ch. 14
10ff>
Circumcision
233
....
The Covenant-Idea
in
.
Destruction of the Cities of the Plain
.
The Sacrifice of Isaac
The Treaty of Gilead and its historical Setting
.
The
The
The
The
The
The
The
INDEX
Legend of Peniel
Sack of Shechem
Edomite Genealogies
Degradation of Reuben
Fate of Simeon and Levi
I.
English
Hebrew
331
402
411
....
.
10
II.
Prophecy of 49
Zodiacal Theory of the Twelve Tribes
"Shiloh"
......
.
271-276
296
297
310
421
436
515
518
521-524
534
541-548
54 8~5S
J
ABBREVIATIONS.
i.
SOURCES
E
J
TEXTS,
AND VERSIONS.
JE
P or PC
Jehovist, or the
PS
RE
RP
Redactors
RJE
RJEP
EV[V].
MT
OT
or framework of
the
within
of
schools
(see p.
E,
Ivii).
and
J,
P,
respectively.
.
Jub.
.
Aq.
0.
S.
Gr.-Ven.
&
A.
E.
and
Brooke
N.
i5th cent.).
of the
OT
Lean,
(ed.
Cambridge,
1906).
L
<Bi
prior Greece
(A. B,
3L
E.
M.etc
<&
etc. (1883).
(see
Brooke and
Lean,
p. v).
&
JUA
Codices of
The Targum
of
the
Pent. (Walton s
).
A.D.]
(ed.
Berliner, 1884).
&J
The Targum
of Jonathan [8th
Ginsburger, 1903).
The Vulgate.
xm
cent.
A.D.] (ed.
ABBREVIATIONS
XIV
2.
Ayles
H. H. B. Ayles,
critical
Commentary on Genesis
25 (1904).
C. J. Ball, The Book of Genesis : Critical Edition of
with
the Hebrew Text printed in colours
Notes ( 1 896). See SBO T.
ii.
Ba[ll]
COMMENTARIES.
4-iii.
Ben[nett]
W. H.
Calv[in]
Mosis Libri
De[litzsch]
Di[llmann]
Dr[iver]
Gu[nkel]
Ho[lzing-er].
F. Delitzsch, Neuer
(5th ed. 1887).
Commentar
Commentariis.
iiber die
Genesis
Die
"
"with
ed. 1902).
lEz.
Jer[ome], Qu.
in Genesim.
A. Knobel.
Kn[obel]
Kn.-Di.
Ra[shi]
Spurrell
G.
Str[ack]
Die Genesis
Tu[ch]
3.
See DiHlmann].
Spurrell, Notes on
Genesis (2nd ed. 1896),
J.
(t 1105).
the
Earth,
,,
ES
NB
Barton,
B.-D.
.
SO
Barth, Etymologische Studien zum sent, insbesondere zum hebr. Lexicon (1893).
Die Xominalbildung in den sem. Sprachen (1889-91).
G. A. Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins (1902).
J.
S.
(1869).
BDB
Benz[inger], Arch.Ber. R.
.
Bochart, Hieroz.
F.
I.
A
).
(tr.
into
German by
A. Wiinsche, 1881).
S. Bochartus, Hierozoicon, sive bipertitum opus de
animalibus Sacra Scriptures (ed. Rosenmiiller,
793-96)-
XV
ABBREVIATIONS
Bu[dde], Urg.
Buhl, GP
.
.
.
, ,
Burck[hardt]
,,
TB[A]f
Che[yne],
CIS
Cook,
Gl.
).
Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum (1881
S. A. Cook, A Glossary of the Aramaic Inscriptions
.
.
NS1
(1898).
Cooke,
G. A. Cooke,
tions (1903).
Co[rnill], Einl.
Hist.
,,
Curtiss,
PSR
Dav[idson]
Del[itzsch],
O TTh
, ,
DB
Hwb
AT
.A
(1898-1902).
Friedrich Delitzsch,
ed.
Assyrisches
by
J.
Hastings
Handworterbuch
(1896).
Wo
,,
Par.
,,
Prol.
,,
Doughty,
AD
Dri[ver],
LOT
,,
Sam.
,,
T.
Prolegomena eines
Worterbuchs zum
See BA below.
Eine
neuen
biblisch-assyriologische
hebrdisch
aramdischen
A T (1886).
S.
.A
(1890).
Hebrew
(3rd
ed. 1892).
EB
EEL
Ee[rdmans]
.See
Hilprecht.
B. D. Eerdmans, Alttestamentliche Studien
Erman,
LAE
Hdbk.
Tirard, 1894).
,,
(tr.
by A.
S.
Griffith, 1907).
Ew[ald], Gr.
,,
Field
HI
Ant.
ABBREVIATIONS
XVI
AAO
Frazer,
J.
GB
OT(i^o j).
A.
CSt.
v. Gall,
(1898).
G.-B.
AT
Geiger, Urschr.
Ges[enius], Th.
G.-K.
W.
Gesenius
beitet
tr.
Glaser, Skizze
Gordon,
Gray,
1898].
ETG
HPN
Gu[nkel], Schopf.
Guthe, GI
Harrison, Prol.
Endzeit (1895).
H. Guthe, Geschichte des Volkes Israel
to
(1899).
EBL
Ho[lzinger], Einl.
or Hex.
Hom[mel],
AA
F.
Steindorff] (1903).
(1893).
arabistisch-
AHT.
AOD.
Die
,,
Gesch.
,,
SAChrest.
Monuments
H-ipflcld],
J astro w,
Qu.
RBA
(1897).
altorientalischen
AT^(1902).
JE
Je[remias],
Jen[sen],
KAT*.
KAT*
ATLO2
Kosm.
Third
ed.,
by
ABBREVIATIONS
Kent,
KIB
SOT
Kit[tel],
XVII
(1889-
BH
).
GH
K6n[ig], Lgl.
Historisch
Sprache
(1897).
KS
Kue[nen], Ges.
(see p. xl,
note}.
Historisch-critisch Onderzoek
Lagfarde], Ank.
A.
P.
de
A usgabe
Ges.
Abh.
einer
Ankundigung
Lagarde,
Gesammelte Abhandlungen
neuen
AT(i 882).
(1866).
Semitica,
,,
Symm.
OS
Lane, Lex.
ME
i,
I,
2 (1879-80).
2 (1878).
W.
E.
An
Len[ormant], Or.
1880-84).
Levy, CA.
JF&.
J.
Lidz[barski], Hb.
or NSEpigr. .
Lu[ther],
Marquart
INS
iiber die
Targumim
rd ed. 1881).
M. Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epi.
(3
graphik (i&).
See Meyer, INS.
J. Marquart, Fundamente
israel.
undjiid. Geschichte
(1896).
Meyer, Entst.
,,
INS
i.
1884).
,,
Muller,
AE.
Nestle,
MM
E. Nestle, Marginalien
Die
ischen
No[ldeke], Bzitr.
Th.
Denkmdlern
Noldeke,
(1893).
und Materialien
Beitrdge
(1893).
Tioissenschaft (1904).
Unters.
OH
Oehler,
Ols.
ATTh
ABBREVIATIONS
XVIII
Orr,
POT
OS
P[ayne] Sm[ith],
J.
Thes.
Petrie
Pro[cksch]
W.
Flinders Petrie,
O.
Procksch,
Riehm, Hdivb.
BR
Robinson,
Sayce,
SBOT.
Eb.
Schr[ader],
OTTh
Schiirer,
GJV
die
tion of P. Haupt.
D. Schenkel, Bibel-Lexicon (1869-75).
BL
Schultz,
Elohimquelle (1906).
E. C. A. Riehm, Handworterbuch des biblischen
Altertums (2nd ed. 1893-94).
E. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine (2nd
(1897).
.
Schenkel,
History of Egypt.
nordhebrdische Sagenbuch
EHH
HCM
,,
Das
Schrader,
Keilinschriften
und
Geschichts-
forschung (1878).
See KA T and KIB above.
H. Schultz, Old Testament Theology (Eng.
E.
des jiidischen
Geschichte
Schiirer,
Zeitalter Jesu
Chrisli (3rd
and 4th
tr.
1892).
Volkes
ed.
im
1898-
1901).
Schvv[ally]
,,
Smend,
A TRG
HG
GASm[ith],
Rob. Smith,
Fr. Schwally,
Tode (1892).
KM* W.
OTJC*
Pr. 2
1ZS2
,,
Spiegelberg
^(1904).
Der Aufenthalt Israels
aeg. Monumente (3rd
,,
Sta[de]
B.
Stade,
Ausgeivahlte
Abhandlungen
BTh
GVI
Einiv.
TA
im Lichte der
akademische Reden
und
(1899).
C. Steuernagel, Die
Steuern[ag-el],
in Aegypten
ed. 1904).
Stdmme
in
Einwanderung der
Kanaan
Amarna
israelitischen
(1901).
Tafeln (1908-
)].
Knudtzon, Die eU
ABBREVIATIONS
Thomson,
LB
Tiele, Gesch.
NHB
the
Book
(3 vols.
88 1 -86).
i.
Tristram,
XIX
(German
ed. 1896).
De gent.
Heid.
ProL 6
We[llhausen], Comp?
,,
J.
AT
enumerantur
,,
TBS
Wi[nckler], AOF.
ATU.
.
, ,
,,
,,
GBA
,,
GI
(1870).
und Vorarbeiten.
Der Text der Biicher Samuelis
Skizzen
(1871).
und Assyriens
Geschichte Babyloniens
).
(1892).
(i.
ii.,
1895,
1900).
See KA T above.
Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen
(2nd ed. 1892).
3
Zunz,
GdV
4.
Vortrdge
der Juden
PERIODICALS, ETC.
AJSL
AJTh
ARW
BA
897-
).
BS
Exp.
ET
and
Bibliotheca Sacra
Theological
Review
844
und
).
).
GGA
GGN
Nachrichten
Heir.
).
JBBW
J[S]BL
Journal of
JPh
(1849-1865).
JQR
JRAS
and
).
and Ireland
834-
).
ABBREVIATIONS
XX
JTS
Lit[erarisches]
(1850- ).
Monatsberichte
Wissenschaften zu Berlin.
berichte der k. p. Ak.
in Sitzungs(1881- ).
vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft
.
MVAG
Mittheilungen
(1896-
NKZ
OLz
der
Akadamie der
Continued
).
Neue
PA OS.
PEFS
PSBA
SBBA
See
SK
Theologische Studien
Theologische Litteraturzeitung
ZATW
ZDMG
(1878-
ThLz
ThT
TSBA
ZA
(1881-
ZDPV
ZKF
ZVP
).
MBBA
above.
Gesell-
NH
und
).
Sprach-wissen-
).
v.i.
v.s.
*
New Hebrew
vide supra /
to footnotes,
and
vice versa.
in
).
).
5.
(1828-
(i^b-
).
schaft (1860-
und Kritiken
word or usage
in
Root or stem.
Sign of abbreviation in Heb. words.
= noui = and so on : used when a Heb. citation
is
incomplete.
INTRODUCTION.
I.
Introductory:
scope
THE Book
its
general
and title.
title
work
the
"Former Prophets"
having attained
canonical
its
Law
Win npn
books (minn
*
:
Canon of
the
OT
2
,
27
ff.,
101
ff.
v.
iv.
Buhl,
all
events,
des
AT,
f.
;
avaypcKptvTuv,
KOV/J.OV
7ej^crea>s,
TJ
De
Abrah.,
Trpum; /caXeircu
ty iv dpxfj 7rept^x f
/cai
init.
(Tdij>
icpwi/
vbpuv
iv irtvre
Aa^oOcra
TT\V
Jos.
c.
Ap.
i.
39.
It is
INTRODUCTION
II
Four centuries of
the division is obviously appropriate.
complete silence lie between its close and the beginning of
Exodus, where we enter on the history of a nation as con
and its prevailing character
trasted with that of a family
of individual biography suggests that its traditions are of
;
Origins.
and history
in
one
minimum
of legislation
but its narrative is the
that
to
account
of Israel s formative
indispensable prelude
the
in
which
fundamental
institutions
of the theocracy
period
contains a
are embedded.
immediate
It is
ancestors
human
determined
its
the world.
It is
The
the
rarely
77
ytveais
(Ox 72 ),
a contraction of
lY^eo-is
Kfxruov
EM
(ffir
<="),
A
(<&
121
).
An
follows natural lines of cleavage is shown by Kuenen (II. cc.) ; and there
is no reason to doubt that it is as old as the canonisation of the Torah.
INTRODUCTION
111
4
1
interesting variation in one curs. (129) ij /3t /3\os rCtv yevtffeuv (cf. a 5 )*
might tempt one to fancy that the scribe had in view the series of
TolVdoth (see p. xxxiv), and regarded the book as the book of origins in
But there is no doubt that the current
the wide sense expressed above.
Greek title is derived from the opening theme of the book, the creation
Krlffis),
ps?Nn
ODin,
the
first
Only a curious
fifth.
interest attaches
to
the
18
appellation nsrn ~\3D (based on 2 Sa. i ) or onjrn o (the
patriarchs) see Carpzov, Introd. p. 55 j Delitzsch, 10.
unofficial
The
first
History or Legend ?
question
that
arises
with
regard to these
temporary incidents,
it
Cambridge Septuagint,
p. i.
Philo on p.
script, sac. 5.
above
and
cf.
Pseudo
INTRODUCTION
IV
in antiquity,
it
till
we come down
to the
in Greece.
is
Every nation, as
it
emerg-es into
pre-literary
itself to
is
which represent
moral aspirations, its conception of its own place and
mission in the world and also, to some indeterminate extent,
life
of the
woke up
momentous
historic experi
to the consciousness of a
and destiny.*
Traditions, 84
"
As a
living spirit of the nation, a people s myths are the mirror of its religious
and moral ideals, aspirations, and imaginations."
INTRODUCTION
We
Israel
an
is
its
records.
Should
it
we
One
particular mode of revelation which we are to find in it.
of the strangest theological prepossessions is that which
identifies revealed truth
science or in history.
Legend is after all a species of poetry,
and it is hard to see why a revelation which has freely availed
itself
of so
parable
influential
Thejegendary aspect
characteristics
as these
come
to
it
(i)
if
it
rests
centuries.
Few
will
INTRODUCTION
VI
We
picture till it
situation and
becomes impossible
how much
to tell
to later fancy.
||
17, etc.).
(3)
The subject-matter
lff>
||
15.
||
||
of the tradition
is
genial to the folk-tale all the world over, and altogether different from
transactions on the stage of history. The proper theme of history, as
has been said, is great public and political events ; but legend delights in
genre pictures, private and personal affairs, trivial anecdotes of domestic
and everyday life, and so forth, matters which interest the common
people and come home to their daily experience. That most of the stories
of Genesis are of this description needs no proof; and the fact is very
The
ance of history
single
in this
own which cannot be dealt with here (see p. 271 ff.). (4) The final test
though to any one who has learned to appreciate the spirit of the
narratives it must seem almost brutal to apply it is the hard matter-offact test of self-consistency and credibility.
It is not difficult to show
that Genesis relates incredibilities which no reasonable appeal to miracle
its
A malekiter, p. 25 f.
f Cf. Wi. Abraham als Babylonier,
7.
INTRODUCTION
*
and no person of educated
knowledge of our time
We know that
natural sense.
in
their
them
plain
accepts
the scientific
intelligence
Vll
angels do not cohabit with mortal women, that the Flood did not cover
the highest mountains of the world, that the ark could not have accom
modated all the species of animals then existing, that the Euphrates
and Tigris have not a common source, that the Dead Sea was not first
formed in the time of Abraham, etc. There is admittedly a great
Abraham
Gerar.
a son
lines
between
first
it
originated.
unhistorical in form,
may
light a correspondence
bring to
XXXI
ff.
19
d.
ff.
heiL Schr.
AT
2
,
167
f.
INTRODUCTION
viil
if
is
a suicidal error
in
lies in
3.
Foreign myths
Types of
mythical motive*
i.
in Genesis, as well as
has been
legends?
On
OT
The more
prevalent
religion,
For attempts to discriminate between myth and legend, see Tuch, pp.
i-xv; Gu. p. xvn
Gordon,
Hoffding, Phil, of ReL (Eng. tr.), 199 ff.
The practically im
Procksch, Nordhebr. Sagenbuch, I. etc.
77 ff.
portant distinction is that the legend does, and the myth does not, start
from the plane of historic fact. The myth is properly a story of the
;
gods, originating
the
*
On various points dealt with in this paragraph, see the admirable
statement of A. R. Gordon, Early Traditions of Genesis pp. 76-92.
,
t Goldziher,
Der Mythos
bei
den Hebrdern
(1876).
INTRODUCTION
IX
p. i8of.).
OT
all.
aetiology
is
aetiological or
some
similar motive
is
prominent (see
p. xiff.).
The
influence of foreign
(p.
137
f.).
in Iranian
The
Tower of
Babel)
tion of
26
22 - 24
6 lff
lff
serve
-), only
the religious beliefs of Israel have
transformed and purified the crude speculations of pagan
to
godhead
still
appears
(i
them
and
INTRODUCTION
X
The
variety of
two
Monotheism had
firmly established by the teaching of the prophets.
roots in Heb. antiquity extending" much further back than the ag-e of
written prophecy, and the present form of the legends is more intel
product of an earlier phase of religion than that of the
But when we consider the innumerable channels
through which myths may wander from one centre to another, we shall
hardly expect to be able to determine the precise channel, or the ap
proximate date, of this infusion of Bab. elements into the religious
ligible as the
literary prophets.
tradition of Israel.
It is remarkable that while the patriarchal legends exhibit no traces
of Bab. mythology, they contain a few examples of mythical narrative
The visit of the angels
to which analogies are found in other quarters.
to Abraham (see p. 302 f.), and the destruction of Sodom (p. 311 f.), are
Rosters,
175
ib.
(1883), 515
xix. (1885), 325 ff.,
f.;
Kuenen, ThT,
344; Sta.
xviii.
(1884),
ZATW (1895),
167
ff.
59 f., (1903),
ff-
(1895),
143
ff.
Gen. 2
(1902),
64
f.
Cf.
INTRODUCTION
XI
They are
rather to be
to
mingle myth
with legend by transferring mythical incidents to historic personages.
(p. ix),
mythical, or semi-mythical
the narratives of Genesis.
(p. ix),
It will
and
implicitly
so
many
See Gu.
some
p. LVI.
simplification,
from Gu.
is
p.
xvm
ff.
is
taken, with
INTRODUCTION
Xll
(b)
The commonest
what may be
class of
tives, is
44ff>
thinking was not peculiar to Israel (cf. the Hellen, Dorus, Xuthus,
*
but it is one specially natural to
Aeolus, Achaeus, Ion, of the Greeks)
the Semites from their habit of speaking of peoples as sons (i.e. members)
of the collective entity denoted by the tribal or national name (sons of
;
entities
Ammon,
were the
of Ishmael, etc.),
credible
and, moreover, it is never true that the fortunes of a tribe are
an exact copy of the personal experiences of its reputed ancestor,
even if he existed. We must therefore treat these legends as symbolic
representations of the ethnological affinities between different tribes
or peoples, and (to a less extent) of the historic experiences of these
There is a great danger of driving this interpretation too
peoples.
far, by assigning an ethnological value to details of the legend which
never had any such significance but to this matter we shall have occa
;
24fr>
spots
Gordon, ETC,
88.
INTRODUCTION
suffers
it
to
Xlll
visit
of the patriarch
6
(see on I2 ). It is probable that inauguration-legends had grown up at the
chief sanctuaries while they were still in the possession of the Canaanites.
We
cannot
tell
ancestors, and
(d)
H 20 17
i8 12 2i 9 ).
Isaac,
gestions of its historic origin (Ishmael, i6 ly 2i
To claim literal accuracy for incidents of this kind is manifestly futile.
(e) There is yet another element which, though not mythical or
;
17"
central interest
hardly let go from his side. This, no doubt, is the supreme instance of
romantic or novelistic treatment which the book contains but the
;
same
4.
It
chief
has already been remarked (p. vii) that there are three
ways in which an oral, and therefore legendary, tradi-
INTRODUCTION
XIV
tion
It will be con
of contemporary archaeological evidence.
with
the
last
of
and
consider
what is
venient to start
these,
known about
i.
The
historical
traditions.
*
patriarchal narratives
may be
defined very roughly as the first half of the second millennium
(2000-1500) B.C. The upper limit depends on the generally
accepted assumption,
seems to us) on
ch.
based
14,
that
(somewhat insecurely, as it
Abraham was contemporary
with
dynasty.
*
The
because
tion,
it is
investigations of
is
ZA,
Ungnad (OLz.
[1908],
in substantial agreement.
The higher
estimates which formerly prevailed depended on the natural assumption
that the first three dynasties of the Royal Lists (first published in 1880
and 1884) reigned consecutively in Babylon. But in 1907, L. W. King
(Chronicles concerning early Bab. Kings] published new material, which
showed conclusively that the Second dynasty, ruling over the Country
of the Sea, was at least partly, if not wholly, contemporaneous with
the First and Third dynasties in Babylon.
King himself and Meyer
Z
i. ii.
339 ff. [1909]) hold that the Third (Kaite) dynasty followed
immediately on the First and that consequently the previous estimates
of the chronology of the First dynasty have to be reduced
by the total
duration of the Second dynasty (368 years according to List A). The
scholars cited at the head of this note consider, on the other hand, that
(GA
dynasty, was contemporary with Samsu-iluna and Abi-esV, the 7th and
8th kings of the First dynasty ; and (2) that Ea-gamil, the last king of
XV
INTRODUCTION
The lower
limit
is
is
11
is genuine) to the
usually assigned (as it must be if Ex. i
reign of Merneptah of the Nineteenth Egyptian dynasty
family
narrow
which
limits
in Palestine.
it
numerous that
than the
it is
desirable to
five centuries
Kas tilias
certain
Kas gite
Kasite dynasty
date for
yammurabi
(c.
chronology
(v.s.), it is
to this consideration.
*
c.
(c.
1205).
INTRODUCTION
XVI
essential
men
But it is
playing parts at all corresponding to theirs.
maintained that contemporary documents reveal a set of
situation
the time of
Ramses
u.
ff.
Aeg. 146
Eerdmans,
this
is
this
Ramses
n. to that of
I.e.
;
52
and
ff.
iv.
Exp.
(Heyes, Bib.
I.e.
197).
All
have to
whether there
is
is
menden
Zeit
bezeugen."
INTRODUCTION
XV11
We
these narratives
is
background and
their
The
line of
careful attention
is
to the
ATLO
,
355 ff.). The strongest
(Je.
the truly remarkable parallel supplied by Cod. Hamm. 146 to
case
the position of Hagar as concubine-slave in ch. 16 (below, p. 285). Here
everything turns on the probability that this usage was unknown in
Israel in the regal period ; and it is surely pressing the argumentum
is
negations.
is
*
A striking illustration of this washing out of historical background
the contrast between the Genesis narratives and the Egyptian Tale
of Sinuhe, from which Je. (ATLO 2 , 298 ff.) quotes at length in demonstra
T
hile the latter is full of detailed informa
tion of their verisimilitude.
tion about the people among whom the writer lived, the former (except
3
in chs. 14. 34. 38) have hardly any allusions (24 37 15fl ) to the aboriginal
INTRODUCTION
XV111
18
question (Lv. i8 ) is late and does not its enactment in the PC rather
imply that the practice against which it is directed survived in Israel
The distinction between the mohar, or
till the close of the monarchy ?
purchase price of a wife, and the gift to the bride (* .), should not be
;
In short, it does
is in accordance with Arab practice (p. 383 below).
not appear that the examples given differ from another class of usages,
"die nicht
spezifisch altbabylonisch sind, sondern auch spatern bez.
intergentilen Rechtszustanden entsprechen, die aber
wenigstens
teilweise eine interessante Beleuchtungdurchden Cod. Hamm. erfahren."
.
The
be freely admitted.
has the new knowledge of the political circumstances of
Still less
tion,
transmission.
The
Abraham
is,
Thothmes
in., of
Asher under
Seti
I.
and Ramses
II.,
and
We
Hebrew
tradition.
of world history.
we have a fixed
and possibly those of the
other patriarchs as well, will group themselves if it be but a late imita
tion of history, we are cast adrift, with nothing to guide us
except an
uncertain and artificial scheme of chronology.
For an attempt to
estimate the force of the arguments on either side we must refer to the
commentary below (p.zyiff.). Here, however, it is in point to observe
that even if the complete historicity of ch. 14 were established, it would
take us but a little way towards the authentication of the patriarchal
traditions as a whole.
For that episode confessedly occupies a place
entirely unique in the records of the patriarchs and all the marks of
contemporary authorship which it is held to present are so many proofs
If
it
Abrahamic
traditions,
See
S.
INTRODUCTION
XIX
that the remaining narratives are of a different character, and lack that
The coexistence of oral traditions and
particular kind of attestation.
historic notices relating to the same individual proves that the former
rest on a basis of fact ; but it does not warrant the inference that the
oral tradition is accurate in detail, or even that it faithfully reflects the
under consideration:
viz.,
embodied
difference
in the
if
Cod.
Hamm.
It
we
makes, however,
little
We shall
in
migratory movements,
tribal divisions
Canaan
try to extract
Sta.
Hist, oflsr.
f So
We.
GVI,
i.
145
ff.,
ZATW,
i.
ff.
INTRODUCTION
XX
tion to those
pre-Exodus period.
As a specimen
Mesopotamia
them
to settle
Israel, 29
side in the
its
frontier province of
Egypt
(Hist,
of
It
two
by
if.).
will
As regards the
of the marriage relation and migrations.
seen
that
there
is
true
we
a
have
first,
principle at
(p. xii)
It springs from the personification
the root of the method.
;
to a female,
two
less confidence)
that the
tribes
Guthe (GVI, 1-6) has formulated a set of five rules which he thinks
can be used (with tact !) in retranslating the genealogical phraseology
INTRODUCTION
idea of migration
is
still
in
XXI
less trustworthy.
Certainly not
Genesis (e.g. that of Joseph from
to
one
it seems to us
being carried down to Egypt
as an en
understood
this
be
if
rightly
altogether doubtful
in
of
to
tribe
advance
forced movement of the
Joseph
Egypt
to
Joseph
But
it is
extension of
its
principles.
The consequence
is
endless
entity called
Jacob
INTRODUCTION
XX11
diversity in detail,
in
general out
line.*
evident that such constructions will never reach any satisfactory
some point of support in the history of the period
as gathered from contemporary sources. The second millennium B.C.
is thought to have witnessed one great movement of Semitic tribes to
It is
in Palestine.
of the
It is
It is permis
sure basis for the reconstruction of the patriarchal history.
sible to hope that further discoveries may bring to light facts which
how
*
Luther (ZATW, 1901, 366.) wives a conspectus of four leadingtheories (We. Sta. Gu. Corn.), with the purpose of showing that the
consistent application of the method would speedily lead to absurd
results (46).
Stcimme
different verdict
Eimvanderung der.
on
Isr.
ff.
Procksch, Nordhebr. Sagenhas written about the allegorical inter
pretation of the Greek legends might be applied word for word to these
theories
The theorist who adopts this course of explanation finds
that after one or two simple and obvious steps, the way is no longer open,
and he is forced to clear a way for himself by gratuitous refinements
;
buch, 330
ff.
etc.
What Grote
"
and
go
conjectures"
To
continuous occupation of Palestine from the time when the legends were
INTRODUCTION
XX111
We
come,
in the last
tradition,
3.
its
through
retained
refers.
picture true
in
every
it
will
detail
is
memory
It
is
not,
however,
unreasonable to
we may
care
tions
some
movements
formed.
He
Meyer (INS,
difficulties,
hints at
127
ff.,
solution,
415, 433),
Joshua.
tradition,
and
this
rise to
INTRODUCTION
XXIV
judgement has
falls
to
be concentrated are
patriarchs
and
(#)
tion.
We
Hebrew mythology
deities.
and
in so far
as
it
is
applied to an individual
it
is
a case of
eponymous
personification.
XXV
INTRODUCTION
(Yakub-ilu, Ya$up-ilu}
;
thereby proved that Isaac and Jacob were so also and if we succeed in
resolving the latter into tribal eponyms, it will not follow that Abraham
;
falls
There
is
writers to put
the actual
tion.
It is this
Abraham with
else
which
all
it
still
"
a need for
intuition
and explanation,
to
this
in
satisfy
which a process of
picture-making
is in
colouring.
."
INTRODUCTION
XXVI
called
What
it
really concerns us to
that
we do
And
it is
know
is
justice to the
spirit
of the
Hebrew
tradition.
it
call
Some attempts
view of Abraham s
the mission of
We
it
INTRODUCTION
XXV11
piety
as the
religion, first
became a
force in
human
affairs.
nothing.
instinct
which
tells
grown out
As we read the
essential significance
was never
of true
It is difficult
of
trust the
face with
act
whose
brilliant generalisations
worked
out,
it
is
combination of things that are not in the Bible with things that are not
in the monuments.
Indeed, the only positive point of contact between
the two data of the problem is the certainly remarkable fact that tradi-
INTRODUCTION
XXVlil
"
Preservation
5.
traditions.
all
single
description,
by studying them
light, that
their isolation,
fully
stand, in
The
we can
in
older stratum
their origin.
and of the
Cf.
Gu.
der Sagen
p.
XXXII,
to
whose
"
this
is
greatly indebted.
"
Kunstform
INTRODUCTION
XXIX
much
is
but
in their original
distinctness of outline (e.g. the transference of the birth
with Rachel at the well,
right, Jacob at Bethel, the meeting
It is
the wrestling at Peniel, the outrage on Dinah, etc.).
not till we come to the history of Joseph that the principle
of biographical continuity gains the upper hand. Joseph s
story
is,
they are
derives
made up
indeed,
made
to
merge
from
interest
its
its
number of
of a
incidents
but
into one
elementary type,
are
in their
Lord are
ductions
in
of
works of
exquisite
art,
almost as
theirs.
fireside
gossip,
but
bear
unmistakable
the
p. xxx).
Now, between
already at some
which
is
centuries.
arise: (i)
What was
the
original form,
a special
the people
of
by
to con
under whose
welded into
lips
first
its
present shape?
And
(2),
how
is
gradually
this
whole
INTRODUCTION
XXX
commenced at the
To such questions, of
already
given,
(i)
It
is
not
On
incline
use of writing,
of
all
it
is
as an aid to the
In this
revised, and
and
so
collections
copied
resembling our oldest pentateuchal
documents might come into existence.*
Here we come upon one important fact which affords
;
some guidance
in the
and
parallel
practically
contemporaneous recensions
(see
p. xliii
ff.
we must assume a
very consider
p.
92
ff.
INTRODUCTION
XXXI
We
We
But we
positories of the cult-legends pertaining to them.
cannot indicate any sanctuary of such outstanding national
importance as to be plausibly regarded as the centre of a
Or we may assign a conspicuous share in
national epic.f
the work to the prophetic guilds which, in the time of
Samuel, were foci of enthusiasm for the national cause, and
in Israel, as
among
the Arabs,
mental
sources.
activities
It
which
lie
behind
our
supposes a
but in Israel the national ideal was
unity
earliest
literary
much
older than
its realisation in
Samuel
and a lower limit than that
ments of the case.
From
the
age of
were present
hardly meet the require
was developed.
INTRODUCTION
XXxii
it
The
of verbal exactitude during the period of unwritten tradition.
work of Sievers is viewed with qualified approval both by Gu. (p.
xxixf.) and Pro. (21 off.), and it is certain to evoke interesting dis
The present writer, who is anything but a Metriker von
cussion.
violating
poetry.
INTRODUCTION
The
been
briefly
ruling-
indicated
XXX111
(p.
show how
to
is
ii),
Israel, the
among
and Jacob
promise to them
of Canaan. *
soil
it
had
This
The method
dated.
consistently followed
is
the progressive
isolation of the
logical
clue to the
main
it
at successive points.
book
divisions of the
is
I.
II.
III.
IV.
The
The
The
The
book
to find
room
(n
9
).
It
be said,
a main
may
and that
is
one section.
its
INTRODUCTION
XXXIV
is
is
marked
njrt<[i],
n n
scheme
12 1 *
"
25
and
fall
7.
The
Sotirces of Genesis.
of
Pentateuchal
fall
literary
criticism.
in
It
strategic
was the
1753,! to the
names
in different sections of
of Genesis into
use of the
twelve.
Subsequent investigations served to emphasise
the magnitude of this discovery, which Eichhorn J speedily
put on a broader basis by a characterisation of the style,
Neither Astruc
contents, and spirit of the two documents.
nor Eichhorn carried the analysis further than Ex. 2,
partly because they were influenced by the traditional opinion
(afterwards abandoned by Eichhorn) of Mosaic authorship,
*
nnVin 150
ni.
il
INTRODUCTION
XXXV
is
a deeper reason
why
this particular
While the
beyond the
Vns. (especially
(3r)
(1893), p. 20
ff.
MT
show the
to
data
its
(1903), 305
d.
ff.
Gen. (1908), 34
177
t.
(296
N
20 1.).
The total deviations registered by Redpath
number 50; according to Eerdmans (34 f.) they are 49; i.e.
more than one-seventh of the whole. Is it so certain that that
ff.)
little
"
An
26
instructive example is 4
where
demon
Kvpios 6 6e6s is
wrong. (3) In the present state of textual criticism it is
impossible to determine in particular cases what is the original reading.
We can only proceed by the imperfect method of averages. Now it is
substitutes 0e6s for m,T 21 times, and
significant that while in Gen.
0e6s.
<&
strably
<&
Kijpios
same
times (40 in
Kupios 6 6e6$ 19
all),
6 6eos for D
<
preference for the ordinary Greek 0e6s over the less familiar
INTRODUCTION
XXXVI
MT
for m,T,
substituted
for inserting
appears
propounded.
one mainly Yahwistic and the other wholly (?) Elohistic, of which one
was used only where the other was illegible, would explain anything,
and therefore explains nothing least of all does it explain the frequent
coincidence of hypothetical illegibility with actual changes of style,
Dahse (following out a hint of
phraseology, and standpoint.
Klostermann) accounts for the phenomena of MT (and JUA) by the desire
to preserve uniformity within the limits of each several pericope of the
Synagogue lectionary but why some pericopes should be Yahwistic
and others Elohistic, it is not easy to conceive. He admits that his
view cannot be carried through in detail yet it is just of the kind
One has but to read
which, if true, ought to be verifiable in detail.
consecutively the first three chapters of Genesis, and observe how the
sudden change in the divine name coincides with a new vocabulary,
representation, and spiritual atmosphere, in order to feel how paltry all
such artificial explanations are in comparison with the hypothesis that
The experience
the names are distinctive of different documents.
;
repeats
tinction of divine
,
and E, the
alone,
is
analysis,
INTRODUCTION
MT does
XXXV11
MT
name
the
Elohist
confused.
divine
marks of
different writers
It is
names
two
afford
style,
succeeded
in
Code
Priestly
P),
whose
first
Elohist
(now
called
first
the
drawn
little
Die Quellen der Genesis und die Art ihrer Zusamtnensetzung (1853).
s discovery had partly been anticipated by llgen (Urkunden
Between Eichhorn and Hupfeld,
des ersten Bucks von Moses [1798]).
the Fragmentary
criticism had passed through two well-defined phases
Hypothesis (see p. xxxiif. above) and the Supplementary Hypothesis,
of which the classical exposition is Tuch s fine commentary on Genesis
The latter theory rested partly on
(1858 reissued by Arnold in 1871).
a prejudice that the framework of the Pent, was necessarily supplied
by its oldest source partly on the misapprehension which Hupfeld
dispelled and partly on the truth that Yahwistic sections are so inter
Hupfeld
the whole
the position of
We.
(see
ZA,
1908, 203).
INTRODUCTION
XXXvill
ticular,
It
does not
lie
and the
dating- of
in the Pent.,
in the
promulgation
eighteenth year of
influence on
direct
has
Josiah.J
Although
hardly any
the criticism of Genesis, it is an important landmark in the
its
this
to
in the art. of
Moab
(1854)
AT
1806-7); Ri enm
>
al.
A Ts (1866).
first
see
especially p. 64
ff.
INTRODUCTION
XXXIX
and
The
their
first
in
by slight idiosyncrasies of
style,
differences of representation.
(2)
done
his
work so
deftly that
it
is
frequently
difficult,
and
It
is
generally held that this redaction took place before the com
position of Deut., so that a third stage in the history of the
Pent, would be represented by the symbols JE -f D.
(3) The
P
source
is
a
of
the
Exilic
or
product
remaining
post-Exilic
though
age,
it
Originally an
the
and
this
(R
fitted
;
),
by
whom
skeleton
outline
patriarchal history.
INTRODUCTION
xl
we must
here
to
refer
works
specially
devoted to the
subject.*
(</)
recensions of a
common body
*
The following may be mentioned Kuenen, Historisch-critisch onder
zoek naar het ontstaan en de verzameling van de boeken des Ouden Ver:
i.
(1885) [Eng.
Abhandlungen
(transl.
tr.,
into
Introduction
in den
i.
INTRODUCTION
xli
differences of conception,
though
slight,
are
It is all
real.
very well to
"
"
to bring to the
original
pendent work.
The
facts that
it
now
is
its
narrative (even
is
telligible
the
collaboration
(527).
What
Di.
is
re
speaking
INTRODUCTION
xlil
full
if
and E. Criticism
which Ee. proceeds
is
its
to
(i) The
distinguishes four stages in the development of the tradition,
first is represented by remnants of the original undiluted polytheism,
where Yahwe does not appear at all e.g. 35 1 7 the Israel-recension of
"
the Joseph-stories
groundwork of
the
chs.
i.
20.
28 1
69 -9 17
4.
18 ~ 27
(2)
22.
22
27.
Yahwe
transferred to
"
"
showing, the
classification
affords
no
and
low).
P, E,
"
INTRODUCTION
however, leg-ends of
the
all
first
xliii
three classes
!),
Yahwe being
to the
compiler simply one of the gods and must therefore have originated
a lower limit is 700 B.C. This collection was soon
before the Exile
enlarged by the addition of legends not less ancient than its own and
by the insertion of the Israel-recension, which is as polytheistic in
The monotheistic manipulation
character as the T6l$ddth-co\ lection
of the work set in after Deuteronomy but how many editions it went
;
The
8.
collective authorship of
J and E.
correspondence in
close
their
first
and contents.
outline
is
The
strikes
into the current of the history (at ch. 20, with a few earlier
traces in ch. 15), there are few incidents in the one document
to
The
What
is
is
in J, after ch.
birthright, 25
15,
are
29 34
2>
(?)
"
"
7 20
"
Joseph temptation, 39
13 26 7
agrarian policy, 47
;
"
sack, 44
Joseph
>
<
INTRODUCTION
xliv
p. xxviii f.),
It is this extraordinarily
equally noticeable in J and in E.
close parallelism, both in matter and form, which proves
is
reduced to writing.*
schools,
to another.
History (chs. i-n), where at least two, and probably more, strands of
narrative can be distinguished (pp. 1-4).
Gu. seems to have shown that
in 1 2-25 two cycles of Abraham-legends have been interwoven
(p. 240)
also that in 25 ff. the Jacob-Esau and the Jacob- Laban legends were
;
and
One is almost tempted to go further, and say that the facts can be
best explained by the hypothesis of literary dependence of one document
on the other (so Lu. INS, 169
E steht vollig in seinem [J s] Banne
But the present writer is convinced from repeated examination, that
the differences are not of a kind that can be accounted for in this
way
"
").
f.).
INTRODUCTION
xlv
narrative
important fact is that these passages exhibit all the literary peculiarities
main source to which they are assigned at least, no linguistic
The problem
differentia of any consequence have yet been discovered.*
to their material
is to frame a theory which shall do justice at once
of the
incongruities
and
While the
their literary
homogeneity.
some kind
is
now
mode
two
collections,
much
*
to results far
school. f
It is
very
difficult
which leads
by other indications
justified
(see p. xxxif.).
f See the lengthy excursus of
is
their
INTRODUCTION
xlvi
complexity
in
the
If
authorship may easily be pressed too far.
1
2
1
2
E
and
E
with
a
etc.,
J
J
only
through
,
we
could get
i.e., with the
even
if
the
still
them.
school.
It is at all
and that
is all
of investigation.
Whether it is altogether so artificial and
unnatural as Professor Orr would have us believe, the reader
must judge
for himself.
seems
justice to the
"
INTRODUCTION
9.
J and E
xlvii
Characteristics of
Prophecy*
It is not the purpose of this section to give an exhaustive
characterisation of the literary or general features of the
two older documents of Genesis. If J and E are to be re
garded
as, in the
tradition,
and
if
of individuals,
it
main, recensions of a
common body
of oral
is
in
simply to specify
some outstanding
Our
object
differences
which
J presents,
literary texture
than E.
It is
especially in the
to assign to the
is difficult
J excels
in the power to
picturesque objectivity of description,
and
in
with
few
a
scene
the
delineation
of life
strokes,
paint
in
and character:
"for
Hagar
8ff
(2i
-),
the dismay of
Driver,
of pathos
LOT,
p. 119.
is
LXXVII.
INTRODUCTION
xlviii
in
Where
E.
show a
as contrasted with
with
its
literary differences
case
is,
it
sources.
The divine names.
textual tradition
is
While the
fully recognised,
*
This, it is true, is more than a mere matter of phraseology in the
case of E, it is the application of a theory of religious development
which connected the revelation of the name Yahwe with the mission of
Moses (Ex. 3 13 10 ). It is now generally held that the original E con
tinued to use Elohim after the revelation to Moses, and that the
occurrences of Yahwe in the later history belong to secondary strata ol
the document.
On either view the choice of the general name of deity
is difficult to account for.
Procksch regards it as due to the influence
of the great monotheistic movement headed by Elijah
but that is not
The inspiring motive of Elijah s crusade was precisely
probable.
jealousy for Yahive, the national God of Israel. Gu., on the other hand,
thinks it arose from the fact that the legends were largely of Canaanite
;
"
and
Eerdmans).
INTRODUCTION
xlix
(b)
29
be
heathen
to
is
emphasised, 32
(c) in
32b
9
27
39 4i
(real or supposed), g
need be suspected.
For the inhabitants of Canaan, J uses JJN3, io 18bt 19 I2 6 (? R), 24 3 37
16
30
7
ll
5o + (with MTS, i3 (R?) 34 ) E TDK, i5 48- + .*
For the name Jacob, J substitutes Israel after 35 22 (exc. 46 5b ) E con
scribal error
sistently uses
The
Jacob (exc.
48
46"
8-
in
cert
2i 2a
[so
36
genealogies
Genesis) highly
(in
20 - 21
the former, 4
io 21
29
22 2
^i?l(in
20
?]).
22 21 25 26 38 29f -).
(cf.
25
of expressions
lists
and E respectively
characteristic of J
3N and vnx
J
2I
"
19
27
8 - 10 - 16
i8 ig
3O 32 33
24
jn NSD, 6
37 44
4
DTB (without 3), 2 5 ig 4 24 15 45 +
jrr (in sexual sense),
5o +
5.
1. 17. 25
8
16
= beget ), 4 18 IO8 13 15 26 22 s3
,
4
3326 ( algo J n p)._-,^ (
9
24
4 7
2
i
4 5 8
6b
*
E? )._
2 4 23 42 49 2 8 16 39
2 58
4419.20.26 4? + (42
4 a 43
s3
i8 32 29s4 s5 3 o 20b 4630 +
Derivatives of ^ 3sy, 3 16 16 17 5 29 66 45 5a
oysn, 2
31 34
38
23
T ys, m*ys (for the younger of two brothers or sisters), ig
25
child),
47
34"
s5 - 29
39"
<
"
2 926
43
33
48
14
CK-3
I3
ig
21
2I 30 26 -24 2? 4.
38+
times
43
24"-
2i 3a
26^ +
43
10. 12.
2 ^5
44
25
i8
Particles
w,
each).
2
1
nKTpS pT, i8 [I9 ]
2. 6
14
18
33!.
3O
( 2Q
j8 5
in J
16
i9
28
26
Tiaya, 3
10
26
17
yo with
8 21 I2 13
16
i8 26
15
^3^,
4
about 40 times, in E about 6
I
9 33
3o 3i
33
13 - 15 -
51f
-)
42
(cf. 4 i
very characteristic idiom of
12 - 13
2 9 16
<
times doubled: 22 11 46 2
38
3"
Ex. 3 4
Sa. 3 4
[i
<E]
^na
+)
2i
ncn,
7 - 41
T33i
14 - 15 - 19
2i
pa,
-h
23
nnc,
(cf. Is.
2i 16
i
22
,
Jb. i8
honest
19
+ );
2S.
11
elder
[tip (
12
21
47
So
is the vocative (some
with the answer JJ,T
he
;
ao
and
^^3, 45
20
3i
(in
and younger ),
mae D, 29 15 3 1 7 41
3o
24"
^. 23
psyn,
^.p^JTS,
P once
(inE and
i2 8
^7.
see on HDN below.
10. 19. 31
Gen.).
17
2i 10
,TCK, 2o
-6
5. 6. 8
l6 l.
4
following gen., i8
29. 31. 32
xnp,
16
29 33 4._ nn2{7j , 2
also common in P)
35<
),
42
ipy, 22
n.
.in,
48
16
V^D,
+
M
;
.
8n
int,
D,
;
3D>
nn3,
nB B pp 3319+ J
40
4 ,8ff. +
4Q
4 ,11 +
41
24 [-J
3
2
U
8
n
42 ]+
by a partiality for rare infinitive forms (3r 46 5o 48 + ), and
29
6
the occasional use of long forms of the nominal suff. (2i [3i ] 4i 21 42 36 ).
8ff.
5ff.
j nnB>
32
m3s>
QS>
b>
The
documents are
The
cross
of the Hex.
in the
+ ) means
is
INTRODUCTION
remarkably
refers to
it
in the
worship of Yahwe.
is
E
reticent as to the actual offering of sacrifice
1
twice
never
at
in
the
and
all
J
only
(22. 46 ),
:
3ff
8 20ff -).
It is difficult to imagine
patriarchal history (ct. 4
the idea that it
that the omission is other than accidental
-
The most
sacrifice.
which Yahwe
(or the
visibly in
human
language which
is
(chs. 2. 3. 7. 8.
1 1
).
when
reached.
*
We
The strongly
pessimistic strain
which some
to
document
is
INTRODUCTION
writers note as characteristic of
and so far as
it
ever in Genesis
II
finds
no expression what
it
we
the
name
is
employed
(as,
e.g.,
to
from
Amos downwards.
and E
share in
to
us entirely erroneous.
It is
first
Amos
We
was before
mind that the
or an Isaiah
must bear
in
movement which,
extended into Judah and that any
prophetic influences discoverable in Genesis are as likely to
have come from the impulse of that movement as from the
commencing
later
But
in
Israel,
development which
in truth
is
so
much
better
known
to us.
by Moses,
prophecy
find
no echo
in
INTRODUCTION
lii
Israelitish
of
its
Yahwe
when
the documents
their
confident
hope
for
the
is
future of the
nation
intact
This
against the tremendous arraignment of prophecy.
consideration gains in force from the fact that the secondary
strata of E,
to JE,
which do
10.
On
Redaction ofJE.
no consensus of
of Wellhausen s
Geschichte Israels in
unanimous
practically
in
"
al.
so Luther, Procksch,
al.
al.
INTRODUCTION
tion of the
name
Issachar, with
its
17
liii
14 16
story of the love-apples (3O
), is
28 43
J (3O
) attributes the increase
(3O )
~
of Jacob s flocks to his own cunning, whereas E (3i 4 13 ) attributes it to
On the other hand, E s recension of the Bethelthe divine blessing.
;
13 - 16
||
to us
||
is
clearly right in holding that J has preserved both the oldest and the
youngest form of the legend, and that E represents an intermediate
stage.
affirmed
is
that,
while
E has occa
document.
In attempting to determine the absolute dates of J
and
If
it
is
the terminus
ad quern
E presupposes
the
INTRODUCTION
llV
Between these
guide us to a more
n. (785-745), as the
Jeroboam
most
In J there is no unequivocal
likely time of composition.*
the
divided
allusion to
kingdom and nothing absolutely
prevents us from putting its date as early as the reign of
;
The sense
Solomon.
destiny
is
loss of the
(Is.
17
),
more
under Omri and his successors, it would be necessary to bring- the date
but Gunkel has shown that inter
of both documents down to that time
40b
27
pretation to be improbable.
presupposes the revolt of Edom from
Judah (c. 840); but that prosaic half-verse is probably an addition to
the poetic passage in which it occurs, and therefore goes to show that
the blessing itself is earlier, instead of later, than the middle of the
The curse on Canaan (g- 5K-) does not necessarily assume
9th cent.
the definite subjugation of the Canaanites by Israel and if it did, would
;
INTRODUCTION
Iv
brightest figure in
common
places
Mahanaim,
Israelite territory
all
to
both
14
unknown reason a
northern kingdom
i
It is when we look at the diver
Ki. ig ).
(Am. 5 8
gence between the two sources that the evidence of the
Ephraimite origin of E and the Judaean of J becomes con
sistent and clear.
Whereas E never evinces the slightest
interest in
own
26).
19
(35
(Jos.
The
),
of those of
24
32
),
Rebekah
and Joshua
30
(
),
nurse Deborah
all in
xliii)
8
(
),
of Joseph
*
We. Prol. 6 317. It is the neglect of this fact that has mainly led
to the belief that J, like E, is of Ephraimite origin (Kue. Reuss, Schr.
Fripp, Luther,
al.).
INTRODUCTION
Ivi
Judasan interest:
in
the scene
18
is
T 28
is a
ig
deals with the origin
Hebron;
legend of the
see p. 455).
Finally, while Joseph s place of honour
to be challenged, it is J who, in
established
firmly
defiance of the older tradition, transfers the birthright and
tribe
was too
22f-
to Judah (49
the Joseph
35
indications
make
it at least
These
narratives).
relatively
probable that in J we have a Judaean recension of the patri
the
8ff>
"*.</)
50?
4i
glosses.
46
lof<
Of
u 17 i8 17 19 22 15 18
probability, be assigned to these editors (i3
~5
U
3b
10 13
26
28
32
46^) to this redaction we are disposed
also to attribute a thorough revision of ch. 15.
In these
~
~~
"
we seem
passages
Druteronomic phraseology
in
al.
INTRODUCTION
The
11.
Priestly Code
and
Ivii
It is
all
Code.
The Code
as a whole
is,
j
was
to systematise the
distinguished by We. as
Kue. as P 2 , by others as
P g .*
428 f.,
etc.), it
No
critical
of this work,
which
it
is
operation
down even
embedded.
is
easier or
we have
*
Kue. s P 1 is the so-called Law of Holiness (P h ), which
than the date usually assigned to P*.
is
older
INTRODUCTION
IVlll
fact,
neither
in the least
is
Noah
presently,
sacrifice
is
dwelt
in
29
cities of the
Now
16 1
Sarai,
Abram
Sarai,
s wife,
took
and said to him," etc. Here follows the account of the covenant with
Abraham, the change of his name and that of Sarai, the institution of
circumcision, and the announcement of the birth of Isaac to Sarah
The narrative is resumed in 2i lb "And Yahwe did to Sarali
(ch. 17).
as he had spoken, 2b at the appointed time which God had mentioned.
And Abraham
Sarah bore
called the
to him, Isaac.
is
Abraham,
son."
for himself
INTRODUCTION
lix
note at the
that verse
is,
We
JE which
point
will
be specified immediately.
(POT, 343
ff.)
really
and it is evident that the one supersedes and excludes the other.
;
1 9
Again, P s reason for Jacob s journey to Mesopotamia (aS ) is quite in
in
ch.
and
his
that
with
consistent
27 (p. 374 f.)
given by JE
conception
of Isaac s blessing as a transmission of the blessing originally bestowed
4
on Abraham (28 ) is far removed from the idea which forms the motive
In JE, Esau takes up his abode in Seir before Jacob s return
of ch. 27.
from Mesopotamia (32 3 ) in P he does not leave Canaan till after the
P s account of the enmity between Joseph and
burial of Isaac (35 6 ).
his brethren is unfortunately truncated, but enough is preserved to
show that it differed essentially from that of JE (see p. 444). It is
difficult to make out where Jacob was buried according to J and E, but
And so on.
it certainly was not at Machpelah, as in P (see p. 538 f.).
Everywhere we see a tendency in P to suppress or minimise discords
It is inconceivable that a supplementer
in the patriarchal households.
should thus contradict his original at every turn, and at the same time
(P)
leave
it
to tell its
own
story.
When we
passages of an
has been preserved almost entire in our present Book of Genesis. The
question then arises whether these discrepancies spring from a divergent
tradition followed by P g or from a deliberate re-writing of the history
as told by JE, under the influence of certain theological ideals and
principles,
to consider.
INTRODUCTION
The
central
of four world-ages
Noah
to
pre-Mosaic history
and even the distinction between clean and unclean animals
is
It is
of
P g belonged.
The
swept away
is
attached
referred to a direct
INTRODUCTION
command
of God.
Ixi
the other hand, such as the origin of evil, the writer evinces
no interest ; and of personal piety the disposition of the
heart towards God his narrative hardly furnishes an
In both respects he represents a theology at
once more abstract and shallower than that of J or E,
whose more imaginative treatment of religious questions
illustration.
g
It would be unfair to charge the author of P
48
etc.).
vital
to
the
need
for
with indifference
godliness, for he lacks
15f
the power
relation of
istic
of the type of
of history, which
the Priestly theology.
simple speech
to.
and the
INTRODUCTION
Ixii
is
its
the purchase of
Abraham and
Machpelah
to its
prominence
his seed.
connexion
For the
rest,
lies
3>
personal
The
endowment or
providential training.
P can be
and
monotonous
repetitions,
and
its
general determination to
INTRODUCTION
Ixiii
the construction
in
of
as well
in
full effect
of literature.
Though capable
at
times of rising to an
Gn. i. 47 7 n ), it is apt to de
impressive dignity (as
generate into a tedious and meaningless iteration of set
phrases and rigid formulae (see Nu. 7). The power of
in
specification
or
measurement.
Even
which
in ch. 23,
is
affinities
with P
but of
all
As on
examples are
however, that
the + frequently covers a considerable number of cases
and that a
found
selection of phrases,
such as
is
INTRODUCTION
Ixiv
19
mm rns
swarming things
120^21 + ( O nly in P and Dt. i4 ).
27
Lv 2 69 elsewhere only Jer. 3 ie
8 n 9 i.7 I7 2o 2 g3
4? ^4 ( Ex
8
29 30
n^ax ?
6 21 93 + (elsewhere only in
Ezk/ 3 6 n ).
i
[inverted], 2 3
Ezk. (10 times), and (as inf.) Jer. i2 9 ). nn^in io32 25 13 + (elsewhere
<
pe>,
,22.
^n
28
j7>
nnK>
7"
*>+
1;J-
lfi -
of
J),
and
for the
Geographical
7
is
form
JN
designations peculiar to
26
l5
.To
DJX
Pe are
4
only in Gn. 23 ).
Kiryath- Arbd
(for
2 g2.
1 1
these may be added jyaa
46 +
31
3S
3
8
2
i2 5 i3 12 i6 17 23 19 3i 18 33 18 35 6 37 1 +; the expression is found in JE
P& has {yaa without pit
only in the Joseph-section (chs. 42, 44, 45, 47).
25
ao
5. e-
9.
p,
31
is
criticism.
The
post-Exilic reformation
It is later
INTRODUCTION
Code as a whole
is
later
than Ezekiel
IxV
proved by the fact
is
that
and
origin
justification
in
Ezk. 44 6
~ 16
,
presupposed as
is
It is possible, how
already established (Nu. 3. 4. 8, etc.).
ever, that that distinction belongs to a stratum of the
g
g
legislation not included in P ; in which case P might very
The
well be earlier than Ezk., or even than the Exile.
its
than J and E.
The view
that PS
yth
and recognising the priestly status of the entire tribe of Levi, just
16 24
and P h in its original form). If that fact could be
(Nu. jy
it
would
established,
go far to show that the document is older than
Ezk. It is admitted both by Kuenen and Wellhausen (Prol. 6 116) that
the disparity of priests and Levites is accentuated in the later strata of
P as compared with PS, but that it is not recognised in PS is not clear.
As to pre-Exilic origin, the positive arguments advanced by Pro. are
not very cogent and it is doubtful whether, even on his own ground,
In
he has demonstrated more than the possibility of so early a date.
Genesis, the only fact which points in that direction is one not mentioned
by Pro. viz. that the priestly Table of Nations in ch. 10 bears internal
evidence of having been drawn up some considerable time before the
(P
as
),
in Dt.
The
last distinguishable
stage
in the
formation of the
Pent,
is
process has
a priori;
left
difficult
quite certain
to distinguish
is
naturally
though
changes of this kind from later explanatory
22 23
7
io 24 2^ etc.).
The
glosses and modifications (cf. 6 faim of the redactor was, in general, to preserve the ipsissima
it
redactional
INTRODUCTION
IxVl
g
P h ),f then the
only the Priestly Code, or part of it (P
final redaction is brought down to a later period, the ter
minus ad quern being the borrowing of the Jewish Pent, by
manner of
or
called for
of
JE and
We
So We. Di.
Kit. al.
But
So Corn. Ho.
al.
INTRODUCTION
Ixvii
add the vein of childlike piety which turned aside from the
abstractions and formulas of the Priestly document, to find
its nutriment in the immortal stories through which God
spoke to the heart then, as
He
COMMENTARY.
THE PRIMAEVAL HISTORY.
CHS. I-XI.
IT has been
division of the
first (chs. 1-1 1) deals with the Creation of the world, and the history
These chapters are
of primitive mankind prior to the call of Abraham.
composed of excerpts from two of the main sources of the Pent., the
the
activity
To
we owe
the
document known as
J.
GENESIS
variety of
sections, viz.
)
life
i.
whole gallery of varied and graphic pictures, each complete in itself and
essentially independent of the rest, arranged in a loosely chronological
order, and with perhaps a certain unity of conception, in so far as they
illustrate the increasing wickedness that accompanied the progress of
mankind
bare
lists
in civilisation.
of
names and
(like
those of P)
new
literary diversity.
is
musicians, and smiths, whose origin is traced to the last three members
of the genealogy, are obviously not those of a bygone race which perished
in the Flood, but those known to the author and his contemporaries
(3) Similarly, the Table of Nations and the story of the
(p. 115 f.).
Confusion of Tongues imply mutually exclusive explanations of the
diversities of
"
i-xi
"
"
irrelevant.
The
(b)
analysis
steps further
by Budde
exhaustive and
the primary
elaborate examination, arrived at the following theory
1 19
21
6 3 3* 4*- 2b /3- 16b 17 24
document (J 1 ) consisted of 2 4b 9
3
2. 4.
j^is was recast by J 2 (substituting O rta* for
51.
I0 9 jji-9 9 2o-27
JUT down to 426 ), whose narrative contained a Cosmogony (but no
(Biblische
Urgeschichte,
pass.),
Paradise story),
Nations, and a
censions were
1
passages of J
tradition,
existence
274
ff.
of
(i) chs.
2. 3.
relatively
[= Ak. Reden
II
u.
(2)
25f -
"-22
920-27
IO ? 6 i.
the Flood-legend,
added
23f>
e
J
consisting of:
Sethite genealogy
CREATION
(?)
ment
18f<
J-",
18f>
"
Jj
Je
Jd
r
=
_
=
=
20-22. 24
2 4b_ 3 19*.23
65-8 22 *918f
1 - 16
6 l-4
17-24
jl-9
25f.
.
g^-^
io*;
*.
be found.
will
I.
-I I.
3.
short
is
darkness,
3 ~5
;
(2)
the division
of the
two masses, one above and the other below the firmament,
~8
(3) the separation of land and sea through the collect
;
ing
9 10
-
"one
place,"
(4)
the
n 13
clothing of the earth with its mantle of vegetation,
14 19
(5) the formation of the heavenly bodies,
(6) the
2 - 23
peopling of sea and air with fishes and birds,
(7)
~
"
I.
i-H. 3
24 25
and (8) the creation
the production of land animals,
26 ~ 31
Creator
is
the
of man,
represented as
Finally,
the
seventh
on
works
day; and this
resting from His
-
its
contents that
the opening
section of
unknown
whose
the
here described,
solid
of
a
world of antique imagination, composed
expanse
of earth, surrounded by and resting on a world-ocean, and
surmounted by a vault called the firmament, above which
science
to
origin
is
came
ally
may
be,
it
is
not a revelation of
The
fact referred to
on the attempt
to
the definition of
theory
it
is
and
but (what
is
The
at issue
is
not one of
the only question is whether the language of Genesis will bear the
construction which the harmonising scientists find it necessary to put
upon
it.
CREATION
(?)
physical fact which can be brought into line with the results
of modern science. The key to its interpretation must be
found elsewhere.
In order to understand the true character of the narra
tive,
we must compare
an integral part of
it
There
is
ample
in this fact
we
find
The
tradition
moulded
in
was
plastic,
and there
of a particular religion
at the same time, being a tradi
it
retained a residuum of unassimilated material
;
tion,
cosmogony
is
this
the
10).
The
cosmogony
lies,
there
I.
i-H.
world
is
created,
personal Being
independently of
it.
it
He
the word of
God
which occur
traditional material
The Framework.
impossible to decide
writer,
is
how
much more
regular
of accident,
in
than in MT. It
due to the original
(fix
CREATION
8
of copj
(?)
ists to rectify
numbers
(a]
The
The
the occur
facts are of
fiat
each of
(K)
And
in
was
9<
14<
9>
<&
<&
work except
with
three
($r
22 -
(vv.
(And God
28
called
is
peculiar to
blessed.
of separation (vv.
).
(/) And God
said of the sixth and eighth works and of the Sabbath
2 3 ).
(#) The division into days is marked by the clos
5- 8
acts
is
(3 times)
day
significant variation:
of the objects created
naming
the
MT
10
And it was
ing formula,
3i) ?
vv>
further that in 5 cases out of the 6 (in (& $ out of 7) the execution is
described as a work, that the correspondence between fiat and fulfilment
2*
is often far from complete, and finally that 2
seems a duplicate of 2 1 ,
the question arises whether all these circumstances do not point to a
literary manipulation, in which the conception of creation as a series of
successive efforts of
many
The Seven Days Scheme. The distribution of the eight works over
six days has appeared to many critics (Ilgen, Ewald, Schrader, We.
Di. Bu. Gu. al. ) a modification introduced in the interest of the
Sabbath law, and at variance with the original intention of the cos
mogony. Before entering on that question, it must be pointed out that
*
is the
ten sayings of Pirk
Abdth, 5, i
rmoxD msfyn, where the number 10 is arrived at by adding to
the 8 fiats the two other occurrences of iDsn in MT (vv. 28 29 ).
familiar instance
D^iyn JO3J
BTh.
\.
I.
i-H. 3
three days are days of preparation, the next three are days of
Now whether this arrangement belongs
Gen. 2).
to the original conception of the cosmogony, or at what stage it was
first
accomplishment" (Dri.
Nothing at
all re
sembling
it
*
See below, p. 43 ff. On the other hand there are Persian and
Etruscan analogies see p. 50.
;
CREATION
IO
(?)
to be inconsistent with
was a day of
the seventh
it."
Bu. urges further that the idea of the Sabbath as a day on which
is one not likely to have been entertained in the
from which the Priestly Code emanated,* and also (on the
11
ground of Ex. 2O ) that the conception of a creation in six days followed
by a divine Sabbath rest must have existed in Israel long before the
age of that document. It is to be observed that part of Bu. s argument
(which as a whole seems to me valid against the specific form of the
theory advanced by We.) only pushes the real question a step further
back and Bu. himself, while denying that the seven days scheme
is secondary to P, agrees with Ew. Di. and many others in thinking
that there was an earlier Hebrew version of the cosmogony in which that
scheme did not exist.
The improbability that a disposition of the cosmogony in eight
works should have obtained currency in Hebrew circles without an
attempt to bring it into some relation with a sacred number has been
circles
urged
in
f.).
That argument might be turned the other way for the very fact that
the number 8 has been retained in spite of its apparent arbitrariness
suggests that it had some traditional authority behind it. Other
objections to the originality of the present scheme are (a) the juxta
position of two entirely dissimilar works under the third day (b) the
separation of two closely related works on the second and third days
(c) the alternation of day and night introduced before the existence of
the planets by which their sequence is regulated (thus far Di. 15), and
(d) the unnatural order of the fourth and fifth works (plants before
heavenly bodies). These objections are not all of equal weight and
explanations more or less plausible have been given of all of them.
But on the whole the evidence seems to warrant the conclusions that
the series of works and the series of days are fundamentally incon
;
gruous, that the latter has been superimposed on the former during the
Heb. development of the cosmogony, that this change is responsible for
some of the irregularities of the disposition, and that it was introduced
certainly not later than P, and in all probability long before his time.
Source and Style. As has been already hinted, the section belongs
This is the unanimous opinion of all critics
to the Priestly Code (P).
who
See Jerome
polemical note,
in
Quasi.,
ad
loc.
I.
n , n]
24. 25.
29.
n t, 3K C,
30^
p^
30^
30^
j,
20. 21
pjjj
i-II. 3
an(J
and
1 1
M mpD
nn ^ n
10
n3n1 nns
2 4a
22.
Comp.
88,
^^
the listsin
208-220
and for details see
greater value as a criterion of
authorship is the unmistakable literary manner of the Priestly his
The orderly disposition of material, the strict adherence to
torian.
a carefully thought out plan, the monotonous repetition of set phrase
ology, the aim at exact classification and definition, and generally
the subordination of the concrete to the formal elements of composi
tion
these are all features of the juristic
style cultivated by this
school of writers,
it is the same spirit that has shaped Gn. i and
Gn.
On the artistic merits of the passage very diverse
(Gu.).
Gu., whose estimate is on the
judgments have been pronounced.
whole disparaging, complains of a lack of poetic enthusiasm and
Gu.
Di.
p.
the
Commentary
i ;
p.
107,
OH,
Of even
below.
i.
"
5"
as We.
to
is
impressed by
"
the
grandeur"
this particular
passage
is
Gen. 31).
form"
(Dri.
what has
All,
is
earlier stages we can say little except that traces of them remain
those elements which do not agree with the ruling ideas of the last
editors.
Bu. has sought to prove that the story had passed through
the school of J before being adopted by that of P that it was in fact
Of the
in
the writer
hypothesis (such as would be
2
supplied by allusions to Gn. i in other parts of J ) there is none it is
an inference deduced mainly from these premises (i) that the creation
story shows traces of overworking which presuppose the existence of an
older Heb. recension (2) that in all other sections of the prehistoric
called J
Of
CREATION
12
(P)
We
I.
to v. 3 (Rashi,
On
but a decision
is
difficult,
and
with
in dealing
I.
JT5?to] The form is probably contracted from n^N") (cf. nnN^ ),
and therefore not derived directly from B rfl. It signifies primarily the
On. io 10 ( nucleus ), 49^ ( first product ),
first (or best) part of a thing
;
Is. 46
We. (/Vo/. 6 386) has said
(starting point of a series), etc.
that Dt. ii 12 is the earliest instance of the temporal sense; but the
That being
~\
I.I
13
In the
necessary to leave the alternative open.
be
subordinate
If
the
clause
the
reference
of
beginning}
v. 1
it
is
iTWi
is
in
is
still
word
(Is.
18
(2) it is
a created chaos
create,
45
supported
is not in
it
is
not
perhaps
himself
We.
1
Three constructions have been proposed
(a) v. an inde
syntax.
pendent sentence (all Vns. and the great majority of comm., including
In sense this construction (taking the
Calv. De. Tu. We. Dri.).
it
verse as superscription) is entirely free from objection
yields an
easy syntax, and a simple and majestic opening. The absence of the
At most it is a
art. tells against it, but is by no means decisive.
matter of pointing, and the sporadic Greek transliterations Eaptjffrjd
(Field, Hexap.}, and Eap-^aed (Lagarde, Ankiind. 5), alongside of
that in ancient times the first word was sometimes
B/)?7(rt0, may show
read na. Even the Mass, pointing does not necessarily imply that the
T is never found with art., and De. has
word was meant as const.
well pointed out that the stereotyped use or omission of art. with
certain words is governed by a subtle linguistic sense which eludes our
:
cf. Kon. 5.
(e.g. Dij^p, BW,p, n;^N-i|
294 g). The construction
seems to me, however, opposed to the essentially relative idea of i,
its express reference to that of "which it is the beginning (see above).
2
3
1
When God began
(b) v.
parenthesis: v.
protasis: v.
apodosis
to create
now the earth
God said, Let there be light.
So Ra. Ew. Di.* Ho. Gu. al.
all
who reject (a).
practically
Although first appearing explicitly in Ra. (f 1105), it has been argued
analysis
"was
and that
(a)
came
in
under
transposed
it
hands of the
introduction,
v. 1 (similarly,
and
Sta.
in
the
BTh.
CREATION
14
(?)
it is
a remarkable conception and (3) it is
the heavens and the
excluded by the object of that verb
For though that phrase is a Hebrew designation of the
earth.
admits that
chaos
The
6f
(
-).
verse therefore
an independent sentence at
(if
all)
w. 21
27
with
),
The
meaning.
It is
partly
25
synonymous with
it
had a
specific
nb>y
(cf.
shade of
the influence of
1
<&
before pred.)
157
Dav.
assuming
is
138
this
*
The view that v. 1 describes an earlier creation of heaven and earth,
which were reduced to chaos and then re-fashioned, needs no refutation.
The Mechilta (on Ex. i2 40
t See Geiger, Urschr. 344, 439, 444.
Winter and Wiinsche s Germ, transl. p. 48) gives v. 1 as one of thirteen
instances of things
the change
was
written for
deliberately
King Ptolemy
made
for
the
and Gei.
infers that
reason mentioned.
The
I.I
15
We.
20
17f
6f -
304).
(b)
The
idea of
21
4i
65 -, Jer. 3i ) or extraordinariness
48
Nu. i6 30 [J]) of result is frequently implied, and it
novelty (Is.
(Ex. 34
Prol. Q
10
,
noteworthy that
(d)
chapter and
many
passages)
an idea first
that the sense stops short of creatio ex nihilo,
28
At the same time the
explicitly occurring in 2 Mac. 7
.
trine,
is
is
create
.Ti
makes any
it.
essential
where it has been freely adopted. Kin] enters fully into OT usage
Apart from three critically dubious
only on the eve of the Exile.
25,
13
21
passages (Am. 4
is in
prominent in the prophetic theology, and that for this reason the term
which expressed it technically obtained a currency it had not previously
The primary idea is uncertain. It is commonly reg arded as
enjoyed.
form by cutting^,
the root of a Piel meaning
cut, hence
carve,
197 b;
Lidzbarski,
NS
Toy, Kraetschmar, ad
(see Corn.,
*
word
loc.).
Elsewhere
it
means
cut
its
significance
creation is that
through his
(make), and
word"
is
ipisti,
CREATION
6
2.
Description of Chaos.
(?)
It is
perhaps impossible to
and Water
The weird
effect of the
language
make
out.
The words
(Dinn, DVD).
very impressive. On
waste and void] The exact meaning
is
Tohu wa-Bohu
are nouns
to
difficult
is
non
desert to the abstract
ranges from the concrete
means
while
1,12
emptiness (v.i.). The
possibly
entity
has
been
to
emphasise the latter aspect,
exegetical tendency
*
(Jos. ly
(Di.,
15 - 18
G-B.
We. Prol.^ 387). The Ar. bara a (used chiefly of creation of animate
being s) is possibly borrowed from Heb. Native philologists connect
so that create means to
be free
it, very unnaturally, with bari a,
Liberate (from the clay, etc.) (Lane, 178 b,c): Di. s view is similar.
iii.
Earth
58) has proposed to identify vra, (through mutation of
create, banu; but rejects the opinion
liquids) with the Ass. vb. for
s.7
(ZA>
is
the
common
doparos /cat
6. Kevbv (or ovdtv]
desolate and
empty
build
.133
(KAT
A
,
498
),
with
ZDMG,
a8i6.KpiTov
Semitic
Sabasan
in
);
/cat
rnn
ft
ov6kv
on
U inanis et vacua
(JloZ.
N jpni (nst
NB>,
I.
17
order have
this
that the
difference,
distinction
effaced,
of
is
is
11
8
rests (Gn. y
before the earth
4Q
25
,
Am.
was formed,
etc.);
lay bare
which,
therefore,
the primal
The Heb.
and
it is
the
name
term
narrative
doubtful
for
Dinn.
ocean
if
and
it
is
literal
sense
(Hoffmann
ZATW,
in
118), is
iii.
more dubious
word
Jensen,
KIB,
vi. i, 560).
is
5 8
and
xxi.
195),
is
27
7"
is fern.,
CREATION
(?)
up the waters (5T, IEz., and a few moderns), but the divine
Spirit, figured as a bird brooding over its nest, and perhaps
symbolising an immanent principle of life and order in the
as yet undeveloped chaos.
Lost,
vii.
i.
line of the
OT
the source of
doctrine that he
is
29f
life (Ps. 33
iO4 -), yet
the ordinary representation, and occurs only here (possibly
Is. 4O 13 ).
(2) The image conveyed by the word brooding
(DDrnp) is generally considered to rest on the widespread
but introduced
suggestiveness.
for
the
sake
of
its
religious
myth was
"
due
oi>,
"
is
hands
Payne
I.
3,
19
second).
It
is
the verse
combines ideas drawn from diverse sources which are not capable of
complete synthesis. Only on this supposition would it be possible to
accept Gu. s interpretation of the first clause as a description of
In that case the earth
empty space.
is
of,
but
contrasted with,
earth,
darkness.
First
3-5.
work: Creation of
On
light.
God
[And]
and on the
the connexion, see above, pp. 13 ff.
Let there be lighi\ The
significance of the fiat, p. 7.
thought of light as the first creation, naturally suggested
said]
In Persian
Mazda
cosmogony
dwells,
is
7
45 both light and darkness are creations
of Yahwe, but that is certainly not the idea here.
Comp.
Milton s Parad. Lost, iii. i fF.
ii.
295
In
f.).
Is.
"
"IIK
\TI
corresponds to the
m of
subsequent acts.
4. 310
iiNn]
CREATION
20
(?)
But he rightly
view of the world implied in the
series of approving" verdicts, as opposed to the pessimistic
estimate which became common in later Judaism. -And God
To us these words merely suggest alternation
divided, etc.].
but Heb. conceives of a spatial distinction of light
in time
(the possibility of failure, happily overcome).
and darkness, each in its own place or abode (Jb. 38 19f -).
Even the separate days and nights of the year seem thought
of as having independent and continuous existence (Jb. 3 6 ).
The Heb. mind had thus no
difficulty in
5.
And God
called, etc.]
summoned
The name
into the
that
by which the
of thought belongs to
thing
the full existence of the thing itself.
So in the first line of
the Babylonian account, "the heaven was not yet named"
means that it did not yet exist. And it became evening,
is
field
rh"h
method in
syll.
this
passage.
nj^] (also
Mil
el)
N~]i?]
Mil
el,
cf.
Aram.
^)
see
520.
109; Pratorius, ZATW, Hi. 218; Ron. ii.
inx cv] a first day, or perhaps better one day.
On nriN as ord. see
6
but cf. Wellh. Prol. 387.
G-K.
98 a, 134 p ; Dav.
38, R. i
;
21
1.5,6
sunset to sunset (Tu. Gu. Ben. etc.). The Jewish day may
have begun at sunset, but it did not end at sunrise and it
;
was
created.
first
that idea here not only destroys the analogy on which the sanction of
the sabbath rests, but misconceives the character of the Priestly Code.
If the writer
Second work
6-8.
in his
The
firmament.
The second
fiat calls
sometimes compared to an
structure,
io4
(Ps.
Am. g 6 supported by
13
,
resembling in
Above
surface a
its
upper
"
"
pillars
"molten
(Jb.
mirror"
chamber"
26 11 ), and
37
(Jb.
18
).
"
"
"
"
23
opened and shut by God at His pleasure (Ps. 78 ).
The general idea of a forcible separation of heaven and earth
19
Ps. ig 2 I5O 1
<rre/3<?wjua,
Dn.
i2 3
^d firmamentum}
The absence
of art.
1
Phcen. j;piD= dish \Blechschale\
see Lidzb. 370, 421).
CIS, i. go
The idea is solidity, not thinness or extension: the sense beat thin
3
belongs to the Pi. (Ex. 39 etc.) and this noun is formed from the Qal,
which means either (intrans.) to stamp with the foot (Ezk. 6 n ), or
(cf.
CREATION
22
(?)
widely diffused
it
heaven
ever be the truth about supuk same, such a restriction of the meaning
of ypn is inadmissible in Heb.
In Ps. ig2 Dn. i2 3 it might be possible;
but even there it is unnecessary, and in almost every other case it is
absolutely excluded. It is so emphatically in this chapter, where the
,
less
Third work
of the firmament.
sea.
The shore
(trans.),
the vb.
Jb. 37
is
18
.
firm,
consolidate
(Is.
42**
etc.).
It is
curious that
Kon. 5.
3ign. *?!!^]] fix supplies as subj. 6 6e6s. 7. p ,Ti]
6
transposed in (5 to end of v. its normal position, if indeed it be not
a gloss in both places (We.). 8. (5r also inserts here the formula of
approval on its omission in Heb., see above, pp. 8, 9.
17
For Dips read with (3i nipp =
9. ii|r] in this sense, only Jer. 3
10
as
in
v.
Nestle
(MM, 3) needlessly suggests
gathering-place,
for the latter rnjpp, and for np% IIJT.
from under but simply
nnnp] not
2
under (see v. 10 ) G-K.
n.vnni] juss. unapocopated, as often
iiQc
near the principal pause G-K.
At the end of the v. ffi adds
109 a.
/ecu ffw^x^ 7] T & vSup rb viroKdrw rov
ovpavov ets rds (rvvayuyas avrwv /ecu &00?j
5.
f*T3
The addition is
i.e. rvfyjn Nnm D.Tjjpzp-^N o:9$j nnnp IK D:5D 11^1.
7; typd
adopted by Ball, and the pi. avruv proves at least that it rests on a
Heb. original, v5up being sing, in Greek (We.). 10. D^l] the pi. (cf.
:
in
Waitz, Anthrop.
vi.
245
ff.
I.
day,
now
is
23
7-ii
figuration.
gathered together
appear
solid
4
ground that earth and heaven were made on one day (2 ), he is driven
as plup., and assign vv.
to the second day.
to take TDN
Some
such idea may have dictated the omission of the formula of approval at
the close of the second day s work.
9>1
Fourth work
Creation of plants.
The
followed on the same day, not
The
inappropriately, by the origination of vegetable life.
earth itself is conceived as endowed with productive powers
11-13.
is
II.
Gn. 4913 Dt. 33 19 Ps. 463f [where it is construed as sing.] 24* etc.) is
mostly poetic and late prose it is probably not numerical, but pi. of
extension like D^a, D:^ and therefore to be rendered as sg.
II. NZH Kghn] lit.
vegetate vegetation, the noun being ace. cognate
with the vb.
on the pointing with Metheg (Baer-De.
p is a7r.Xe7.
-
see Kon.
i.
42, 7.
p. 74)
>
K^in
as
v.
12
NB^
the words as in annexion, contrary
usage of the terms. It is impossible to define
them with scientific precision and the twofold classification given
above herb and tree is more or less precarious. It recurs, however,
in Ex.
io 12 15 (all J), and the reasons for rejecting the other are, first,
S>
TOV )
(& (fioTdvyv
to the accents and the
lyy.]
xt>P
an d
U treat
;
<f>
CREATION
24
(p)
continues (amending with the help of (JE) grass producingseed after ifs kind, and fruit-tree producing fruit in which
the fruit) is its (the tree s) seed after its (the tree s)
(i.e.
:
kind.
is
too
remote.
On
p.
8f.
The heavenly
moon
The
vv.
describe
the absence of
first
day
only the
luminaries.
work
creation
see above,
of sun and
and
the clause
the
used of
is
"n),
human
food,
and therefore
yv.
/caret,
els 6/j..)
15>
adds
"12
On
.v]
(||
TIN
\v in
v.
).
restriction.
is
I.
12-14
25
addition
the
(in
the~advance of
To
the^Babylonians in particular,
animated beings, and the more conspicuous of them were
The idea of them
associated or identified with the gods.
as an animated host occurs
Is.
4O
26
,
Jb. 38
etc.)
Hebrew poetry
in
but here
it
is
20
(Ju.
entirely eliminated,
their
influence here
depends on them,
festivals, etc.
Comp.
noteworthy that
the purpose is
i.e. bearers or
is
viz.
luminaries (flhRlwp)]
elaborately specified.
embodiments of light. The word is used
light
of the tabernacle
used of the eyes (Pr. I5 30 ), and once of the divine countenance (Ps. go 8 ).
BTJ Fpis] the gen. is not partitive but
(
explicative: Dav.
24 (a).
et s 0aOcrti rrjs
/ecu &pxe<-v r?}s i]/j.tpas K, T. vvKrbs,
inserts at this point
nnx ?] In Jer. io 2 a DB n mnx are astrolog-ical portents such as the
xat.
:
"y^s,
heathen
it is
")
("
").
normal functions.
CREATION
26
(?)
6
(Ex. 25 etc.); and to speak of it as expressing a markedly
in the
prosaic view of the subject (Gu.) is misleading.
firmament,
surface.
they are now put under the rule of the heavenly bodies,
as their respective spheres of influence (Ps. i2i 6 ). -for sign s
and for seasons, etc.} DHjrtlD (seasons) appears never (certainly
not in P) to be used of the natural seasons of the year
11
7
Jer. 8 are figurative), but always of a time con
(Ho. 2
,
5
upon (see Ex. g ), or fixed by some
commonest application is to the sacrea
seasons of the ecclesiastical year, which are fixed by the
ventionally agreed
circumstance. The
moon
Ps.
(cf.
TO4
19
If the natural
).
this
and P
s predilection
more
plausible.
Dhs
is
(signs)
difficult,
first
three works
Cm.).
The laboured explanation of the purposes of the heavenly bodies is
confused, and suggests overworking- (Ho.). The clauses which most
excite suspicion are the two beginning with vm (the difficult 14b and
15a
note in particular the awkward repetition of Hi nmoV. The
*)
;
und
seasons,"
etc.
see
BDB,
5.
i.
io^>
etc.
The
construction
is
not abnormal
Kon.
i.
10,
e.
18. ^ lan^j]
I.
6-20
27
-,
life
(rendering and fowl that may fly] thinks the author was
probably influenced by some ancient tradition that birds as
well as fishes were produced by the water (so Ra. and lEz.
on
The
2 19 ).
conjecture
is
attractive,
ably
(in
[EV 8
the
connexions
Ps. I05
J,
place
30
)
the
like
the sense
or element in
is
present:
is
not certain
More prob
see Ex.
28
[J]
which
the
swarming creatures
OT
7
17
creeping vermin generally/ But here and Gn. 8 9 Ex. i 7 y ?8
it can
and Dri. (Gen. 12) is
only mean teem or swarm
probably right in extending that meaning to all the pass, in Heb.
Gn. i 80*-, Ex. 7 s8, Ps. 105* are the only places where the constr. with
cog. ace. appears ; elsewhere the animals themselves are subj. of the
vb. The words, except in three passages, are peculiar to the
vocabulary
of P. But for the fact that pe* never means swarm, but
always
swarming thing, it would be tempting to take it as st. constr. before
rrn rw (ffi, Aq. U).
As it is, n j has all the awkwardness of a gloss
19
The phrase is applied once to man, 2 7 (J) elsewhere
(see 2 ).
to animals,
mostly in P (Gn. !> 910.12.13.1^ Lv ,,10.46 e tc.).
22
^Biy f]ij;i] The order of words as in v.
(ar iiyni), due to emphasis on
the new subj.
The use of descriptive impf.
Aq. 20F) is mostly
JS *?#] = in
poetic, and for reasons given above must here be refused.
2 93)
Ps. I0580
(<&,
CREATION
28
appear in swarms
^*n
(v.t.).
fc
(?)
lit.
?}]
living soul
used
The
2 7 ).
to
OT
life is
for
i.e.
name.
special
in the
over
atmosphere,
created] indis
21.
25
the great sea monsters]
tinguishable from made in v.
introduction of this new detail in the execution of the
.
is
remarkable.
but this
is
The
fiat
marine animals
certainly bears
are strong traces of mythology
it
There
that sense (Ps. I48 7 ).
9
in the usage of the word: Is. 27* 5i
(Gu. Schopf. 30-33),
13
and it may have been originally the name of
Ps. 74
(?)
;
The mytho
amat.
like Ti
(see
below).
with the
in
And God
22.
plants,
creation
their
of
etc.]
see
is
"There
BDB,
5.
fWB, II. 7, a,
(5r
inserts
m at
21. DJ
jnrt]
It is
in
(Mas
adI,
i.
263,
266
ff.
Kazwmi, Ethels
tr.
i.
270
ff.).
Ra., after
(comp. En.
literally,
60,
4y M
Ber. R.
4 Esd. 6
-
c.
7).*
nn
vsr^
n*o] Cf.
10
,
29
21-25
I.
(Ben.) ;
single pair of each kind was originally produced
the language rather suggests that whole species, in some
"
24,
work
Seventh
animals.
Terrestrial
24. Let the earth bring forth living creatures] rrn 6?D3 (again
for land animals, being re
coll.) is here a generic name
and hence a
pression had
animals
animals,
in v. 20
to be
(best
employed
arranged in
T^^
n -0 (roughly
v. 25 )
>
different
The
form of ex
classification of
threefold:
is
carnivord)
(3) reptiles,
$?
"""?"}
wild
(i)
domesticated
(2)
including
^?"!,
cattle of the
a Babylonian tablet
appears
of the field and creatures of the city (Jen.
in
42
f.
King,
112
Tab.
Cr.
f.).
25.
God saw
field,
K1B,
that
beasts
vi.
it
i,
was
good\
The formula
The absence
day.
Lv. ii 10
T.
distinctly
209
of
benediction
corresponding to
though without
(i)).
is-it?
N,
IB-N]
p^
highly characteristic of
mammals
12>
CREATION
30
vv 22.
28
but
surprising,
speculate on the
to
idle
is
it
(?)
reason.
Eighth work
26-28.
Creation
of
As the
man.
ancient creation
hymn
The
(Gu.).
distinctive features of
this last
work
are
been
felt.
Amongst
n ^jy
(see above, p.
model,
cf.
14),
Ex. 25*
(8r
elxdva
KO,T
gives as
;
BDB,
(Gr
s.v.
T]p,^Tepa.v
Kal Ka.6
Mechilta
6/j.oid)(riv.
On
the ?
of a
D^x] Ass. salmu, the technical
nionai D
reading
III. 8.
?^.
3
3
expression for the statue of a god (JfAT 476 ; Aram, and Syr. NpS
= image the root is not zalima, be dark, but possibly $alama, cut
off (Noldeke, ZATW, xvii. 185^).
The idea of pattern or model
it stands intermediate between
is confined to the P pass, cited above
the concrete sense just noted (an artificial material reproduction :
i
Sa. 6 5 etc.) and another still more abstract, viz.
an unreal sem
blance (Ps. 397 73 20 ). men is the abstr. noun resemblance but also
,
used concretely
(2
Ch. 4
like Syr.
26
1.
is
31
that
than
beings other
heaven:
cf.
22
viz.
Himself,
7
,
68 ,
the
Ki. 22 19
angels
or host of
- 22
Is.
that
first,
it
man, which
is
There
at
all.
is
force
these considerations
in
and
due to the
is
fact that
fore, as
"
less
than
OT
precise form
examples are
Sir. i7
equivalent to immortality),
Ja. 3
WS.
3g>
Co.
23
86
(where the
7
,
Col.
3,
later
image
Eph. 4
24
,
9
-
The
the
God Anu
(ib.
120,
1.
33)
and
similarly, in the
Descent of
Istar,
"
operis
partem
CREATION
32
(p)
Ea forms a
1.
knows nothing
the expression,
after
26
ly-"
image
refer primarily to
OT
l
3
God is
certainly strongly suggested by a comparison of 5 with 5
8
said
to
have
form
which
a
can
be
seen
(n:iDn, Nu. i2
expressly
.
OT
Ps. i7 15 ) ; the
that they ever
tioned
if
thought.
76
ff.
Man
(7?)
1S
human
race), not
the
ad imaginem
et similitudinem Dei."
J Cf. Engert, Die Weltschopfung, 33.
i.
33
27-29
proper
is
etc.\
it
against
The enumeration
coincides with
The
repetition
image of God, etc.\
imparts a rhythmic movement to the language, which may
be a faint echo of an old hymn on the glory of man, like
Ps. 8 (Gu.).
male
man as first created
hymn.
29-31.
The
MM,
man
form of
misread
jpi
is
as
ink] construct
P except
Dt. 4 16
But (&
*]pi.
ad formam:
see G-K.
mpai ~nt]
i%2g.
alone in Jer. 3i 21 (a gloss?).
in i Sa. probably
Dnk constr. ad sensum,
to
tion to
sense
is
<&
<|
*$%<)).
V.
29.
nnj]
give
Dav.
406; Dri.
/cai
T.
TT&.VTWV
13.
\r<2v
jni
epTreruv]
T&V
(over Athnach)]
CREATION
34
(?)
The
plants are destined for food to man and beast.
2ff
is
not
from
from
passage
9 -,
wholly intelligible apart
which we see that its point is the restriction on the use of
The
distinction
of animals
to
is
the
former
is
important
seeding
(a)
This
of
is
man and
that
plants
(probably
and
in cereals
in cultivation,
is not exhaustive
no provision is made for
there any mention of the use of such victuals
as milk, honey, etc.
Observe the difference from chs. 2.
where
is
made
man
to live on fruit alone, and only as
3,
The statement
fishes,
nor
is
wrongly omitted by (Or. .I^DN] found only in P and Ezk., and always
preceded by ^. It is strictly fern, inf., and perhaps always retains
The ordinary cognate words for
verbal force (see Dri. JPh. xi. 217).
food are V::N and ^p. 30. ill ^a ?! The construction is obscure. The
natural interpretation is that ^ expresses a contrast to M the one
1
To bring out
specifying- the food of man, the other that of animals.
this sense clearly it is necessary (with Ew. al.) to insert nnj before
text requires us to treat n^DN ? sr.v DO ? in M as a paren
thesis (Di.) and pv^rnN as still under the regimen of the distant nra
^P n] (K epTrery r ZpirovTi assimilating. w$i] here used in its primary
The
pV^D-nx.
"
On the construc
the num. appears here for the first time in the chap.
tion, see Dri. T.
209 (i), where it is treated as the beginning of a usage
prevalent in post-biblical Heb., which often in a definite expression uses
126^ (with
Cf. G-K.
the art. with the adj. alone (nSvun nw3, etc.).
footnote)
Dri.
JPh.
xi.
229
f.
L
here covers a survey of
the superlative
yv
29f.
sections
all
made, and
rises to
very good.
significantly in their phraseology from the preceding
diff er
of the far
birds,
35
30-11. 3
12
nfl ntyy
jni jni
fy
to
man
nullifies the
iz>y
in vv. 26
28
.
But his
infer
ence (partly endorsed by Ho.) that the vv. are a later addition to P
does not commend itself; they are vitally connected with 9 2ff% and must
have formed part of the theory of the Priestly writer. The facts point
rather to a distinction in the sources with which P worked, perhaps
(as Gu. thinks) the enrichment of the creation-story by the independent
and widespread myth of the Golden Age when animals lived peaceably
with one another and with men. The motives of this belief lie deep
horror of bloodshed, sympathy with the lower
in the human heart
animals, the longing for harmony in the world, and the conviction that
on the whole the course of things has been from good to worse all
have contributed their share, and no scientific teaching can rob the idea
of its poetic and ethical value.
last
fact that
The
sanctity.
its
sanctity
by
almost too
man
realistic for
is
a fact as
much
as the divine
THE SABBATH
36
And
I.
The
host of heaven
(Dt.
19
sometimes
etc.),
organised army
the
(i
nowhere occurs
the earth
here
pi. suff.
the
angels
Ki. 22 19 etc.).
and
as an
considered
of
a question whether
not to be explained as a denominatio a
is
it
is
If it has
potiori (Ho.), or as a species of attraction (Dri.).
as
to
it
the
would
be
earth,
applied
any special meaning
1
s
equivalent to what is elsewhere called pxn fcfe (Is. 6 34
16
Dt. 33
the contents of the earth, and is most
etc.)
limited
to those things whose creation has just
naturally
,
been described.*
to the view of
of Hosts
the
(Smend,
AT
(5r
or
host
Lit.
las]
military).
/c<$cr/uos
and
army
then
and
(chiefly
period of service
a confusion with ny. Used
And
U has
2.
in the first
*?3
i]
For the
25
or (with
alleged negative sense of Piel (see above), examine Nu. ly
13
Ex 34 33 etc. nattta] the word "used regularly of the
jo) i Sa. io
work or business forbidden on the Sabbath (Ex. 2o 9 10 35 2 Jer. ly 2 *- *
,
s read
Jub., Ber. A\ tfn, given as
The omission of continued
above).
n3!"i]
subj. (DVI^N) might strengthen We. s contention that the clause is a
gloss (see p. io above): it occurs nowhere else in the passage except
7
The verb rot? (possibly connected with Ar. sabata
cut
possibly i
Z
or Ass. sabdtu
be completed
but see
off,
cease,
593 f.)
39
Jon.
-y^tyn
ing in Mechilta
(cf.
jux(Ecj$
<&
p. 14
OT
KAT
>
come
cease to be,
desist (from work, etc.)
(b)
(c)
keep Sabbath (denom.).
Of the last there are four undoubted cases, all very late Lv. 25* 23 32
26 34f-, 2 Ch. 36 21
But there are five others where this meaning is at
least possible: Gn. 2 s 5 Ex. i6 30 23 12 34 21 31"; and of these Ex.
21
34 are pre-exilic.
Apart from these doubtful passages, the sense
appears in
to an end
senses: (a)
;
Cf.
Neh. 96
"the
and
23"
all
in
n.
37
1-3
on the seventh
strongly suggests a composition of sources.
also
ii.
read
sixth
16, and Jerome,
day (so
Jubilees,
day} juxd^S
is accepted as the original text by many
which
Qu<zst.\
comm. (Hg.
But sixth
is
so
much
the easier
On We.
The only
explanation, see above, p. gf.
sense
to the
a
to
purely negative
give
remaining course
did not continue
desisted from,
vb. finish
i.e.
(lEz.
sible.
is
al.).
ing
3-
blessed
Ex. 5 5 Jos. 22 25
desist (b) is found only in Ho. 7*, Jb. 32* (Qal)
Ezk. i6 41 34 10 (Hiph.) of which Ho. 7 4 (a corrupt context) and Ex.
alone are possibly pre-exilic. In all other occurrences (about 46 in all
9 Qal, 4 Niph., 33 Hiph.) the sense (a) come to an end obtains and
this usage prevails in all stages of the literature from Am. to Dn.
the
3
22
12
Jos. 5
(?) (Qal); Is. i; (Niph.);
pre-exilic examples being Gn. 8
;
5",
Am.
84
Ho.
2 13 , Is.
i6 10 (?)
29
These statistics
(Hiph.).
93 ff.) that ro^ is originally a
36
26
8-
34
Dt. ^2
2 Ki. 2 3
i69
Jer. 7
seem decisive against Hehn s view (I.e.
denom. from ri2^. If all the uses are to
,
30",
different ideas
sense
(a),
examples.
(ZATW,
1909, 100
N"n
and Geiger,
I.e.
reading
in
Mechilta
439.
17
f In another passage of P, Ex. 3i , the anthropomorphism is greatly
God rested and refreshed Himself" (lit. took breath ).
intensified
"
See Jast. (AJTh. ii. 3436.), who thinks that God s resting meant
His purification after His conquest of the forces hostile to
originally
"
THE SABBATH
38
The day
sanctified]
is
distinction
(cf. Sir.
(Gu.).
applied
to
7 ~9
36 [33]
blessing
means
it
things,
),
is
their
27
Ex. 23 25 Dt. 28 12 ).
manently beneficial qualities (Gn. 27
This is the case here the Sabbath is a constant source of
,
well-being to the
man who
recognises
its
intention
means
day that
is
592
ff.
facts,
Dri.
DB,
s.v.,
Sta.
The name
BTh.
The main
occurs some five or
88, 2).
sab[p]attu
but of these only two are of material
importance for the Sabbath problem, (a) In a syllabary (II R. 32, 16 a, b)
Sabattu is equated with Am nufy libbi, which has been conclusively shown
in the
to mean day of the appeasement of the heart (of the deity),
:
(i)
instance, therefore, a
iv.
274 ff.
1904, the
I.e.
Jast.
ZA>
3i6f.).
The
458 ff.).
(2)
world,"
The
vb. there
n.
4A
3,
39
and the likelihood that this was the case is distinctly lessened by the
Pinches fragment, where the name is applied to the i5th day, but not
The question,
to the yth, although it also is mentioned on the tablet.
and Meinhold (Sabbath u. Woche
therefore, has assumed a new aspect
im AT [1905], and more recently [1909], ZATW, xxix. 81 ff.), developing
a hint of Zim., has constructed an ingenious hypothesis on the assump
He points
tion that in Bab. Sabattu denotes the day of the full moon.
to the close association of new-moon and Sabbath in nearly all the pre5
Hos. 2 13 Is. i 13 2 Ki. 4 ) and concludes
exilic references (Am. 8
that in early Israel, as in Bab., the Sabbath was the full-moon festival
and nothing else. The institution of the weekly Sabbath he traces to a
;
22f>
compensate for the loss of the old lunar festivals, when these
were abrogated by the Deuteronomic reformation. This innovation he
attributes to Ezekiel but steps towards it are found in the introduction
of a weekly day of rest during harvest only (on the ground of Dt. i6 9
desire to
either,
u.
Sabbat, 91
4a. These are the generations, etc.] The best sense that
is to refer the pronoun to
"
n n
25
THE SABBATH
4O
probability a redactional
in all
It is
degree perplexing.
insertion.
is characteristic of
invariably stands as introduction to the
But in this case the next section (2 4b-426 ) belongs
section following.
to J
and if we pass over the J passages to the next portion of P (ch. 5),
and
that document
in
it
the formula would collide with 5 1 which is evidently the proper heading
to what follows.
Unless, therefore, we adopt the improbable hypothesis
of Strack, that a part of P s narrative has been dropped, the attempt to
,
treat 2 4a in
On
this
its
ground most
critics
29
1>9
Ch.
"
"
mimisc. has critical significance (Tu. Di.) the primary reading was
Qal (DN-I^?^ and this requires to be supplemented by D n^K as subj.
It is in this form that Di. thinks the clause originally stood at the begin
1
ning of Gen. (see on i ). But the omission of DM^N and the insertion
minusc. are no necessary consequences of the transposition of
of the
the sentence and the small n may be merely an error in the archetypal
lit.
inf.
f<1
MS, which
has*
in all copies.
II.
41
4A
It
of the creation.* But this theory also is open to serious objection.
involves a meaning- of nn nn which is contrary both to its etymology and
Whatever latitude of meaning be as
the usage of P (see footnote).
signed to the word, it is the fact that in this formula it is always followed
by gen. of the progenitor, never of the progeny hence by analogy the
:
phrase must describe that which is generated by the heavens and the
earth, not the process by which they themselves are generated (so
Lagarde, Or. ii. 38 ff., and Ho.). And even if that difficulty could be
difficulty
new
tage of beginning a
If that
nVN to
what
sense of history
of 5 1 , Nu. 3 1 would
4b
It has
suffice to justify the use of the formula before the nrn of
been thought that Or has preserved the original form of the text : viz.
before inserting a section from
in n nso n; (cf. 5 1 )
the redactor having,
of the
first.
and referred
follows.
in the
The analogy
"
words of 5*,
That
"
(Ben.).
is
The
outlines of Bab.
brief notices in
after
(i)
KAT*, 488
ff.):
Berossus
Tevtcrdai
Kal 4v TOVTOIS
idtas
ZXOVTO.
*
cDa
(p-rjcri
reparudri,
faoyoveladai
On Dillmann
Kal
^phvov tv
I5io<pveis
avQp&irovs
rb irav
o-/c6ros
yap
diirrtpovs
et
5i0i>ets]
yevvrjdrivai,
above on
tviovs
ras
8
BABYLONIAN
42
btrlffd) fj.lv
rd 5e
ITTITUV,
fJ.^pfj
linroKCVTavpovs
Idtav
rrjv
i<r<rd,
Zfiirpoffdev
elvai.
Kal
81
ZwoyovrjOrjvai
raupovs
K T&V
Gutschm.]
avdpuvuv
8Tri<r6ev
Kal ITTTTOVS
("toa
<ru>/Li.a
Kvt>OKe<f>d\ovs
v.
/A^a] rds
Gutschm., cod.
eV ry rou B^Xou
ei /covas
vcup
vi.
.^4,
339,
cod. 0aXar0],
GeK hvT).
i<?6\//r]<poi
Ourcos
EXXTji iari 5
Twy
5^
8\d)v
/j.eOepfj.TjveveTai
o vve&TyKOTui
avrijs
yvvaLKa, /m-^anjv, Kal rb /j.v
ovpavbv, Kal ra tv [vvv? v. Gutschm.] avrrj
TJ/j,i<rv
TOUTO
xard 5^
^dXatrtra
tiraveXdbvTa
iroLrfcrai
B?jXoi/
r6 5^ dXAo
yijv,
wa d(pavi<rai, dXX^opt/cws
vypou yap 6vros rou Travrds Kal f&uv v avrip
[A]* roi&vde [em. v. Gutschm., cod. rbv 5^] B7;Xo , 6v
Tre<t>vffio\oyT)crdat
Aa
x^P^
T^
1*
/ca ^
^"tDa
Kapwofp&pov] K\ev(rai evl r&v 6e&v TT\V K(fia\T]v a(pe\6vTi eaurou ry airoppvtvrL
(pvpavat TT)V yrjv Kal StaTrXdaat dvdp&Trovs Kal difjpta ra Swd/meva rbv
al/j-art
de pa 0epetv.
roi>s
Taurd
Tr^re TrXafTjras.
[B]
Trp&Tig (fidcTKeiv
rrj
pu^
077(7^ 6
/cai
a<rrpa
<rf\^vr]v
a<pe\flv
TT\V
Kal
Br}pwcr(rbv tv
Damascius
(2)
Tw^
5e fiapfidpuv eW/catn
Ba/3uXc6vtoi ^ei
Aw*/ dpx Jji 0-4777 irapitvai, 8uo 5e Troietv Tau^e *cal Airaffwv, rbv
rrjs Tavde iroiovvres, ravr-r^v 5e /x?jr^pa OeCjv dvoudfrovres,
&i>5pa
iraida yevvrjdTJvaL
apx&v
vibv
rbv Mcuu/ati
Trapay6fj.vov.
The
E*
5^
in
sections
the text.
li.
497
Kopp,
f.
that of
1826), cap.
Damascius
125.
in
COSMOGONIES
The only cuneiform document which admits
2.
43
of close and con
tinuous comparison with Gn. i is the great Creation Epos just referred
Since the publication, in 1876, of the first fragments, many lacunae
to.
have been filled up from subsequent discoveries, and several duplicates
have been brought to light and the series is seen to have consisted of
;
seven Tablets, entitled, from the opening- phrase, Enuma elis (= When
above ).* The actual tablets discovered are not of earlier date than
the yth cent. B.C., but there are strong reasons to believe that the
originals of which these are copies are of much greater antiquity, and
may go back to 2000 B.C., while the myth itself probably existed in
Moreover, they represent
writing in other forms centuries before that.
the theory of creation on which the statements of Berossus and
Damascius are based, and they have every claim to be regarded as the
It is here, therefore,
authorised version of the Babylonian cosmogony.
if
anywhere, that we must look for traces of Babylonian influences on
The following out
the Hebrew conception of the origin of the world.
line of the contents of the tablets is based on King s analysis of the
epic into five originally distinct parts
(C7\ p. Ixvii).
twenty-one lines of Tab. I. contain a
description of the primaeval chaos and the evolution of successive
The
The Theogony.
i.
generations of deities
When
And
And
And
first
2
Dam. Tav0e, Ber. 0a/rre (em., see above).
Damascius,
4
5
and Kicrcra/)?;.
and
Aaxos
Ai/o?,
Aaxfj
(em.).
Aira<rui>.
Dam.
A<rcrw/3os
IXXtvos (In-lil
= Bel), and
;
Aos.
43!".
f.,
11.
28.
the
alt.
summaries
in
KAT*, 492
ff.
Volker (1893), 2 ff
EB, art. CREATION.
132 ff.
ATLO*,
BABYLONIAN
44
the fight.
between Marduk
in
iii.
conflict
plan
He
split
One
He
her up like a
two halves
He
inhabit.
Berossus says, what is no doubt implied here, that of the other half of
Tiamat he made the earth but whether this is meant by the founding
of E-sara, or is to be looked for in a lost part of Tab. V., is a point in
;
and KIB,
dispute (see Jen. Kosm. 1856., 195 ff.
V. opens with the creation of the heavenly bodies
;
vi.
i,
344
f.).
Tab.
He made
The
stars, their
him.
He
COSMOGONIES
45
And on
the seventh
day,"
etc.
(?)
him,
etc.
The rest of Tab. V., where legible, contains nothing bearing on the
present subject but in Tab. VI. we come to the creation of man, which
is recorded in a form corresponding to the account of Berossus
;
When Marduk
"
make man,
will
will create
that
man, who
established,"
etc.
etc.
At the end of the tablet the gods assemble to sing the praises of
Marduk and the last tablet is filled with a
From this we learn that to Marduk
v. Hymn in honour of Marduk.
was ascribed the creation of vegetation and of the firm earth, as well
as those works which are described in the legible portions of Tabs.
;
IV. -VI.
How
far,
now, does
BABYLONIAN
46
2
*
theogony must have originally stood between vv. and of Gn. i (Gu.)
Gu. thinks it is the necessary
is more than can be safely affirmed.
2
But he himself
sequel to the idea of the world-egg in the end of v.
and if in the
narrative
the
main
that
idea
as
to
foreign
regards
original source something must have come out of the egg, it is more
likely to have been the world itself (as in the Phrenician and Indian
cosmogonies) than a series of divine emanations. (3) Both accounts
.
assume, but
in
god of
COSMOGONIES
47
published by Pinches in 1891.* Once upon a time, it tells us, there were
no temples for the gods, no plants, no houses or cities, no human
inhabitants
:
The Deep had not been created, Eridu had not been built
Of the holy house, the house of the gods, the habitation had
not been
made.
All lands
Then arose a
cities
them.
Then
Marduk
laid
He formed
Next he formed beasts, the rivers, grasses, various kinds of animals, etc.;
having laid in a dam by the side of the sea, he made reeds and
The
trees, houses and cities, and the great Babylonian sanctuaries.
whole description is extremely obscure, and the translations vary widely.
then,
*JRAS, 1891, 393 ff.; translated in King, CT, 131*?.; KIB, 39 ff.;
ATLO*, i29ff. Texte u. Bilder,
27 f.; Sayce, Early Israel, 336 f.
Cf. the summary in KAT*, 498.
a reed-hurdle (Rohrgeflechf)
while Jen.
t So King; but Je.
renders
Marduk placed a canopy in front of the waters, He created
i.
earth
and heaped
firmament (so
it
KA T*).
reference
to
the
PHOENICIAN
48
The main
interest of the
fragment
lies in its
We
find
possible survivals of the creation myth in Hebrew poetry.
allusions to a conflict between Yahwe and a monster personified under
various names (Rahab, the Dragon, Leviathan, etc.
but never T&hdw) ;
The passages,
(as in the Babylonian myth) the creation of the world.
however, are late ; and we cannot be sure that they do not express a
literary interest in foreign
Hebrew myth.*
4. The Phoenician cosmogony,
The
12ff
Is.
5i
9t
,
26 12f
-,
Is.
(Rahab); Ps.
See the discussion
74
i.
pp. 90-99.
"
o0u>5?7
atpos
iro\vv aluva
^~o0a>5oi>s,
/J.T]
Kal
x ao *
doXepbv,
l^en/ irtpas.
i]
"Ore
TT\OKT]
Taura
pef3&8es.
5^, (prjo i.i
(Keivr]
K\r)Or]
HoOos.
elvai aireipa,
xal
5td
K
ol
rrjs
5, vdarddovs
COSMOGONY
with Gn.
It
i.
49
recensions, the idea of
its
the world-egg
Air"
In
TOUT
[Zw07;(rayui/x]
/j.eyd\a"
ZCTTIV
/cat
Or.] crxwiaTr
ird<ra
aicrd-rj<nv,
awopd
&v eyeveTo
ovpavov KaTbirrai.
te\a/..\J/e
Ma>r
dveirXdadT]
..."
fu)a voepd, K
Kat
6/Aota>s
d<rr^pes
see
[-f-cioD,
re Kal
&<rrpa
TTJS
yijs
Kal
-xyfffis.
Kal
i]\lov Trtipuffiv,
tTreidr] dieKpid-rj,
<ri
re
dTreTeXtffdrjaav
wit,
vTa, d(p
&v
airroi
Kal dTriduaeis
re oieyivovTO, Kal
^TTotovv."
o/^oiai
Trj
01
fTr6/J.evoi,
Kai 4iri\yi
ai>T&v
avdeveia,
"
KaL
t-jriXeyei
U A\X
frd/u-Hrav, Kal
Kal
01 irpb
ACrai 5
^VXTJS
droX/it a.
Eird
K TOV Ko\iria
yeyevrjadai
Damascius
2i5tt)i iot
Eudemos)
irpb
irdvTwv ~%.pbvov
K TOVTUV d/x0otv COTOV [rd. wbv] yevvrjdrjvai /card TOV vovv olfj,ai TOV vorjTov.
fis 5^ Z$-ti)6v Eu5?7/ioi; TT]V ^OIVIKOJV evpl<TKO[j.ev /card MtD^o** u.vdo\oylav,
<prfffi
d
dvoiyta Xoucrwpif, TTJV VOTJTTJV dvva/niv dre irp&njv SiaKplvaaav TTJV
ddidKpiTov (fevffiv, el fj.rj apa /*erd raj dvo dp%ds Tb /JL^V &Kpov tffTiv avf/j.03 b
TroioDcrt 7ap TTWS Kat TOVTOVS
efs, Tb 5t fjiecrov 01 dvo &ve/j.oi Al\f/ re Kal N6ros
rbv
irpb
i)
//.era
e/s
COSMOGONIES
50
an egg.
More striking is the expression of the idea in
Mochos. Here the union of Aid-ftp and A-f/p produces 0Xw/*os (o^y), from
which proceed Xovawpos, the first opener, and then an egg.
It is
afterwards explained that the egg is the heaven, and that when it is split
in two (? by Xova-wpos) the one half forms the heaven and the other the
proceeds
earth.
It
may
if
we
Gn. i, appears in the late book of the Bundehesh (the Parsee Genesis),
where the periods are connected with the six annual festivals called
Gahanbars, so as to form a creative year, parallel to the week of Gn. i.
The order is i. Heaven; 2. Water; 3. Earth; 4. Plants; 5. Animals;
We miss from the enumeration Light, which in Zoroastrian6. Men.
ism is an uncreated element and the Heavenly bodies, which are said
to belong to an earlier creation (Tiele, Gesch. d. Rel. im Altert. ii. 296).
The late date of the Bundehesh leaves room, of course, for the suspicion
of biblical influence but it is thought by some that the same order can
be traced in a passage of the younger Avesta, and that it may belong
to ancient Iranian tradition (Tiele, /.c., and ARW, vi. 2446.
Caland,
ThT, xxiii. 179 ff.). The most remarkable of all known parallels to the
six days scheme of Gn. is found in a cosmogony attributed to the
ancient Etruscans by Suidas (Lexicon, s.-v. Tvppyvia).
Here the creation
is said to have been accomplished in six periods of 1000 years, in the
following order i. Heaven and Earth 2. the Firmament; 3. Sea and
Water 4. Sun and Moon 5. Souls of Animals 6. Man (see K. O. Miiller,
Die Etrusker, ii. 38; ATLO 3 154 f.). Suidas, however, lived not earlier
than the loth cent. A.D., and though his information may have been
:
his
account
is
not
4B-HI. 24
II.
II.
4b-III.
24.
(J).
closely articulated
man s loss of his
is
The account
of creation in 2
4bff>
4b
(2
is
fundamentally both
in its
9
(
Animals
),
ment and
18 - 20
Woman
),
9b
leads
up
),
it
).
supplementary features
in the
which
21 ~ 23
(
15 ~ 17
(
it
(ch. 3),
is
with
1 5
6 7
the inquest ( 8
by the serpent ( ), the transgression (
),
~
14 ~ 19
the sentences (
and the expulsion from Eden ( 22 24 ).
),
-
~ 13
),
cool of the
day
(3
or
),
making experiments
29
2 24
16f-
His first
by a searching
knowledge of man
with 3 1
th 3 16b)
s sin
5-
"
17 - 22
wUh
2 8b 10
-
2 25
f.
10I.
with
52
(j)
etc.
While the purely mythological phase of thought
examination (3
has long been outgrown, a mythical background everywhere appears
9flr
)>
happy garden of God, the magic trees, the speaking serpent, the
Cherubim and Flaming Sword, are all emblems derived from a more
ancient religious tradition.
Yet in depth of moral and religious insight
the passage is unsurpassed in the OT. We have but to thi n k f its
the
p. 22
ff.
Source.
name
mrr,
",
pn
D"n
to the verb.
The
At
is
all
much
man
17
is
man
main narrative
23>
II.
24
4B-HI.
53
2S
19
hence
to
may have been the original continuation of
forms a natural sequel. There is thus some reason to believe
that in this instance, at any rate, the tree of life is not from the hand of
the chief narrator.
2 6 2 10 n 14
(4) Other and less certain duplicates are
position
which
it
(see above),
of
man
in
it)
s*!! 9 *
2 23
||3
(the
naming
garden)
of the
and
woman).
8b
(5)
1Ca
1|
(the placing
ff.)
suggest that the double name D nVx mrr (which is all but
peculiar to this section) has arisen through amalgamation of sources.
His theory in its broader aspects has been stated on p. 3, above it is
enough here to point out its bearing on the compound name in Gn. 2 f.
It is assumed that two closely parallel accounts existed, one of which
e
When these were
(J ) employed only D n^K, the other (JJ) only mrr.
combined the editor harmonised them by adding D nSx to mrr everywhere
was the
first
to
in
J-i,
in J e
to D n ?^
everywhere
woman
(3
"
5
),
except
the colloquy
in
* So Gu.
A still more complete explanation of this particular point
would be afforded by the somewhat intricate original hypothesis of Bu.
He suggested that the primary narrative (J in which mrr was regularly
1 5
was re-written and supplemented by J 2 who sub
used, except in 3
stituted D n/K for m.T the two narratives were subsequently amalgamated
in rather mechanical fashion by J 3 with the result that wherever the
divine names differed both were retained, and where the documents
agreed D nW alone appears (Urg. 233 f.). Later in the volume (471 ff.)
the hypothesis is withdrawn in favour of the view that J 2 contained no
Paradise story at all.
A similar explanation is given by v. Doorninck
5
was due to the redactor s
(I.e. 239), who thinks the retention of trnVx in 3
1
assumed
to
have obtained between the two recensions. Gu., who assumes that the
resemblance was very close, holds that in JJ probably both trees were
concerned in the fall of man. But the text gives no indication that in
JJ
the
tree
and
is
ARW,
54
(j)
On the somewhat in
4b-7. The creation of man.
volved construction of the section, see the footnote. 40.
At the time when Yahwe Elohim made, etc.\ The double
name
CTTO?
the isolated
taken.
earth
4b-7- The sudden change of style and language shows that the
transition to the Yahwistic document takes place at the middle of v. 4 .
The
"
6
(We. ProL 297
f.
KS. al.) that the clause is the conclusion of a lost
sentence of J, as inconsistent with the natural position of the time
determination in Heb. 4b must therefore be joined as prot. to what
follows
and the question is whether the apod, commences at 5 (Tu.
In
Str. Dri. al.), or (with 6f as a parenthesis) at 7 (Di. Gu. al.).
;
again Dri.
T.
two events
(cf.
in
usage is not uniform even in chs. 2. 3. The double name has sometimes
been explained by the supposition that an editor added D nSx to the
original TTI.T in order to smooth the transition from P to J, or as a hint
to the Synagogue reader to substitute D .nW for mrr
but that is scarcely
;
mc>n,
n. 4-6
55
are assigned: (i) the absence of rain, and (2) the lack of
In the East, however, the essence of husbandry
cultivation.
hence the two conditions of fertility corre
is irrigation
;
Arabian
human
is
This, therefore,
man
96
ff.).
s original destiny,
is
it
by the
to till the
ground}
though afterwards
an indication of the
6
97^ both here and v. has
14
sense
of
arable
land
the
restricted
soil,
probably
(cf. 4 ).
used
to
come
a
but
6.
ftood (or mist, v.i.)
up (periodically)]
"The
great
(Ayles).
It is
the
for the
formation of man,
it
etc.
(Ra.
al., cf.
",
"
G-K.
(<
is
wrong.
6.
nx]
(5r
mpyij,
Aq.
tirifi\vfffi6s t
U fons, &
vn ^Vn.
2T
Njjy.
annual overflow of a river (Del. ffdwb.), note the freq. impf. Gu.
it a technical
semi-mythological term of the same order as T&hom,
with which Ra. seems to connect it; while lEz. interprets cloud, but
confounds the word with TN, calamity (Zeph. i 15 ); so Aq., who renders
the latter by ^rijSXuoytis in Pr. i 26 Jb. 3o 12 (see Ber. R. 13).
On the tenses,
to the
thinks
56
(j)
than
mythic exaggeration
is
lies
EB,
the
more
949).
(avoided by
used, in the ptcp., of the potter and that figure under
An Egyptian picture shows the
the representation.
7.
P)
(Che.
"^
(ATLO
2
,
146).
The
idea of
OT.
as
made
s disc
of clay or earth
appears in Babylonian
the whole
man
but
is
recurs only 7 22
there is no reason for supposing another meaning here.
Subscribere eorum sententiae non dubito qui de animali
"
man became
hominis vita locum hunc exponunt
(Calvin).
here is not a constituent of human
a living- being]
"
t,"|M
G-K.
112*; Dri. T.
of uncertain etymology.
7. nonx
DIK] Both words are
old derivation from the vb. be red (
.
113, 4(/3).
The
TTJS
Trvppas 7775
<f>vpadei(rr)s
that both
tillage,
seems
n.
7,
57
teach that the soul (i) arises through the union of the universal lifecf. e.g. Griineisen, Ahnenprinciple (nil) with the material frame (T^|)
nor nn is men
No such ideas are expressed neither
kultus, 34 f.
is not applied to a separate element of man s being but
tioned, while
"All that seems in
to the whole man in possession of vital powers.
question here is just the giving of vitality to man. There seems no
:
"W2
e>s:
man
allusion to
Vitality
is
"
a garden in Eden\
perhaps the only place where Eden (as a geo
graphical designation) is distinguished from the garden
with
This
is
2 10
(cf.
Sir.
15
4O
23 2 *
-
).
Hebrew
the idea
and
(often)
16
Is.
5i
3
,
Ezk. 28 13 3 i.ie.i8
27
"JJ
3535, ji.
23
would suggest to a
as it is rendered by (
l-l
garden of delight,
There is no probability that the
(*>*)
It is derived
proper name was actually coined in this sense.
by the younger Del. and Schrader from Bab. edinu, plain,
Z
steppe, or desert (Del. Par. 80; KAT*, 26 f.
539);
f
KAT
but
is
it
"!i?P]
of the author
i.e.
12
[
= Is.
37
12
],
Ezk. 2y 23
Am.
any other
Israelites (see
5
).
p]
Pers.),
<&
TrapdSeio-os (cf.
and so JJ.
]~\y]
DTifl,
is
<
in
the hist,
and Pss.
it
but in prophs.
always means east or eastward
usually has temporal sense ( of old ) and so it is misunder-
books
it
58
(j)
away
mythological idealisations
literature (see
A TLO
195
is
stood here by
127
b.
njnn]
all
Vns. except
The use
<&
(H
of art. with
inf.
"pn3,
primary narrative knew of only one tree, and that the tree of knowledge
In view of the instances examined by Dri.
so Ba. Ho. Gu. al.).
(p. 52
in Hebraica, ii. 33, it is doubtful if the grammatical argument can be
;
sustained
but
if it
had any
member
ii.
of
whose
life,
12
15*
i3
fruit confers
further, Ezk. 47
12
59
9-1 1
immortality
Rev. 22 2 ),
Pr. 3 18 ii 30
a widely diffused
22
(3
is
cf.
conception
good and
its
evil is,
meant by
see p. 95
evil,
ff.
The
(SO
and
palace-reliefs,
which
Cf.
is
a river issued
10.
(or issues]
For
stream at
source (Ex. ly
its
6
,
18
i4
Jl.
then divides into four branches, which are the four great
rivers of the world. The site of Paradise, therefore, is at the
common source
That
is
the plain
it
may be with physical geography. II. Pison] The name
occurs (along with Tigris, Euphrates, Jordan, and Gihon)
10.
Freq. impf. ?
So
Dri.
T.
30
a,
113, 4
ft
G-K.
107
),
Dav.
54(6).
ris
ndri or
ris
19,
it
R. 3;
shows that
cf.
60
in Sir.
24
25
name
familiar
graphical
(j)
Hebrews
the
to
which
description
is
On
follows.
the
various
be sure that
same meaning
the mythically
coloured geography of this passage.
12. Two other pro
ducts of the region are specified
but neither helps to an
it
bears the
in
of the
identification
known
the
to
Israelites
locality.
gum
(NH,
Pliny
xii.
6ed
bedolah\
substance
well
undoubtedly the
(Nu.
),
called by the Greeks /SSe AAiov or
35 f.) says the best kind grew in
it
is
was found
highly esteemed
On
25
found only Gn. \^
Lv. 2 15 1 1 89
38
p I24 ff.) a m ost alone amongst
modern scholars still holds to the opinion that the epicene consonantal
but the verdict of philology and of Hex.
form is genuinely archaic
It must be a graphic error
criticism seems decisive against that view.
of some scribe or school of scribes whether proceeding from the original
scrip, def. NH or not does not much matter (see Dri. and White s note
onLv. i 13 in SBO T, p. 25 f.). aia] juu. + nxp. r6i3n] Of the ancient Vns.
alone has misunderstood the word, rendering here 6 &vdpa (red
(Sir
Pent.,
,
io. 21
Nu
K n is
Ko n
20"
513^
Lgb
garnet),
and
in
Nu.
(the
&
"?Ti3.
6r
12-14
ii.
16
(Jb. 28 ), suitable for engraving (Ex. 28 etc.), one
of the precious stones of Eden (Ezk. 28 13 ), and apparently
From the Greek equiva
used in architecture (i Ch. 2g 2 ).
gem
lents
it
beryl
is
from India, the former from India and Arabia (Nff, xxxvii.
13. Gthon] The name of a well on the E of
76
86).
?
i
Ki. i 33 etc.), which lEz.
Jerusalem (the Virgin s spring
In Jewish and Christian
strangely takes to be meant here.
tradition it was persistently identified with the Nile (Si. 24 27
:
18
is translated
(S of Jer. 2
Jos. Ant. i. 39,
Trjwv]
[where
and the Fathers generally). The great difficulty of that view
"tfnB>
latter
are
view
is
adopted by nearly
and the point
indecisive,
all
comm.
is
not
absolutely
settled.
if
"WX
be the city
<&
.7
Bab. Idigla, Diglat, Aram. rhn and AXO5, Arab. Diglat; then Old
Pers. TigrA, Pehlevi Digrat, Gr. Tlypis and Tiyp-rjs.
The Pers. TigrA
was explained by a popular etymology as arrow-swift (Strabo) and
similarly it was believed that the Hebrews saw in their name a compound
;
as
(<!
62
Serkat on the
never mentioned
in this
OT.
in
is
It is
legend had wandered to Palestine before 1300 B.C. (Gressmann, ARW, x. 347). Euphrates} The name ( n ^S) needed
no explanation to a Hebrew reader it is the inj par excel
lence of the OT (Is. 8 7 and often).
:
Bagdad) the Euphrates and Tigris approach within some twenty miles
of each other, the Euphrates from its higher level discharging water
through canals into the Tigris, which might thus be regarded as an
The land of Eden is the plain (edinu) between the two
offshoot of it.
of Bagdad)
rivers from Tekrit (on the Tigris
nearly a hundred miles
and Ana (on the Euphrates) to the Persian Gulf; the garden being one
isthmus to a little S of
Pishon is the Pallakopas
canal, branching off from the Euphrates on the right a little above
Babylon and running nearly parallel with it to the Persian Gulf; Gihon
is the Shaft en-Nil, another canal running E of the Euphrates from
Hiddekel
near Babylon and rejoining the parent river opposite Ur
and Euphrates are, of course, the lower courses of the Tigris and
Euphrates respectively, the former regarded as replenished through
Havilah is part of the great Syrian
the canal system from the latter.
;
II.
u-14
63
Tigris).
2.
of the problem,
*
THE
64
SITE OF PARADISE
10
interpretation of v. , and take along with it the Utopian conception of
four great rivers issuing from a single source.
The site of Paradise
is
common
known
it is
its
Indus, as Alexander the Great did in his time f and we might then
But it
fall back on the old identification of Pishon with the Ganges.^
;
must be admitted that the names Havilah and Kush are a serious
*
rise in the
Caucasus
all
Indian rivers
(xv.
i.
13).
geographers Geifyun is
Pyramus, and an appellative of the Araxes and the Ganges, might
seem at first sight to have a bearing on the question at issue but its
importance is discounted by the possibility that the usage is based on
this passage, due to Jewish and Christian influences in the Middle
;
Ages.
f
cf.
From
Strabo,
ii.
65
ii-i4
The
indeed,
latter,
may
retain
its
OT
of Mesopotamia.*
seems probable that the resources of philology and scientific
geography are well-nigh exhausted by theories such as have been
described above, and that further advance towards a solution of the
to the
3.
It
problem of Paradise
gods
cf.
Way,
branching-
out
it?]
into
four
its
four
If this
branches originated in
be the case, we need not
Ueber
able to consult.
66
(j)
"
346
f.)-
or
second
the
man
lived originally
on the natural
fruit
of trees
29
(observe the difference from i ) was widespread in antiquity,
and appears in Phoenician mythology.* Here, however, the
in
point lies rather in the restriction than the permission,
For the
the imposition of a taboo on one particular tree.
The
v. is either
t>v
tir\a.<rev
ZATW,
fern., it is
16.
DIK.T]
pl. (as
xvi. 53).
regularly, but
this
v.
point
are
all
8
-<).
*
iiirb
is
i.
Tpo<t>T)v.
efyetv 5
n. 15-19
tests
and, after
all,
there
67
still
not
fulfilled
but
its
force
man
considerations as that
die\
The
threat
was
is
al.).
is
The Creator,
18-25. Creation of animals and woman.
the
on
solitude
of
the
resolves
to provide
man,
taking pity
him with a suitable companion. The naivete" of the con
Not only did man exist before the
ception is extraordinary.
the
animal
creation is the result of an
but
whole
beasts,
to
find
a mate for him. Of the
unsuccessful experiment
revolting idea that man lived for a time in sexual inter
course with the beasts (see p. 91), there is not a trace.
excluded by
watch
grammar
its effect
recognise in
it
18.
26
(usually succour
where chiefly of God (Dt. 33
i
).
areEzk.
fflr
(if
(but v.
on
DviStf.
v. 9 ),
7>26
20
v.
is
F render
rectified
Ps. 33 20
H5
i3
9ff-
etc.)
O"lZ(13|
&
by
possible exceptions
u>s
5>
(if
20
Omission of
and
/)
avry)
8fJ.oios
75
helper
Ho.
text right),
after
(see
i2 14
afrr6v
KCLT
aiJroO;
Tiy
"ny]
juu.
.Tn
a ^rpa.
BDB.
;
19.
remarkable
na]
S. avriKptis
<uu.(&
ins.
in this ch.
Even
man
if
(with Ra.)
we
was
its
68
new
the effect of a
the
man
should call
(j)
whatever
The spon
man
panion for
can provide a
fit
com
associate be taken.
future
is
nErnri]
is
his
a hypnotic trance,
spared.
in
he
my bosom
is
that the
separated
finds
On the
companion.
first
no countenance
in the
passage.
22. built
ix.
up
172 ff.),
the rib
be
0"JN
al.
take
(G-K.
God
144
Kara^opdv
as subj.
rf,
~Z.
e)
Kapov
<&
Sa. 26 12 ,
Is.
it ma} be pass,
expressed by indef. subj.
was not found. 21. no-nn]
^Ka-rainv
Aq.
and some
[j ^tranquillity ); U sopor
The examples of its use (i5 12
sleep simply.
but
there
2 9 10 , Jb.
fflr
13
33
15
,
Pr.
:5
i9
t), all
except the
last,
confirm
II.
a woman] So
into
brothers,"
the
20-23
in the
god Chnum
Egyptian
built
of the two
"Tale
Batau,
ition the
him
is
is
man
now brought
to
There
from him.
(Rob. Sm.
S2
KM
cf.
175 f.), so that
273 f.
all the members of a kindred group are parts of the same
substance, whether acquired by heredity or assimilated in
bones"
woman
Woman] English
s creation, is
unique.
fortunate in being able
is
J
reproduce this assonance f/jf, Issa) without strainingother translations are driven to tours de force
language
to
Duhm
c>
E>
E>
("
a>jx
70
it
is
Whether even
(e.g. Jer.
is
doubtful
leaves
and
cleaves
and
(j)
This
is
they become
in
An
why a man
etc.}
Heb.
24.
(v.i.).
It
is
and cling to
ment
woman
to the
man
the
his wife ?
only
is
man
It is
is
in 3 16 .
KM
24
16
238 (who assigns 2 and 3 to different recensions).
this
for
in
flesh
is
synonymous
with clan or kindred group (^?^, 274). More probably
it refers
-not
25. naked
simply to the connubium.
is not merely an anticipation of the
The
remark
ashamed]
"both
"
32
For B"ND, MJL(&^ read
p. i5
10 h,
n^ xp, which is by no means an improvement. nurnri^] See G-K.
20 c.
.ux has
citations.
&1&) and
24. vm] Add D.T# with
on JB D rrm, referring to the offspring.
25. n snj;] Dny naked, to be care
NT
<&
1
is either a by-form
crafty, in 3
fully distinguished from ony (^/Diy)
of o vy (fj niy= be bare ) in 3 loft or (more probably) a different forma
,
tion
from
tj
my
be bare
).
See
ashamed
Hithpal.
before one
II.
24-IH.
71
21
(3?, cf.
).
It
consciousness of sex
is
before
then our
parents had the innocence of children, who are
in the East (Doughty, AD, ii. 475).
naked
often seen
first
is
finds that
it
Attention is at once
III.
1-7. The temptation.
directed to the quarter where the possibility of evil already
lurked amidst the happiness of Eden the preternatural
less
Prcep. Ev.
it
i.
Hence the
io).
sensu bono
(<pon/Aos),
bad sense
the category of
Yahwe
effort
beyond any
and an
(Travovpyos) is
The
beast, etc.]
this
which
Merx, Di.
the narrative.
description
became
it
some
instils into
the
perplexity.
To
say
human
consciousness
al.), is
It
Yahwe,
72
there
was an
earlier
in
(j)
which he figured as
a god or a demon.
The
little difficulty
snake, in spite of the absence of visible motor organs, its stealthy move
ments, its rapid death-dealing stroke, and its mysterious power of
fascinating other animals and even men, sufficiently account for the
superstitious regard of which it has been the object amongst all peoples.*
Accordingly, among the Arabs every snake is the abode of a spirit,
sometimes bad and sometimes good, so that gann and gul and even
Shaitan are given as designations of the serpent (We. Held. 152 f. cf.
Rob. Sm. 1?S 2 I2O 1 129 f., 442).! What is more surprising to us is the
fact that in the sphere of religion the serpent was usually worshipped as
a good demon. Traces of this conception can be detected in the narrative
before us. The demonic character of the serpent appears in his posses
;
so
understand.
difficult to
Comp. the
quoted above
(3\r)TOi>
TUV
wv
dXXd
a)oj>
7ra/)i (rT??<n,
XotTrd
TO.
Kara
fwa ras
/jLvtrTTiplois
-jroielrai
Kal 7ro\vxpoviwTaTOv d
Kal afj^tjfftv ^7ri5^x ecr ^ at
Kal iv
was
...
w9ev,
^ffTiv,
ov IAOVOV
jJ>ti.ova
7r^0u/ce
a\\ov
Tt.vbs
ry
.
fj
Kal iroiKiX
lepols
TOVTO rd
etc."
in.
73
solved, as is well known, by the doctrine that the serpent of Eden was
The idea appears first in
the mouthpiece or impersonation of the devil.
NT
his narrative.
The religious teaching- of the passage
of an evil principle external to the serpent, but regards
himself as the subject of whatever occult powers he displays he is simply
a creature of Yahwe distinguished from the rest by his superior subtlety.
background of
knows nothing
The Yahwistic author does not speculate on the ultimate origin of evil
was enough for his purpose to have so analysed the process of temp
it
man
nor
in
God.
The
in the
OT
a source which
personality of the
till after the Exile
al.),
and by the
skilful
said>
the force of
*]N
It is
(v.i.).
reflective exclamation,
a half-interrogative, half-
as
if
prohibition
inquiry and
I.
rrn
duced,
t^mm]
G-K.
S. -rravovpydrepos,
secondary,
cf.
12
The range
of the
Ar.
Dav.
105.
DTiy] (&
callidior.
The good
*arama = be
ill-natured
subject
intro
is
Aq. 9. Travovpyos,
sense (which appears to be
(f)povifj.d!}TaTOS,
is
confined to Prov.
else
QrJS + vrun.
*\K]
much more
74
(j)
J,
is
29
upon (32 ). But J s usage in
not uniform, and it is doubtful what is the true
reflected
is
shall
ye touch
Equally
it
futile inferences
syntax,
The
v.i.
thus
serpent
advances
to
an
open
on God
fear
30
27
31
etc.
etc., as in i Sa. I4 , i Ki. 8 , Pr.
the simple IN has this sense, and the O (= when,
if )
lof
It would be
introduces the following- clause (i Sa. zf, 2 Sa. 4
etc.).
1
much more when God has said,
easy to retain this sense in v. (
(or less),
In
not to mention,
some cases
How
sation
<&
"?DD
^
N^
S>
its effect is to
in. 2-6
5.
But
God knoweth,
etc.]
75
And
therefore
has
falsely
threatened
death.
Ki. 6 17 ).
as gods] or
the rendering as
angels (lEz.) expresses the idea with substantial accuracy.
The likeness to divinity actually acquired is not equality
,
Yahwe
God
v. 22 ).
ff.
(see
"The
Gu. on
to
good
man
(f>6ovcpov
TO
an
0etoi/,
Greeks"
antique
(Gu.).
sentiment
The
6.
spiritual
now
is
how"
attractive to taste
and sight
its fruit
how
seems, and
his eyes
open
fyn
(Uom.
in
(cf.
Am.
^^]
8
,
(Er
Ps. 49 s ).
/carcu OTjcrcu,
5.
D -I^ND]
(5r
ws
Oeoi, T&
..
Vn\
take the vb. as vb. of sight 3T .Tn N^rtDN ? is indeterminate (see Levy,
Chald. Wb. 163 a).
In
the word is used of mental vision (insight, or
attentive consideration: Dt. 32 2a Ps. 4i 2 Pr. 2i 12 etc.); in
and
1
all
OT
NH
;.
76
(j)
common
been a
of the serpent
is
so far
fulfilled
them
fills
of being
shame and
unclothed.
SO
Gressmann, p. 356) is a
93 ff.
he merely
s meaning
the
author
of
perversion
greater
of
new
this
as
an
of
the
knowledge
example
range
gives
properties (see Barton,
still
innocence of childhood
the
the
into
which
knowledge
age" (Dri.).
-foliage of the fig-tree\ To the
in
particular ? the natural answer
fig-leaves
question,
is that these, if not very suitable for the purpose, were yet
belongs to adult
Why
is
on
ein
geradezu philisterhafter
For allegorical interpretations of the figleaves, see Lagarde, Mitth. i. 73 ff., who adds a very
original and fantastic one of his own.
every ground
Einfall
improbable;
"
(Bu.).
The
8-13.
with what
may
Aram,
it
means
The
to look at,
but only
in
Hithp. (Ithp.).
On
comes
the other
Ps. 94 8 ) rather
view the Hiph. is intrans. (= for acquiring* wisdom
Ps. 32 8 etc.).
Gu. considers the
than caus. ( = to impart wisdom
L + nir Nrr.
iDrm a variant from another source.
clause
nprn] (5i
25
n ?^] coll.; but some MSS and
jJ& iSiJN
7. D DTy] See on 2
have f?y..
:
.i*?
y-"i
1.
in. 7-12
to
77
Yahwe
light in
and
this is
Dt. 23 15 2 Sa. 7 6 ) of
but it
in the midst of Israel
12
(Lv. 26
Yahwe
representation
the cool
if
we
(with De.)
at the breeze
(lit.
s majestic marching
mars the simplicity of the
of the day]
i.e.
in
towards evening-,
when
in
2 17
Ca.
was Yahwe
been wont
But on
innocence.
Such,
daily practice
to meet Him
we
this occasion
p.
ignorance
illustrate,
10.
is
it
Ifeared
conscience, the
Dav.
&
70
cvn nnS]
(a).
|lDQ._5 rn
l c^ \,
<&
NDV
TO
mo ?.
1
On
8 n i7 21 , Is.
14
15
=
nn
cf.
With
Ar.
raivdh
Jb. 24
tempus -vespertinum. Jewish
7
exegesis (Ber. R.} and Calv. suppose the morning (sea) breeze to be
6
17
meant, as is probably the case in Ca. 2 4 and would seem more in
j>
= towards
*
this use of
),
see
BDB,
6 a; and
s.v.
cf.
Adam
8
(as v. ).
before,
II.
and
S>
1145.
IO.
Before
-nycc] (&
+ Tre/uTraroiWos
(payeiv (&
has TOVTOV
78
(j)
directly on the
to him.
13.
by pleading
(truly
The whole
the serpent.
situation
deceived by
""hacT"been
is
now
bare, and
laid
No
is
question
understood
hope of
pardon."
men and
15
8 21ff g253 i6 12 27 27ff
case) by the Almighty Himself: see 4
19ff
Here certain fixed
4 8 -, ch. 49; cf. Nu. 23 f., Dt. 33.
adverse conditions of the universal human lot are traced
-
39f.
man
of
s first transgression.
The form
of the oracles
and no
irregular,
is
in
consequence
definite metrical
is
out.
15. The curse on the serpent is legible, partly
u
degraded form and habits ( ), and partly in the
15
14. on thy
deadly feud between it and the human race ( ).
is
that
The
assumption
originally
belly, etc.\
undoubtedly
14,
in
its
serpent
pbvov.
i
13.
JINI-HD]
3 6<r;Dav.
7 (*)).
this use of
On
14.
p ( = e numero), see G-K. 11970, and cf.
Ex. i95 Dt. i4 2 33 24 Ju. $* etc. Sta. s argument (ZATW, xvii. 209) for
deleting nDmn ^DD, on the ground that the serpent belongs to the cate
but not to noro, is logical, but hardly convincing. pru]
gory of mari
Probably from *J jru ( Aram.) = curve or bend (De., BDB), occurs
42
of reptiles.
TJ renders pectus, (5r combines
again only Lv. n
"?DD]
n"n
<rr?)00y
in.
79
13-15
representations
logical
the
was
ginn eat
i.e.
dirt
each
demonic
character of
the
It
serpent.
is
is
is
15
thy seed
15. jnj] in
the sense of
In a few cases
lective.
19).
The form
knew
that ipse
ISie"]
*jw
NH
(i"y
y"y)
in Syr.
i"y
is
it
also
vbs.
means
ut ab ipsis abhorreat
Boch. Hieroz. iii. 250)
quam dudum dixeras
atque angues" (Plaut. Merc. 4) and tic ?rcu5ds rbv \f/vxpov
(Theoc. Id. 15).
"
Fit
Cf. (with
"
There are
themselves by
to crawl.
to strengthen
homo
"
(Calv.).
te odisse
8(j)iv TO.
aeque
^dXiara
8O
(j)
He
on the head) etc.\ In the first clause the subj. (Nin) is the
seed of the woman individualised (or collectively), in the
1
second
is
it
^^>)
through his
acting"
seed.
the former will crush the head of the foe, while the latter
can only wound in the heel. The difficulty is in the vb. cjv^,
which
in the sense
mode
of attack.
bruise
by-form of
aim
for,
pant
*|S5T (strictly
at
is
We
Ew.
(Ges.
in the sense of
),
Di. al.);
be eager
while others
(Gu.
al.)
(v.i.).
The Messianic
in
(Dri.).
cannot be given
CJ and Targ.
3
4
3
4
7
is disguised under the by-form
(Ezk. 36 Am. 2 8 Ps.
57
But the only places where the assumption is at all necessary are
Am. 2 7 8 4 where the K may be simply mater lectionis for the d of the
14
in the other cases the proper sense of
ptcp. (cf. DKJJI, Ho. io )
r\xy
or
metaph. long for ) suffices. The reverse process (substitu
(
pant
,
56"
f]iB>
f]NB>.
tion of
for rpv)
rpiff
would be
Jb. 9
17
,
is
much
which
is
The
is
represented
Field)
not a
The
and ambiguity.
irpoa-rptyet,
S.
0\t^ei,
idea of crushing
Coisl
(5r
m &-
rp^et (see
A al
Jer. (Qucest.} conterere ;
pant after by (5i
(if
Tr)pr]<rei[s]
mistake for rp^creifs] or rctp^cretfs]).
double sense is given by
and
5J co:iteret
while
by Aq.
9T
and perhaps
insidiaberis,
1
paraphrases
.T ?
IBJ
\nn
& _O,J
n*i jTnp jD
,T|?
.rno
>
mayn no T:H
v>.VnZ.
j
,r Kin
81
in. 15
munity and
The reference
"in
was taught by
ipsa of the Vulg., applied the expression directly to the Virgin Mary;
this reference, recognised an allusion
In Protestant theology this view gave
to the virgin birth of Christ.
"
"
is
firmly struck.
(2)
To
the
He
is
is
no
or of temptation than he is an in
himself an evil creature, perhaps a
evil
himself.
"a
of
success."
If
it
>
82
And
that
is
(j)
much
very
The
OT.
and the
mythological personages
Assyriology, would have
narrator.
(cf.
little
the light in
holy and
conjecture of Gu., that originally the
seed of the serpent may have been
ATLO
in the
2
aiyf.), even if confirmed by
bearing on the thought of the biblical
,
woman
The doom
of the
consisting in the
incident
to
her
and
social
sex,
hardships
position in the
East.
The pains of childbirth, and the desire wiiich makes
16.
I will
beginning. / will multiply, etc.] More strictly,
cause thee to have much suffering and pregnancy (see
Dav. 3, R. (2)). It is, of course, not an intensification of
pain
which she
to
is
For
meant.
is
hendiadys
planatory
clause
The pangs
of
are
childbirth
in
the ex
children]
for the
OT
in
proverbial
3
8
Mic. 4 9 Ps. 48 6
extremity of human anguish (Is. 2i i3
19
Ex. I cannot be cited to the contrary). to thy
and oft.
,
16.
irreg.
*?N]
Read
form of
-Sni,
inf.
with
abs., see
naiK rain]
AixfflrS.
G-K.
75^
pasy]
So
i6 10
(3"
29
22 17
t
[J]).
On
ffir
the
Xrfiras
11
Ols. (MBA,
(Ru. 4, Ho. 9 ).
harsh use of
(& rbv ffrevay^dv
has also been suggested (Gu.);
^r
)
and 7]rny (Di. Ho. al.). The other Vns. follow MT.
asya] JUUL pasya
(& likewise repeats tv \virais.
npit?n]
Probably connected with Ar.
8
und
ardent desire (Rahlfs
Saitk,
p. 71); cf. pptf, Is. 29
11
it
Ca.
Ps. I07 9
S.
recurs
and
7
Aq.
bpw. Although
only 4?
it is found in
and should not be suspected, fflr i] airoffrpo^n & v
(^rvayy
?).
-pini]
v/rm):
jux-pv-ini
}.
"
"ty
ijv,"
<rvt>d(f>eia,
NH
1
&
point to the reading Tin^^p, preferred by many, and
defended by Nestle (MM, 6) as a technical expression for the relation
here indicated, on the basis of (& s text of 2 Sa. i7 3
His parallel between
the return of the woman to her source (the man) and the return of the
man to his source (the ground, v. 19 ) is perhaps fanciful.
and
<^/
_(__
III.
6,
83
17
.
.
desire} It is quite unnecessary to give up the
rare but expressive njJ^BTl of the Heb. for the weaker rQIKTl.
It is not, however, implied that the
of (, etc. (v.i.).
husband
woman
sexual desire
Gu.)
she shall be bound
;
man
is
(Kn.
is
The
;
(cf.
23
).
There
is
noteworthy that
It is
relation
of the
sexes
toil
the
grudging
and
intractable
is
ground,
the
standing
all
and
this
is
and
this is
a curse
It
formerly man had been a gardener, now he is a fellah.
does not appear that death itself is part of the curse. The
name death is avoided and the fact is referred to as part
;
the inevitable
was taken.
return
of
The question
is
17.
Point
a proper
D-IN^I
there
name here
(cf.
is
no conceivable reason
UDD
-tax ?]
2 20 3 21 ).
<&
why
DIN should be
reads
TOI/TOU
pbvov
11
2.
(see v. ) pi) Qayeiv, air aurou tyayes.
Tinjn] (& (tv rots I/ryots
read I^O, 0. tv rrj 7rapa/3dcrei aou (Tpy?). The phrase is characteristic
<rov),
of J
84
exceptional fertility
and
etc.),
was ascribed
(j)
to
barrenness
10
23 ),
earth in comparison with man s expectations and ideals is
in suffer
here regarded as the permanent effect of a curse.
Jer.
ing (bodily fatigue and mental anxiety) shalt thou eat [of] if]
The laborious work of the husbandman is re
See 5 29
.
ferred to in Sir. 7 15
of the
OT
to the
Hebrew a
but this
is
"
agriculture was
divine institution, but at the same time a
qualification.
It
is
well to be re
11
The
of this passage.
18. the herb of the field} See on i
creation of this order of vegetation has not been recorded by
Are w e to suppose that it comes into existence simply
J.
.
human
labour (see 2 5 ).
more expressive
19. in the
repetition
literally as the
immediate
16
right to say (with Di.) that vv.
That man
of the sentence of 2 17
.
is
life
as within
man s
but
is
mm
mm
18-20
III.
The connexion of
reach.
27
85
it again.
and to dtist, etc.} Cf. Jb.
Ps. go 3 146*, EC. 3 20 I2 7 etc.
CK yatas pXao-rw yata
yeyova.
<*
to afford
in v.
it
19
any guidance.
to distinguish the
embedded, and
is
all
tentative.
20-24.
of the
and
20.
nin]
1
(& Ei!a [E#a] (in 4 ), Aq. ASa, Tff He-va, Jer. Eva (Eng. Eve} ;
S. Zuoydvos.
The similarity of the name
Zo>?7,
*"
Aram, word
to the
[Mt. 7
and
10
serpent
in, K;in,
_Q_K, Syro-Pal.
Syr.
|Q_KJ
Ar. hayyat from hauyat [No.]) has always been noticed,
accepted by several modern scholars as a real etymological
])
is
for
cf.
equivalence (No.
The ancient idea
the serpent s
ZDMG,
i.
HVT,
!"
86
(j)
most
it
is a proper name,
whereas B^n
remains appellative throughout, and (c) that in the follow
ing vv. there are unambiguous traces of a second recension
traditional,
that
(b)
it
of the
woman
in 2 23 ,
order or not.
whether
The
fact
it
that the
human
of
idea of
life,
Mother of
life
But
the mother.*
Precarious as
living* (see Ores. I.e. 359 f.)seem, there is no objection in principle to an
explanation of the name Havvah on these lines. Besides the Hivvites
of the OT (who were probably a serpent-tribe), We. cites examples of
Semitic princely families that traced their genealogy back to a serpent.
The substitution of human for animal ancestry, and the transference
of the animal name to the human ancestor, are phenomena frequently
observed in the transition from a lower to a higher stage of religion.
If the change took place while a law of female descent still prevailed,
the ancestry would naturally be traced to a woman (or goddess) and
when the law of male kinship was introduced she would as naturally
be identified with the wife of the first man. It need hardly be said that
all this, while possibly throwing some light on the mythical background
of the biblical narrative, is quite apart from the religious significance
n^D DN] Rob. Sm. renders mother of
of the story of the Fall in itself.
every hciyyj Jiayy being the Arab, word which originally denoted a
group of female kinship. Thus "Eve is the personification of the bond
of kinship (conceived as exclusively mother-kinship), just as Adam is
2
simply man, i.e. the personification of mankind" (KM , 208). The
found
no
has
support.
interpretation
title
of
such combinations
all
may
So Baethgen,
ischen Plattdeutsch
pudendum muliebre
Ar.
Beitr.
ist
"
148,
who appends
the note
"
Im
holstein-
b).
III.
20-22
87
restricted to
mankind
2
(as Ps. I43 , Jb.
3o
23
).
irarvia
flr/pooi/,
Cf.
however,
epithet of the
Another
21.
most probably
said to be the necessary sequel to that v.
source.
coats of skin] "The
it is a parallel from another
;
(Dri.).
An
interesting- question
God
as regards the present form of the legend but that is hardly the
In the Phoen. legend of Usoos, the invention is
original conception.
connected with the hunting of wild animals, and this again with the
institution of sacrifice
... 6s ffK^irrjv r (rw/tan Trpwros IK Sepfj-druv &v
&v ijypeve
&/j.a re (rirtvdeiv avrcus
&rxf0"e
ffv\\a[3e iv dypluv edpe
;
j-
the
us]
(PrcEp.
life
of agriculture.
22-24.
The
This
no
is
admission that
actual expulsion.
22.
Behold
one of
ironica exprobatio
man
130 a.
ist pi.
v. 17
22. in*o] Constr. before prep. ; G-K.
so-called oriental punctuation (which distinguishes
Point DnxS, as in
ap]
The
and 2
suffix)
has
?p,
from us
(B-D.
p. 81).
(nro ND*?ya
rr)
(6/xoO
&$
ecturoD)
88
(j)
v. 5
In
feeling of the
tality
that
single
partaking of the
fruit
a continuous narrative.
that
but that
introduced,
human
and the
T.
205.
26
11
end of the
s4
v.,
v.i.
23
is
clearly a doublet of
~]9 (
Here
it
fear lest
is
is
22
.
common
more natural
to
V.- 3
(Gn. rg
19
assume an
i3
38
44
etc.).
anakolouthon, the clause depending- on a cohortative, converted in
,
is
v.
28
III.
fitting
23,
to the
conclusion
89
24
main
which
in
narrative,
it
19
24. He drove out
probably followed immediately on v.
the man and made \him\ dwell on the east of
[and
is the reading of fflr
(v.t-),
stationed] the Cherubim, etc.] This
.
and
There
is
It is
10
that
that
represents a
2 8 or 2 loff -.
v.
Eden from
it
it
from a region
still
race in
is
quite
consistent
sword.
in
It
pileser
flaming sword
of this passage.
See the notes of Di. Gu. Dri.
The Cherubim.
EB,
741
ff.
ATLO
Je.
-,
into
a historic tense.
DJ]
ffirS
om.
24.
(3r
KO!
ttfia\v rbv
ASct/ct
Kal
raev rd ^epov^lv
KT\. = 131 D am.vnK o yji py p ? cnpo pen onxn-nK enn
Ball rightly adopts
this text, inserting ink after pan, against J s usage.
There is no need
to supply any pron. obj. whatever
see 2 19 i8 7 38 18 i Sa. ig 13 etc.
For the first three words J5 has simply C"LQ^D|O> and for pe^i y^r^ (O
KartpKLffev
TTJS
Tpv<prjs,
Kal
THE PARADISE
9O
OT
the
23ff<
first
6f>
),
1-
visions
5ff-
io ).
These may represent
but the complex symbolism of
lff>
the
Gu.
in
6ff-
mark
the four
quarters of the heavens Taurus, Leo, Scorpio (in the earliest astronomy
a scorpion-man), and Aquila (near Aquarius). See KAT, 631 f.
:
(if
Ethnic parallels.
any such
The Babylonian
Museum a much-debated
There
is
in
man
the
LEGEND
91
crooked
line
4ff>
p.
56 above).
in
its
(b)
Col.
33 ff. :
thought) with a
to
ii.
1.
Gilgame
KIB
vi.
who
p. 120
i,
ff.),
their
life,
and
is
When
One
But later
we may be sure
if
ZATW,
xxiii. I74f.).
(c)
Far more
that the
zigzag
line is
cannot be tempting a
man and
THE PARADISE
92
of the Fall are found in the myth of Adapa and the South-wind, dis
covered amongst the Tel-Amarna Tablets, and therefore known in
Palestine in the i5th cent. B.C. (KIB, vi. i, 92-101).
Adapa, the son
of the god Ea, is endowed by him with the fulness of divine wisdom,
"Wisdom I
"Why, Adapa
Thou wilt not live
"Ea, my lord,
Commanded, Eat not and drink not
"Take him and bring him back to his earth!"
!
?"
"
This looks almost like a travesty of the leading ideas of Gn. 3 yet the
In both we have the idea that
features are very striking.
wisdom and immortality combined constitute equality with deity in
both we have a man securing the first and missing the second and in
both the man is counselled in opposite directions by supernatural voices,
and acts on that advice which is contrary to his interest. There is, of
course, the vital difference that while Yahwe forbids both wisdom and
;
common
the Paradise myth, but nowhere a story which forms an exact parallel
The Graeco-Roman traditions told of a golden age, lost
to Gn. 2. 3.
through the increasing sinfulness of the race, an age when the earth
freely yielded its fruits, and men lived in a happiness undisturbed by
or care or sin (Hesiod, Op. et Dies, 90-92, 109-120; Ovid, Met. i.
but they knew nothing of a sudden fall. Indian and
Persian mythologies told, in addition, of sacred mountains where the
toil
89-112, etc.);
gods dwelt, with bright gold and flashing gems, and miraculous trees
conferring immortality, and every imaginable blessing and we have
The
seen that similar representations were current in Babylonia.
;
narrative
LEGEND
93
sickness nor death, nor hunger nor thirst, until (in one tradition) he
to pride, and fell under the dominion of the evil serpent
Dahaka (see Di. p. 47 ff.). But these echoes are too faint and distant
to enable us to determine the quarter whence the original impulse pro
ceeded, or where the myth assumed the form in which it appears in
gave way
(the
knowledge
the
cosmogony
of
an
alluvial region
all
still
tains features
accommodated
The
strictly
may
put
first
Canaan or
of
all
the fact
Mount Sinai,
mythological background of the story
at
emerges chiefly
in the
it
is
and serpents
in
Semitic folk-lore
is
illustrated
by
THE PARADISE
94
Lenormant, Origines,
(cf.
Lex. 2599
i.
f.).
command was
and the serpentdemon, posing as the good genius of man, defeats that intention by
the
man
revealing to
myth we may
makes man at once the equal and the rival of the deity (2) the tree of
knowledge, whose fruit excites the sexual appetite and destroys child
it
innocence
like
22
(3
).
The
(3
) ;
question
(3)
the tree of
is
in the final
3.
The
assumed
religious ideas
its
LEGEND
95
it
suggested to more
We
and
to the intention of
a good God.
They are
results of
a curse justly
*
Keeping in mind the possibility that
knowledge of good and evil ?
the two recensions may represent different conceptions, our data are
these
In 3 22 knowledge of good and evil is an attainment which (a)
:
15f<
right
quite distinct
range of experience,
comprehensive designation of things by their
two polar attributes, according to which they interest man for his weal
or hurt" cf. 2 Sa.
with 20 all things that are in earth (Gn. 24 5 3i 24 ).
We. maintains that the non-ethical sense is fundamental, the expressions
being transferred to virtue and vice only in so far as their consequences
"a
14"
THE PARADISE
96
implies equality with God, (b) was forbidden to man, (c) is actually secured
17
by man. In the leading- narrative (b) certainly holds good (2 ), but (a)
and (c) are doubtful. Did the serpent speak truth when he said that
evil
like
God ?
Did man
words ?
consider
how
answer them.
The suggestion
usual explanation identifies the knowledge of good and evil with the
moral sense, the faculty of discerning between right and wrong. This
view is ably defended by Bu. (Urg. 69 ff.), and is not to be lightly dis
Could it be said that God
missed, but yet raises serious difficulties.
meant
from
to withhold
man
the
Does
not the prohibition itself presuppose that man already knew that
obedience was right and disobedience sinful ?
have no right to say
that the restriction was only temporary, and that God would in other
We
the narrative
299 ff.) holds that the
knowledge in question is insight into the secrets of nature, and intel
ligence to manipulate them for human ends and this as a quality not
so much of the individual as of the race, the knowledge which is the
It is the faculty which we see at work
principle of human civilisation.
21
in the invention of clothing (3 ?), in the founding of cities (4 17 ), in the
sort.
We.
iii.
(Prol.
made man
like
"
childlike innocence
lff>
LEGEND
97
knowledge
we may be
:
disloyalty
"to
22
borders hard on the pagan notion
already been pointed out that 3
of the envy of the godhead, a notion difficult to reconcile with the
But of that idea there is no trace in
religion.
conceptions of
the main narrative of the temptation and the Fall, except in the lying
the writer himself does not thus charge
insinuation of the serpent
OT
God foolishly.
just,
evil."
98
CH. IV.
Civilisation.
Critical Analysis.
the
however, no
is,
collection of
We.
n^
Hebrew
unites
v.
beget,
16b
difficulty in
traditions the
with
18
;
17 24
21
( rf>
Kin DJ,
e.g.
io 21 I9M
(in genealogies, confined to J,
I02fl). c f.
19
99
iv.
2.
of vv.
25 - 26
corresponds, so far as
it
JBB
26b
explicitly states that it was
practised from the beginning, whereas
(2) It has not unnaturally
only introduced in the third generation.
been conjectured that v. 25 are entirely redactional (Ew. Schr. al.) i.e.,
-
2ff>
gratuitous statement that the name was in use from the time of Enosh.
25 ^
stood originally before v. 1 (or before v. 17 ),
(3) A third view is that vv.
so that the father of Cain and Abel (or of Cain alone) was not Adam but
Enosh
also for
(see
must be attributed
to RJ.
IOO
(j)
of the non-Priestly sections of chs. 2-11 (see pp. 3, 134). One important
consequence may here be noted. Eve s use of the name D n^K, and the
subsequent notice of the introduction of the name mrr, suggest that this
writer had previously avoided the latter title of God (as E and P pre
14ff
and Ex. 6 2fft ). Hence, if it be the case that one
viously to Ex. 3
recension of the Paradise story was characterised by the exclusive use
of DM^N (see p. 53), 4 20 26 will naturally be regarded as the sequel to
-
that recension.
3.
That
it
affinities
If the theory
within the Yahwistic cycle are exceedingly perplexing.
mentioned at the end of the last paragraph is correct, the consistent use
of the name m.vf would show that it was unknown to the author of
vv- 25.
Is
it,
sacrifice
in keeping with the idea of the
but the length and amplitude of the narration would be
without parallel in a genealogy and (what is more decisive) there is an
obvious incongruity between the Cain of the legend, doomed to a
17
fugitive unsettled existence, and the Cain of the genealogy (v. ), who as
the first city-builder inaugurates the highest type of stable civilised life.*
Still more complicated are the relations of the passage to the history of
genealogy
16
3.
||
n with
17
In both we have the same sequence of sin,
3
and
punishment (in the form of a curse), the same dramatic
investigation
But whether
dialogue, and the same power of psychological analysis.
these resemblances are such as to prove identity of authorship is a
There is an indistinctquestion that cannot be confidently answered.
cf.
10<
9>
13>
Cf. m,T,
3 - 4 - 6 - 9 - 13 - 15 - 16
;
to ch. ^ noted
below
the
t This uniformity of
occurs twice
Ktf/nos
times
6-
15>
Even
usage
3 - 1S
(
nnx,
),
15
"
is
6 9e6s
vta^>,
naming of the
not,
child
and
by the mother.
however, observed
5 times
4-
9<
10
16
),
and
in
djr.
Kfy>ios
In
(5i
6 6e&s
A
3
15
that r61e
city-founder (see on the v.), it still remains improbable that
should be assigned to the son of a wandering nomad.
IV.
IOI
lff
is due to conscious or
the literary connexion between ch. 3 and 4
unconscious imitation of one writer by another. On the whole, the
-
evidence points to the following conclusion The story of Cain and Abel
existed as a popular legend entirely independent of the traditions
regarding the infancy of the race, and having no vital relation to any
part of its present literary environment. It was incorporated in the Yahwistic document by a writer familiar with the narrative of the Fall, who
identified the Cain of the legend with the son of the first man, and linked
:
2b
IV. 1-16.
Eve bears to her husband two sons, Cain and Abel the
first becomes a tiller of the ground, and the second a keeper
Each offers to Yahwe the sacrifice ap
of sheep ( 1 2 ).
;
offering
6f>
Yahwe pro
( ).
ground, which will no
longer yield its substance to him, and he is condemned to
~
the wandering life of the desert ( 10 12 ).
As a mitigation of
and slays
his brother
his lot,
Yahwe
1-5.
I.
of
Birth
sacrifice.
y~\"
words
fertile
indiscriminate vengeance
of Nod, east of Eden ( 16 ).
and
of Cain
I.
On
14f<
and Abel
the
their occupation,
child by the
naming of the
DINTI]
plup. sense (Ra.) being unsuitable, the peculiar
is difficult to explain ; see on 3 1 , and cf. ai 1 .
Sta. (Ak.
order
Red.
it as a proof of editorial
The euphemistic
manipulation.
K
Nu. 3i 17
peculiar to J in the Hex. (7 times)
(P cf. Ju.
2 j 11. 12) are somewhat different.
Elsewhere Ju. ii 39 i9 22 25 i Sa. i 19 ,
4
i Ki.
i
all in the older historiography, and some
,
perhaps from the
2 39)
regards
use of yr
is
18>
IO2
(j)
It
mother, see Benzinger, ArcJueol? 116.
oldest strata (J and E) of the Hex., and
is
peculiar to the
is
26
29
25f
22
it may
sistently observed even there (4
25 -, Ex. 2
5
therefore be a relic of the matriarchate which was giving
:
sentence njir-ns
connects the
^i?
name
T?.
with the
The second
but
it
To
render
TIN
It is
analogy.
(Bu.
that
is
to the divine
al.),
and
seed
promised in
15
3 (Luther, al.) may be disregarded as a piece of antiquated dogmatic
If we adopt the other meaning of njp, the construction is
exegesis.
/ have created (or produced) a -man with (the co
perfectly natural
When he created me and my husband
operation of) Yahwe (cf. Ra.
he created us alone, but in this case we are associated with him
A strikingly similar phrase in the bilingual Babylonian account of
Creation (above, p. 47) suggests that the language here may be more
deeply tinged with mythology than has been generally suspected. We
read that "Aruru, together with him [Marduk], created (the) seed of
:
"
").
KAT
= Syr.
>
Qj
j;p]
*J pp (Ar.
worker
in
IV.
2,
103
Hawwah was not a mortal wife and mother, but a creative deity takingpart with the supreme god in the production of man. See Cheyne,
TBI) 104, who thinks it "psychologically probable that Eve congratu
N is not elsewhere
created a man." That
not a serious objection to any interpretation (cf.
s
though the thought readily occurs that the etymology
93 in Jb. 3 )
would be more appropriate to the name S^JN (4 26 ) than to $.
lated herself
on having
used of a man-child
e>
is
And
2.
The omission
etc.]
of the verb
is
regarding twin-births.
to the
the elder to
two fundamental pursuits of settled life
the
to
the
of
small cattle
younger
rearing
agriculture,
The
and
of
the
previous story
Fall, in which
goats).
(sheep
:
Adam,
condemned
is
to husbandry,
the father of
Ar.
An
3.
43
llff
The
etc.):
io27 etc.)
= herd
(e.g. Syr. JiOin
meaning would then be herds
retracted in TBI, in the interests
of them
the
is
conjecture
offering} nnaip,
Sa.
-,
camel-herd,
lit.
per
<ri>v
2tf/>.
Deum,
S>
.;VnV
and Zeydner
Conjectures
(ZATW,
xviii.
Marti
120): rnrr
xx 641)
nk V*K = the man of the Jahwe
(Lit. Centralbl., 1897,
sign
16
);
(v.
B>
DT>
AND ABEL
CAIN
IO4
(j)
gift-theory
"
offered at
Hebrews
Carthage,
ancient
in
this, no doubt,
2
(fiS 221 and
,
Cain
n. 3).
Heb.
ritual
and
Hebrew
is
19
34
seems
and
.
rite also
"
22 - 26
,
Nu.
20
etc.) of
arbitrary to
is
it
it
thus analogous to
s offering is
Ex. 2 3 16
fruit-
Carthaginian
"The
times."
4.
lay in not selecting the best of what he had for God.
Abel s offering consisted of the firstlings of his flock, namely
17
(see
pp. 4, 65).
2O6 etc.)
How
4b, 53-
of the one
Yah we
did
and
offering
of the other
rejection
It
is
P and
Nu. i8 9
older
Whether
etc.
it is
difficult to say.
4.
jna^np
On
G-K.
Meth., see
16 23
G-K.
might point as sing, of the noun (jn^lj, Lv. 8
has scriptio plena of the pi. jn aSnD). ytsn] (5r KO.\ ZiriSev (in
16 d.
91 c)
Aq.
t7reK\idr]
respexit
to the
to
2. ir^p^Qi]
&
>
*^
meaning here
idle
words).
5.
^
;
0.
]o
&
tve-jrupta-ev
"
the nearest
mn]
in
m?
is
Nijn
mm.
Ex. 5 9
There
sacrifice (see
Lagrange,
gift
is
v.
2i//>.
irpovtaxcv)
evd6icr)(rev
fctudes, 250).
theory
would
no exact parallel
We
but AU
(see above)
(Hr
fall
to the ground.
IV.
that
105
commonly answered
etc.),
4,
fire
(in
that he
likeliest
analogy
24
(3
).
21
Why was the
by the Angel of Yahwe (Ju. 6 ).
one sacrifice accepted and not the other? The distinction
sacrifice
must
lie
either
in the
(a]
(d) in
is
Lect. VIII.).
From
is
cultus.*
If that impression be sound, it follows also that the narrative
proceeds on a theory of sacrifice the idea, viz., that animal sacrifice
alone is acceptable to Yahwe.
It is true that we cannot go back to
:
wrongly
jgso.32
has
*
3I
^N
\vTn)<rev ;
36
ujjlQsZ
U>
Ht
so
<S.
l6 is
On
etc>
The word
became black
M>
cf.
).
IO6
(j)
but
a stage of Heb. ritual when vegetable offerings were excluded
such sacrifices must have been introduced after the adoption of agri
cultural life and it is quite conceivable that in the early days of the
settlement in Canaan the view was maintained among the Israelites
that the animal offerings of their nomadic religion were superior to
Behind this may
the vegetable offerings made to the Canaanite Baals.
lie (as Gu. thinks) the idea that pastoral life as a whole is more pleasing
;
to
Yahwe
than husbandry.
al.).
temper or
7. The difficulties of the present text are "the curt and ambiguous
expression nxp further, the use of nNan as masc., then the whole tenor
.
of the sentence, If thou doest not -well
finally, the exact and yet
16
(Ols. MBBA,
incongruous parallelism of the second half-verse with 3
As regards 7a the main lines of interpretation are these:
1870, 380).
TB J? as a relative vb. (G-K.
(i) The inf. nxy may be complementary to
must have the sense of offer sacrifice
120, i), in which case
s4
Ezk. 2O 31 ). So (a) (3r OVK dav dpQ&s irpocrevtyicris, dpd&s 5e /AT/
(cf. 43
;
"
b>
dtt\Tjs,
two words
V^X
a<rc "
fan nNpn)=
Is
it
"
"
"v
3",
Mai.
8* 9
)
so Aq.
(fyArets), 0.
& (A\CLD), U
(SeKT<H
(recipies]
or
32
so S.
Eforgiveness (as Gn. 50", Ex. 32 )
Jer. and
Ho.
Of
these
2
renderings
recently
(a) or i (b) are perhaps the most
(c)
(d077<ru>),
iv.
ID;
5-8
out.
">EN
is
incomplete
Let us go
to the field)
psychologically
is
al.), is
altogether improbable.
open
5
country (see on 2 ), where they were safe from observation
19
beast, or less
wild beast s eagerness for its prey or the deference due from a younger
brother to an older and the alternative n^tw-i of (5r and Sb (see on 3 16 )
;
The
is
no
better.
facetious
m7n\
paraphrase of
irremediable
Aj]).
affords no help, and the textual confusion is probably
tentative emendations like those of Gu. (p. 38) are of no
3T
cated.
I08
(i
Ki. ii 29 ).
p.
Yahwe opens
(j)
unlike
power of
sin.
10.
Hark! Thy
advance
terrible
brothers blood
is
in the
crying
to
me,
etc.}
P>
for
And now
II.
cursed art
thou from (off) the ground] i.e., not the earth s surface, but
To restrict
the cultivated ground (cf. v. 14 and see on 2 5 ).
,
it
is
blood
(see
Miss
OT
ordinary
covered (cf.
two
Harrison,
conception
is
The
Prolegomena, 2i9ff.).
the blood remains un
that
The
relation
curse
from
The ground
of the
off
the
no longer yield
(i)
ground
39
even if he
to
the
so
that
its strength (Jb. 3i
murderer,
)
and
wished he will be unable to resume his husbandry
will
not recognised by the Mass., supports this view of the text. To emend
WJL
10.
]
nb^i (Ols. al.) or ion, no. ] (Gk.) is less satisfactory. 9.
On the interjectional use of Vip, see G-K. 146 b No. Mand. Gr. p. 482.
n.>N.
II. jp
.ux py^, agreeing- with Vip (?).
nnx] pregnant constr.,
This sense of jp is more accurately expressed by
i\qx,y,ff.
14
Other renderings, as
but is quite common (cf. csp. 27 39 ).
Syo in v.
which
the
from
curse
the
direction
comes) or by, are
(indicating
from
Q
py>
G-K.
less appropriate
juss.
is
63,
impossible.
R.
3, 66,
12.
R. 6);
^pn]
fol-
IV.
he
(2)
is
9-14
IO9
and wanderer
to be a vagrant
in the earth.
The
second
is
13-16. Mitigation of
punishment
is too
understood by
great
modern
all
Cain s punishment.
13. My
So the plea of Cain is
to be borne}
The
authorities.
older rendering
my guilt
is too
to be
great
see below.
14. from Thy face 1 shall be hidden] This
anguished cry of Cain has received scant sympathy at the
hands of comm. (except Gu.). Like that of Esau in 27 34
sin
it
reveals
good,
of
man
kinsmen
(so
human
many
lights
ijj yj]
:
an
alliteration,
as
in
d/carao-raTwv
Ka.1
<ra\ei>6/ie;/os
vagus
et profugus
(Er
means
to
pardon
iniquity
(Ex. 34
for the
10
(j)
is
in
outer desert
is
and
human
life
is
What
15.
follows
must be understood as a
divinely
is
demanded by the
context.
The
Yahwe
is
"
ofy
15.
necessary to avoid confusion between subj. and obj.
but this would require to be followed
so
((0) implies J?
15
30
n6w; cf. Ex. i2 , Nu. 35 i Sa. 2 13
p
n-^] see G-K.
by ?.
24
be
The
etc.
pp (as v. ) or (more probably) impers.
subj. might
Ojr]
21
not the murderer of Cain. 0:0^]= *7 times :
(Ex. 2i ), certainly
CTTTO. ^KdiKovfieva TrapaXfoei
Vns.
(fix
Q-K.
Aq. e7rTa7r\a<rui;j
134^.
}?>]
&F
3"
IV.
15,
III
16
and dwelt
16.
in the land of
"ti
it
"
Sm.,
||
narrative.
fully dealt
with here,
it
is
in the
1
argument which bear more directly on the original meaning of vv. 16
i. That the figure of Cain
represents some phase of nomadic life
may be regarded as certain. We have seen (p. no) that in v. 13ff the
name Cain has a collective sense and every descriptive touch in these
His expulsion from the noiN
closing vv. is characteristic of desert life.
and the phrase in yj, express (though not by any means necessarily,
"
0.
5t
* *^ r^J
jnarv pi
septuplum punietur; $s Vi;JZ)Aj
vrD (hence the idea that Cain was killed by Lamech the 7th from
Adam [see on v. 24 ]). 16. in] AM. 13,
Nai 5 (TJ?) with variants (see
|V">
<&
MM,
Nestle,
the word as
see on 2 14
thing
26F
9).
(3").
Smith,
l>c.
AW
2
,
251.
*tJBBW,\\.$S.
Ak. Reden, 229-73.
Coij>.*
lof.
ORIGIN OF THE
112
see below) the fundamental fact that his descendants are doomed to
wander in the uncultivated regions beyond the pale of civilisation. The
vengeance which protects him is the self-acting law of blood-revenge,
that
salutary institution
"f
their movements
described as fugitives and vagabonds in the earth
are restricted to definite areas of the desert, and are hardly less
monotonous than the routine of husbandry. J (2) The full Bedouin are
breeders of camels, the half-nomads of sheep and goats and both live
mainly on the produce of their flocks and herds (see Meyer, INS, 303 ff.).
But to suppose Cain to exemplify the latter mode of life is inconsistent
with the narrative, for sheep-rearing is the distinctive profession of Abel
and it is hardly conceivable that Hebrew legend was so ignorant of
the proud spirit of the full Bedouin as to describe them as degraded
If Cain be the type of any permanent occupation at all,
agriculturists.
lower than agriculture and pasturage i.e. he must
it must be one
:
stand for some of those rude tribes which subsist by hunting or robbery.
a rule of sevenfold revenge was generally observed
(3) It is unlikely that
amongst Semitic nomads in OT times. Among the modern Arabs the
law of the blood-feud is a life for a life it is only under circumstances
of extreme provocation that a twofold revenge is permissible. We are,
therefore, led to think of Cain as the impersonation of an inferior race
of nomads, maintaining a miserable existence by the chase, and
The view thus
practising a peculiarly ferocious form of blood-feud.
:
in the picture
goes back to a
common
ancestor in the
fifth
generation.
There are
certain tribes, however, who are greatly feared because they are
i.e. they retaliate upon any member of the
said to strike sideways
still
murderer
% No.
s tribe
EB>
whether innocent or
130.
guilty.
f.
CAIN LEGEND
113
some of
of
life (Ju.
16
they are found associated now with Israel (Ju. i
etc.), now with
6
9
i Sa.
Amalek (Nu. 24
I5 ), and now with Midian (Nu. io- ), Sta.
infers that they were a numerically weak tribe of the second rank
and
from the name, that they were smiths. The latter character, however,
would imply that they were pariahs, and of that there is no evidence
whatever. Nor is there any indication that the Kenites exercised a
more rigorous blood-feud than other Semites
indeed, it seems an
inconsistency in Sta. s position that he regards the Kenites as at once
distinguished by reckless bravery in the vindication of the tribal honour,
and at the same time too feeble to maintain their independence without
21ff>
There
is,
in short,
Burck. 14 f.
An
and
all
the objections to
interesting parallel
is
used
(in
Ch.
2 55 n
p).
4"
"y$
114
associating- Cain with the higher levels of nomadism apply with full
force to his identification with this particular tribe.
When we consider,
further, that the Kenites are nearly everywhere on friendly terms with
and that they seem to have cherished the most ardent attachment
Yahwism, it becomes almost incredible that they should have been
Israel,
to
in
The truth is that in the present form of the story the figure of Cain
represents a fusion of several distinct types, of which it is difficult to
single out any one as the central idea of the legend, (i) He is the
2
originator of agriculture (v. ). (2) He is the founder of sacrifice, and
his
foil
to
brother
exhibits the idea that vegetable offer
the
Abel)
(as
3
ings alone are not acceptable to Yahwe (see on v. ). (3) He is the
individual murderer (or rather shedder of kindred blood) pursued by the
curse, like the Orestes, Alcmaeon, Bellerophon, etc., of Greek legend
8ffi
Up to v. 12 that motive not only is sufficient, but is the only
).
(v.
one naturally suggested to the mind : the expression 1:1 j?j being merely
the negative aspect of the curse which drives him from the ground, f
*
the mesquin fled for his life and he has gone ever since thus armed,
lest the kindred of the deceased finding him should kill him
(Ar. Des.
;
"
ii.
293, cited
by Stade).
IV. 17-24
15
13 16
he is the representative of the nomad tribes of
Lastly, in w.
the desert, as viewed from the standpoint of settled and orderly civilisa
Ewald pointed out the significant circumstance, that at the
tion.
(4)
But to resolve the composite legend into its primary elements, and
assign each to its original source, is a task obviously beyond the
resources of criticism.
IV. 17-24.
list
The
line of Cain.
origin
These are
institutions
of civilised
17
life.*
human
civilisation, as
a record of
human
gamy
fail
to strike the
In
Hebrew mind
however,
moral judgment on the facts
no sinister significance poly
depravity.
itself,
2 24 )
is
not
15
and even the
generally condemned in the OT (Dt. 2i )
song of Lamech (which is older than the genealogy) implies
;
Gu., however
insertions in the
similar notices in 2 15 3 7
21 -
CAINITE GENEALOGY
Il6
(j)
and
is
not historical,
The
the subj. of vri only appears from the phrase ij? DP? towards
Bu. (i2off.) conjectures that the original text was ID*??, makingEnoch himself the builder of the city called after him (so Ho.). The
emendation is plausible it avoids the ascription to Cain of tivo steps in
j:p is
the end.
But the
the subj. of the immediately preceding vbs. is Cain s wife.
difficulty of accounting for the present text is a serious objection, the
motive suggested by Bu. (123) being far-fetched and improbable. The
11 16
has already been mentioned
incongruity between this notice and vv.
(p. 100). Lenormant s examples of the mythical connexion of city-building
with fratricide (Origines2 i. 141 ff.) are not to the point the difficulty is
More
not that the first city was founded by a murderer, but by a nomad.
relevant would be the instances of cities originating in hordes of out
laws, collected by Frazer, as parallels to the peopling of Rome (Fort.
;
Rev. 1899, Apr., 650-4). But the anomaly is wholly due to composition
the Cain of the genealogy was neither a nomad nor a
of sources
It has been proposed (Ho. Gu.) to remove 17b as an addition
fratricide.
to the genealogy, on the ground that no intelligent writer would put
:
1
The vb. Tjjn appears from Ar. kanaka to be a
17. On J?TI, see on v.
denom. from hanak (Heb. Tjn), and means to rub the palate of a new-born
hence trop. to initiate (Lane, s.v. We.
child with chewed dates
Heid. 173). In Heb. it means to dedicate or inaugurate a house,
11
etc. (Dt. 20 5 i Ki. 8 63
cf. n|iq, Nu. 7
Neh. I2 27 etc.); and also to
teach (Pr. 22 6 ). See, further, on
.
5".
IV.
i;,
117
i8
18ff>
As the name of a
is the name of a Sabaean deity.
p (5
)
word would suggest to the Heb. mind the thought of initia
The city Tun cannot be identified. The older conjectures
tion (v.i.}.
are given by Di. (p. 99)
Sayce (ZKF, ii. 404 Hib. Lect. 185) and
Cheyne (EB, 624 but see now 7!Z?7, 106) connect it with Unuk, the
ideographic name of the ancient Babylonian city of Erech.
fact that
9ff>
fi
city, the
The next
l8.
advance
in civilisation is
general interest
is
names
to those of
ch. 5.
On
the
Urg.
first
123-9.
""TV]
&
MT
"?N.
original,
though the
first is
this form,
Adopting
or *?N v.np =
(with Bu.) point the Heb. *?N
so virtually Philo airb fays deov, and Jer. ex vita
*
may
V0<?
God makes me
Deus
we
live
by Lag.).
(cited
destroyed (or
smitten) of God (though the form is absolutely un-Hebraic, see Dri. Sam.
Man of
^N^ino is now commonly explained by Ass. mutu-$a-ili
14).
God, f though the relative Sa presents a difficulty (Gray, I.e.). The
y
= nV^nt?,
occurs as a
^ia6ov<ra-rj\
)
again inexplicable from Heb. or even
Arabic.
Sayce (Hib. Lect. 186) and Hommel connect it with Lamga, a
Babylonian name of the moon-god, naturalised in S. Arabia. %
true (& reading is MatfowraXa
correction in
18.
beget
On
is
some
MSS
21ff-
r^h]
G-K.
116 a,
b.
~h\ in
99).
the sense of
inp]
archaic
Hommel,
Altisrael. Uberl.
117 n.:
"
Lamga
ist
It
does not
ein babylonischer
CAINITE GENEALOGY
Il8
(j)
No judgment is passed
and
bigamy,
probably none was intended.
The notice may be due simply to the fact that the names of
19.
on Lamech
the wives
happened to be preserved
in the
song afterwards
quoted.
Of
that of
"?$)
20-22.
At
The sons
of
little
p. 100.
introducing (as
since
it is
90
o)
its
progenitor.
of an old Sem.
mpo
nap. pi
VrtK
Wfk 3tr]
(5r
olKovvruv tv
word
etc.)
cf.
(also
G-B.
Egypt, according
s.v.
perhaps reading
pastorum] takes njpp as a
(ncrjva is KTrjvoTpdfiui
TS (atque
life
21f>
(||
10436*".
Almaku."
IV.
19-22
the
is the father of all who handle lyre and pipe
and simplest musical instruments. These two occupa
tions, representing the bright side of human existence, have
Adah (the Dawn ?) as their mother recalling the classical
association of shepherds with music (see Lenorm. i. 207).
son of Adah,
oldest
22.
Equally suggestive
Naamah
smith, and
is
pleasant
cf.
We
brass
and
iron
(see
The
footnote).
He
is
DJ]
24
31
[Ju. 8 ]) is characteristic of J.
7jj>
<r<pvpoK6iros,
31
m3y
yv
"?:
To
get any kind of sense from MT, it is necessary either (a) to take &tih
or () take
or hammerer ) in the sense of instructor
( sharpener
enh as neut. ( a hammerer of every cutting implement of, etc.) or (c)
;
a hammerer of
adopt the quaint construction (mentioned by Bu. 138)
All these
a (successful) artificer in bronze, etc
all (sorts of things),
are unsatisfactory and neither the omission of SD with (3r (Di.), nor the
Bu. s emendation (139 if.)
insertion of 3N before it yields a tolerable text.
m ah n ID ?
[for pp] is much too drastic, and stands or falls with his
utterly improbable theory that Lamech and not Tubal-cain was origin
The error must lie in the
ally designated as the inventor of weapons.
words t^a ? pp, for which we should expect, UN rrn Nin (Ols. Ball). The
it is easy to say that tfD ?
difficulty is to account for the present text
and pp are glosses, but there is nothing in the v. to require a gloss, and
neither of these words would naturally have been used by a Heb. writer
for that purpose.
^nj] The Semitic words for iron (Ass. parzillu,
:
Aram.
"?ns,
Mlr^,
9
Ar. farzil)
On
i.
6i6ff.
CAINITE GENEALOGY
120
(j)
(<&
<&
Tuch and others adduce the analogy of the TeX%?ves, the first
workers in iron and brass, and the makers of Saturn s scythe (Strabo,
and the pair of brothers who, in the Phoenician legend,
XIV. ii. 7)
were
evperal /ecu rrjs rotirov pyafflas,fiQ%j ((5r Noe^a) seems to
have been a mythological personage of some importance. A goddess
of that name is known to have been worshipped by the Phcenicians.J
footnote.
<ndr]pov
-fj
MM,
io]).
fierce
"nnn
IV. 2 3
I2I
24
worked
into
23
Adah and
Zillah, hear
my
voice
man
kill
for
my word
to
a wound
to
me,
23a. Ho. raises the question whether the words Adah and
and
Zillah belong to the song or the prose introduction
;
decides (with JT) for the latter view, on the ground that in
the remaining vv. the second member is shorter than the
(which is not
might then read
The exordium
the case).
first
of the song
women
Hear my
voice, ye
Attend to
my word
of
Lamech
me
mars
p.
23b.
The meaning
is
that
Lamech
and
rarely bears:
"17J
Ki.
is
i2
8ff>
[Bu.
which, however,
"lies
CAINITE GENEALOGY
122
of
its
vendetta
knows no
(7
limit (70
times)
(j)
and 7 times).
The Song- has two points of connexion with the genealogy the
names of the two wives, and the allusion to Cain. The first would
:
"
of his victim, brandishing his flint tomahawk," etc. (Lenorm.) ; its real
character was first divined by We., who, after pointing out the base
lessness of the notion that
describes
as
it
"
it
die
Damasum,
by Sievers
The
125).*
in
Metrische Studien,
poem
is
investigated
247^
According
and more successful analysis, the song consists of a double
Sievers later view is
tetrameter, followed by two double trimeters.
vitiated by an attempt to fit the poem into the supposed metrical scheme
of the genealogy, and necessitates the excision of nV*i nij; as a gloss.
the most remarkable feature of the genealogy is
Apart from v.
i.
ii.
i2f.,
to the earlier
23f>
30".
\.
i86ff.
IV. 24
123
It is
the division of classes represented by the three sons of Lamech.
to understand the prominence given to this classification of
difficult
mankind
flite
of
all
(Bu. 146).
the pure
to his
obvious inference
which the eponymous hero Cain appears as the ancestor of the race (so
Plausible as this theory is at first sight, it is
If the early Semitic nomads
improbabilities.
traced their ancestry to (peasants and) city-dwellers, they must have
had very different ideas from their successors the Bedouin of the present
Gordon, ETG,
burdened with
88 ff.).
many
existed
among
musicians
is
prototype of
and Tubal
all
(the
all
musicians,
It is much more
metallurgists.
projected from the standpoint of a settled,
Tibareni?) of
all
means
essential to the
framework of
society.
is
naturally much richer in mythical detail than the Heb. tradition ; but
the general idea is the same
in each case we have a genealogical list
:
But against this view, see p. 112 above, and Meyer, IATS, 303 ff.
evades this objection by deleting v. 17b and reducing the
genealogy to a bare list of names but why should the Kenites have
interposed a whole series of generations between their eponymous
ancestor and the origin of their own nomadic life ?
t Ho.
SETHITE GENEALOGY
124
whom
more
Whether the
attributed.
is
occupations
(j)
may be
is
doubtful; in anv case
that the Heb. and Phcen.
representations spring- from a common Canaanite cycle of tradition,
which in its turn may have derived at least some of its elements from
tradition
the
is
as Dri.
difficult,"
Babylonia"
original
(Gen. p. 74).*
The
"it
think
to
"not
says,
vv. are
the
p. 99),
les
Religions Semitiques
362
ff.
a copious commentary
contents and
and
plasts Ai cii/
devdpwv
its
Hpioroyovos,
it is
recorded
Traparpifirjs
Of
r&v
The second
rpcxpriv.
uXu>i/
eftpov
irvp,
Kal
oSrot
and
Then followed
4>X6
^dida^av.
-^prjcriv
da\aa<rav
(Tib/mart TT/JWTOS
Xafio/mevov rbv
AtvSpov d
crTCKrtdcrcu de irpbs
tyfirivai
ijypeve Oypiuv.
The
(b)
Stfo
names
d5eX0oi)s
(a) Aypevs
<riSripov
&v
and
evperas,
Kal TTJS TOVTOV epyavLas &v Barepov rbv Xputrcup \6yovs dcncTjcrcu, Kal ^Tr^Sas
1
OUTOL eTrevb-riffav rcj) 7r?;\y
Kal /j-avreias
(c) Tex*^ T7? s and I 7711/05 Avrdxduv
:
TT^S
ir\lvdov
e^evpov
(rvfj./j,Lyvveiv
and Aypovypos
(d) A-ypis
Kwyyoi
(nc^D)
(e]
and
At<5cr/foi;poi
"A/JLVVOS
(rat
ot
i]\iq)
ai)ra?
rep(raiveii>,
(or
7re/H/36Acua
and Mdyos
Su5u/c (pis)
born Tdaur,
OVTOL av\as
eirevb-rja av 8
Ayp&Tr]s)
Kal o"7r^Xata eK rovruv
:
/care5etaj/
Ku>/j,as
XP^ (rtJ/
Kal
ef>pov>
jroifj.va s
[g]
dyporai Kal
;
Of
(f)
Mtcrcfy)
Mi<rtt>/)
was
5? eCpe TTJV
oCrot,
to doubt
IV. 2 5
125
were
in
substantial
That that of
generations.
Yahwe-worship
26b
),
shows on how
tions
may hang.
of the J
document
into its
a different course.
And Adam
25.
knew,
etc.\
see on v. 1
That
JHJ
denotes
seed] (the
Cf. 3 15
interpolation).
.
remainder of the v.
Eve s use of DTl^tf
is
is
not
ises
is
in 3 lff
DTI7X
is
used
in dialogue.
It
The
who
(see p. 100).
the Cain
to
"
Some
The following
being quite foreign to the connotation of the vb.
clause
p iJin 3 reads awkwardly in the mouth of Eve (who would
naturally have said p n I^N), and is entirely superfluous on the part of
JVB>.
is
Q5t%>
SETHITE GENEALOGY
126
the
The
narrator.
sentence complete
v.
excision
in itself,
of Cain in
naming
1
:
(j)
jnt D
n^K
God has
ns?,
me
appointed
seed
substitution
The
late
a Babylonian
parallel.
On
26.
the
He was
to call , etc.~\
i.e.
4
2 1 33 26 25 (all
lies
behind this
i3
ture
but
&
Better (with
(jjr,
etc., v.t.):
its
What
J).
historic reminiscence
any)
(if
significance
when
(G-K.
135 h) (& om.
enj] like DIN, properly a
a personification of mankind. The word is rare and
mostly poetic in Heb. (esp. Jb. Ps.); but is common in other Setn.
Nestle s opinion (MM,
dialects (Ar. Aram. Nab. Palm. Sab. Ass.).
6f.), that it is in Heb. an artificial formation from DT:K, and that the
genealogy is consequently late, has no sort of probability the only
There is a pre
artificiality in Heb. is the occasional individual use.
sumption, however, that the genealogy originated among a people to
whom BnJK or its equivalent was the ordinary name for mankind
OUTOS
(Aramaean or Arabian). Vmn m] so Aq. S. JUA *?nn JK
(from *y ^rr) implies either Vnn ni or n ton so U (iste coepit] and Jub.
even
coll.
26.
En6
Kin cu]
is
<&
1)\irL<rev
iv.
12
and
if
&
has
safely restore
sense
;_
the alteration of
*?nn
MT was
ungrammatical
&J,
(IEz.).
The
jy-tOT
Ra.
true text
that read by
is
possible),
finds in the v.
al.),
is
intentional (which
<&
etc.
we may
*?nin
in the
After m.r
(3r,
is
6cou.
absolutely
IV.
127
is
it
25-V
it
name
reflexion,
Hebrew
nationality.
The expression
nea tnp
call
(lit.
name, such that the pronunciation of the latter exerts a mystic influence
on the former.* The best illustration is I Ki. iS 24 ^, where the test
proposed by Elijah is which name Baal or Yahwe will evoke a
manifestation of divine energy. The cosmopolitan diffusion of the name
mrv, from the Babylonian or Egyptian pantheon, though often asserted, f
and in itself not incredible, has not been proved. The association with
the
ancient centre of
Yahwe-worship
(Sinai ? or
Kadesh ?).
CH. V.
In the Priestly
Code the
interval
(P).
(i
of the
period
(in
traditional, as is
ally
*
25ff.,
A Tliche
tW.
61
f.
291
ff.;
355
esp. p.
Daiches,
J
Sta.
ib. xxii.
BTh.
i.
(1908), 125
and Ass.
ff.
i.
Algyogyi-Hirsch,
(1908), p. 89
ff.
f.
ZATW,
xxiii.
Cf., further,
ANTE-DILUVIAN PATRIARCHS
128
(P)
some
or to
thoroughly characteristic of
the details are set.
It
is
consists
What
is
The
most
distinctive
clearly in vv.
K"]3,
26ff>
v"pin
genealogy whose
first links
are preserved in 4 25
26
.
Gen.
p.
75).
With regard
The
*
3
22
and Lamech ( w )
)
Only in the cases of Adam (v. ), Enoch (
are slight and easily explicable deviations from the stereotyped form
admitted. The section on Noah is, of course, incomplete.
-
CH. V.
129
that
many
links of the
is
true that
"
of such
of a people
The
and
offers
and
violence
with
no explanation of the
corruption
12
is
when
the
narrative
filled
is resumed
which the earth
(6 ).
whether
he
assumes
a
It is doubtful
progressive deteriora
*
in either
the
known
tendencies of
human
nature.
itself
P in the interest of such a theory, and (b) that the Samaritan chronology
(which Bu. takes to be the original: see below, p. I35f.) admits of the
conclusion that Jered, Methuselah, and Lamech perished in the Flood.*
Budde supports his thesis with close and acute reasoning but the facts
;
is
*
The more rapid decrease of life (in jju) after Mahalalel ought not
be counted as an additional argument
because it is a necessary
corollary from the date fixed for the Flood.
to
ANTE-DILUVIAN PATRIARCHS
I3O
(?)
When God
lb.
him
3
(v.
).
2.
The
show signs
vv.
26ff
-.
v.i.
of editorial manipulation.
In
lft
DIN
is
pre
man
in
in
3ff>
),
in
literally
it
is
from
26ff}
where DIN
is
generic.
Since the only new statement is and he called their name Adam, we may
suppose the writer s aim to have been to explain how DIN, from being a
But he has no clear per
generic term, came to be a proper name.
and so, instead of starting with the generic
ception of the relation
sense and leading up to the individual, he resolves the individual into
;
the generic,
in
v.
3
.
An
Ho.
original author would hardly have expressed himself so clumsily.
observes that the heading DIN mWi nso n? reads like the title of a book,
suggesting that the chapter is the opening section of an older genea
opinion, that
it
is
J s Sethite
26
)
(v.
Adam.
3-5.
i
on Seth,
Eno, Kenan,
Mahalalel,
2
and Yered
rigidly
conversely i Adam, 2
as obj. (Ols. ah). T^in con
fined to P in Pent.
J, and older writers generally, using i ?; both for
a.
beget and bear.
iD^S? irviD ]?] (& Kara rrjv eidtav avrov nai K. r.
26
L ins. As
avoiding O/XO/UKTIS (see the note on i ).
4. DIN D r.vi] (5i
7 10
as in v. 5
etc.
j$ reads DIN n;i (but see Ball s note) as in vv.
But vv. 3 5 contain several deviations from the regular formula note
n lE N in v. 5 and the order of numerals (hundreds before tens).
The
reverse order is observed elsewhere in the chapter.
I.
hominem.2.
DCS?]
ffi
1-
avdpuTruv,
totf.
3.
Add/m.
iVvi] ins. J3
eli<6va
tfr<rc,
V. i-2 4
com
25
For the Jewish, Gnostic, and Mohammedan
6-8. Seth: cf. 4
legends about this patriarch, see Lenorm. Orig.* 217-220, and Charles,
26
Book of Jubilees, 336.
12-14. Kenan is
9-11. Ends: see on 4
17ff
in
the
fuller
form
of
and
a
Kdyin
parallel genealogy of 4
obviously
.
possibly, like
means
it,
smith or
artificer
(cf.
Syr
see on
).
<&
Gray, HPN, 201), but are common in Assyrian. Nestle s inference that
the genealogy must be late (MM, jf. )is not certain, because the word
might have been borrowed, or first borrowed and then hebraized
Hommel conjectures (not very plausibly) that it is a corruption of AmilAr&ru in the list of Berossus (see AOD, 29). D is found as a personal
18-20. Ye"red (i Ch. 4 18) would signify in
or family name in Neh. n 4
hence the Jewish legend that in his days the angels
Heb. Descent
descended to the earth {Gen. 6 2 ) cf. Jub. iv. 15; En. vi. 6, cvi. 13. On
Bu. s interpretation, see p. 129 above. The question whether Try or TV
Hommel (30) traces both to an
be the older form must be left open.
original Babylonian I-yarad= descent of fire.
:
OT
intimate companionship
(i
Sa.
25
15
),
I4
We
8
).
shall
see,
l"?nm]
(5r ev-qptaT-rjcrev
The
(b)
;
included
Instead of
i.e.
he was
xal tfao-ev
Ej/o>x),
aveffTptyero, J5
literally.
it
"i
have been taken from a traditional source, and may retain an unobserved
trace of the original polytheism ( with the gods ).
23. \TI] Rd vm
(MSS, jumffir, etc.). 24. urtti] indicating mysterious disappearance
2f.
(37
42
18. 32. 36
j-
KL
2040 ); see
G_
K>
ANTE-DILUVIAN PATRIARCHS
132
(P)
5
mysteriously translated so as not to see death (He.
).
the
influence
of
this
narrative
on the idea of immor
Though
tality in later
is
ages
not to be denied
(cf.
Ps. 4Q 16 73 24 ),
it is
of the
Enoch-leg-end
in
later
(see below) could never have grown out of this passage alone ;
everything- g-oes to show that the record has a mythological basis, which
Judaism
to
be a living tradition
in
Jewish
name
corruption
in the list of
(it
already spoken of as irn in ? njn ro. Comp. Jub. iv. 17 ff. (with Charles s
note ad loc.) ; and see Lenorm. Grig? 223; Charles, Book of Enoch
1
(1893), pass.
5J tultt, but
(,
Apocalyptic influence.
V. 25-31
133
18
tion of v.
the
Lamech
There
is
between
to 3 17
(cf.
The forward
nWinn
ins. &s ^o-ev (cf. v. 8 ).
29.
pqr] (Gr
hence Ball, Ki. urrj;.
The emendation is attractive on two
grounds (a) it yields an easier construction with the following JD and
The harshness of the
(b) a more correct etymology of the name m.
etymology was felt by Jewish authorities (Ber. R, 25 cf. Ra.) and
We. (Degent. 38 3 ) boldly suggested that ni in this v. is a contracted writing
of orri= comforter.
Whether ni (always written defectively) be really
connected with no = rest is very uncertain. If a Heb. name, it will
naturally signify rest, but we cannot assume that a name presumably
so ancient is to be explained from the Heb. lexicon. The views mentioned
by Di. (p. 116) are very questionable. Goldziher (ZDMG, xxiv. 207 ff.)
shows that in mediaeval times it was explained by Arab writers from
Ar. naha, to wail
but that is utterly improbable. ufryp] Some MSS
and JUA have W&y_& (pi.) so (&, etc.
27. After
5iai>airat<rei
AOD
CHRONOLOGY OF
134
one person
J,
It
-,
the
of
its
32.
born
of
Noah
6<
in the
ark.
The
CH. V.
135
They are due
to
more important
lines of investigation
sought.
Commencing with
i.
the
MT, we may
MT
We
tional
from the latter event to the descent into Egypt are two equal periods
of 290 years each, leaving 1656 years from the Creation to the Flood.
(c)
more
intricate theory
Working on
xx. 136-147).
lines
(ZATW,
by Budde,
Jos. Ant.
of the
of
io8ff.),
viii.
Temple
Abraham
61
f.,
x.
in 2071
<&
40
years as the duration of the Egyptian sojourn (Ex. i2 ) and, finally,
it dated the dedication of the
Temple 20 years after its foundation (as
1
i Ki. 6
For the details of the scheme, see the art. cited above.
(3r).
;
GGN,
1877, 201-223
in
\v.
66 f.
% Made up as follows
the Table on p. 233)+ 100 (birth of Isaac
26
25 )+i 3 o(age of Jacob at Descent to
to birth of
Gn.
2i 5 )
Egypt:
+ 6o
28
47"-
Abraham
(birth of
see
Jacob
+ 430 (sojourn
in
CHRONOLOGY OF
136
These
CH. V.
priority of the
of b and c one
MT.
MT
logical
scheme at
all.
It
MT
sentence renders almost certain), we find that JUA counts from the Creation
to the entrance into Canaan 3007 years.*
The odd 7 is embarrassing
but if we neglect it (see Bousset, 146) we obtain a series of round
numbers whose
was
to
P
was
of
is it
3.
connexion between
(5r
and
juu.
is
period of
(3r
(2242)
is
enhancements of those of
MT
in
reckoning of
obtain 1764 =
See, further, on
*
1307
loff-
+ 940(566
(p.
adding
234 f.).
p. 233)
+ 290
(as before)
+ 430 + 40 = 3007.
we
THE
LIST OF BEROSSUS
137
to
it
in
original
may
is
Hommel
in
in
1893,
widely approved.**
The names
2.
AAciTrapos,
3.
Adwi
Xavos], 6.
A.[j.rj\<j)v
os
[Adws],
A/^XXaposj,
A/i/u^ajj/,
4.
EueScfyaxos, 8.
i. "AAwpos,
MeyclXapos [Meyd-
5.
A^^ivos,
9. firtdprT/s [Rd.
equivalents put forward
by Hommel, the following are accepted as fairly well established by
i. Aruru
Je. and (with the exception of No. i) by Zimmern
(see p. 102),
^jrdpTrjs], 10.
7.
Eicrovdpos.
2.
Adapa
Amelu
(p. 126), 3.
= Man),
4.
Ummanu = workman
(
),
7.
Enmeduranki
latively
132),
(p.
Wise,
On comparing
title
8.
that,
directly
element means
The parallel between 7. Tjijp Enmeduranki, has already been
Man.
and the loth name is in both cases that of the hero
noted (p. 132)
of the Flood.
Slight as these coincidences are, it is a mistake to
minimise their significance. When we have two parallel lists of equal
length, each terminating with the hero of the Flood, each having the
while 8
is in
first
||
name
man
for
the 7th,
it
fortuitous.
is
in the
too
The
much
etc.
ii.
ATLO
2
,
499 f.
221
PSBA,
f.
||
Kschrfrsch.
531
ff.
Dri.
xv. 243-246.
AOD [1902],
Gen.
50
f.;
23 ff.
Nikel, Gen.
u.
RELATION OF SETHITE
133
obscure,
but that
identity of the
now
table
CAINITE.
SETHITE.
1.
2.
Seth
Adam (Man)
4.
En& (Man)
Kenan
5.
Mahalal
6.
YeVed
trad
7.
Hanokh_
Mghuya el
Me-thu-selah
Mgthu-a- el
Le mekh
3.
8.
9.
10.
Sem
Adam
Kayin
anokh
el
Lemekh
Noah
Ham
Yabal
Ye"pheth
Yubal
Tubal-Kayin.
it
and the Babylonian genealogy with which it was linked. The difficulty
of this hypothesis arises from the curious circumstance that in the
Berossian
name
*
for
list
Man
Hommel
139
Aruru, is the creative earth -goddess, and the second, Adapa ( = Marduk)
a being intermediate between gods
is a sort of Logos or Demiurge
and men, who bears elsewhere the title zir amiluti ( seed of mankind )
but is not himself a man.* And the same thing must, he considers, hold
good of Adam and Seth Adam should be read DIK, a personification of
the earth, and Seth is a mysterious semi-divine personality who was
regarded even in Jewish tradition as an incarnation of the Messiah.
If these somewhat hazardous combinations be sound, then, of course,
the inference must be accepted that the Sethite genealogy is dependent
on the Bab. original of Berossus, and the Cainite can be nothing but
a mutilated version of it. It is just conceivable, however, that the Bab.
list is itself a secondary modification of a more primitive genealogy,
which passed independently into Heb. tradition. f
:
VI. 1-4.
how
(v.
),
who
But against
KIB>
vi.
362.
t Thus,
it
(see pp. 85
f.,
the process
should in one version
in
man (Adam
or Enos),
is
is
difficulty
but
it
might be due
to
KM
2
ception of mother and son as associated deities (Rob. Sm.
, 2986.).
It is obvious that no
great importance can be attached to such guesses,
which necessarily carry us back far beyond the range of authentic
tradition.
THE NEPHILIM
I4O
(j)
to
where
it is
(EinL 276), thinks it an extract from E which had passed through the
hands of J but borrowing by the original J from the other source is
impossible, and the only positive trace of E would be the word D V fll,
which in Nu. i3 33 is by some critics assigned to E. That argument
would at most prove overworking, and it is too slight to be considered.
The precise position of the fragment among the Yahwistic traditions
;
Horn. //.
4; Lucret.
32.
v.
302
ii.
1151
Lenorm. Orig.^
Cf.
t Horn.
oi
[sc.
//. xii.
drjTrov
ijpci>es]
Herod,
i.
Virg. Aen.
350 ff.
i.
23
f.
rj/judeuv
68; Paus.
xii.
i.
35.
900; Pliny,
5f.,
HN
viii.
vii.
29.
73
ff.
3;
otc.
yey6va(riv tpaadfrTOS
i.
Euseb. Prcep. Ev. i. 10 (see p. 124 above) curb ytvovs Alwvo? Kal
/ecu llvp Kal
Hpuroyovov yevvrjdTJvat afidis Traldas 6vr]Tovs, oh elvai 6v6jJ.ara
vlovs 5e lytwriaav oSroi [tfyedei re Kal vTrepoxy K pet cravat
:
4>cl>y
<J>\($
5,
>r
K Tourcjjv,
(pTjalv,
||
The
(frriffiv,
^yevv^d T]
"2a/j.-rj/j.pov/uios
6 Kal
T\j/ovpdvi.os
fj^LcfyofjLfvwv ols
airb
av
[v
ni.T, v. );
VI.
The
cannot be determined.
I,
141
introductory clause
"
multiply,"
etc.,
25f>
There remains the question whether the passage was from the first
an introduction to the story of the Deluge. That it has been so
regarded from a very early time is a natural result of its present
But careful examination fails to confirm that impression.
position.
The passage contains nothing to sug-gest the Flood as its sequel,
except on the supposition (which we shall see to be improbable) that
the 120 years of v. 3 refer to an impending judgment on the whole
human race. Even if that view were more plausible than it is, it would
still be remarkable that the story of the Flood makes no reference to
nor to any such incident as is here
the expiry of the allotted term
The critical probability, therefore, is that 6 1 4 belongs to a
recorded.
stratum of J which knows nothing of a flood (p. 2 ff.). The Babylonian
Flood-legend also is free from any allusion to giants, or mingling of
gods and men. O. Gruppe, however (Philologus, Neue Folge, i. 93 ff.
ZATW, ix. i34ff.), claims to have recovered from Greek sources a
Phoenician legend of intermarriages between deities and mortals, which
1 4
and which leads up to
presents some striking affinities with Gn. 6
an account of the Flood. Of the soundness of Gruppe s combinations
but he himself admits that the Flood is a late
I am unable to judge
importation into Greek mythology, and indeed he instances the passage
;
"
whether the later form of the myth may not have been
determined partly by Jewish influence, and whether the connexion
between the divine intermarriages and the Flood does not simply
reproduce the sequence of events given in Gn. That this is not incon
ceivable is shown by the fact that on late Phrygian coins the biblical
name Nfi appears as that of the hero of the Deluge (see p. 180 below).
to be considered
The sons
I, 2. The sense of these vv. is perfectly clear.
are
in
God
OT
members
of
everywhere
(oTi^Nn.^D)
(but
probably inferior members) of the divine order, or (usiny
the word with some freedom) angels (v.i.).
I.
Jos.
*n;i]
"9
13
I7
peculiar to J
See Bu.
6.
in
Hex.
26 8 27* 43 21 4424 ,
Ex.
v.
21
2
.
!?nn]
13^
see
THE NEPHILIM
142
(j)
*
men
name
the
is
given to
God and
in
common
in
angels
an
inferior sense
He
is
"
(Davidson,
No
sin is
imputed to mankind or to
their daughters
Ho. Einl.
21
38
6
1 *^) as in Jb. i
2 1 .]
(2) Amongst the
[S transliterates ^Q-O1C1 :Vv
this view was early displaced by another, according to which
the sons of the gods are members of aristocratic families in distinc
tion from women of humble rank
CJ (N maT 33), S (r.
is explained by Jer. as
deos inBer. -ff., Ra. lEz. [Aq. (viol r.
So Spinoza, Herder, al.
(3) The
telligens sanctos sive angelos }.
prevalent Christian interpretation (on the rise of which see Charles s
valuable Note, B. of Jub. 33 ff.) has been to take the phrase in an
ethical sense as denoting pious men of the line of Seth Jul. Afr., most
still maintained by Strack.
Fathers, Luth., Calv. al.
Against both
these last explanations it is decisive that onxn nun cannot have a
narrower reference in v. 2 than in v. 1 and that consequently n J3 cannot
denote a section of mankind. For other arguments, see Lenormant,
Orig* 291 ff.; the Comm. of De. (146 ff.), Di. (ngf.), or Dri. (82f.).
On the eccentric theory of Stuart Poole, that the sons of God were a
wicked pre- Adamite race, see Lenorm. 304 ff. DTJ
inp i] = marry
Jews
dvt>a.(TTev6i>Tii}v),
0eu)j>)
19
ii 29 25
explication;
36
etc.
BDB,
nc N *?3D]
s.v.
3b
(e)
consisting of
;
cf.
G-K.
all
11971;
whom,
the rare
Gn. 7 M 910
JD
of
vi.
2,
143
these relations.
;
masculine.
3.
m,v]
3.
on the human
divine sentence
term
on the
limit
ffir
man
of
Ktf/uos 6 6eo$.
race,
My
life.
imposing a
spirit
shall not
n;]
HSC
so fix (Kara/ie/i^),
abide
(b)
judge (2. Kptvel;
so 2T J ). The former is perhaps nothing- more than a plausible guess
at the meaning, though a variant text has been suspected (p*v, TIT,
The latter traces the form to the *J pi but the etymology
pa:, etc.).
since that
shows no trace of med. i in Heb. (No.
is doubtful,
and to call it a juss. or intrans. form is an abuse
ZDMG> xxxvii. 533 f.)
tions
(a)
A Jewish derivation,
71 r).
connects the vb. with }ij,
sheath
27
the body being compared to the sheath of the spirit.
The
(i Ch. 2I ),
Ar. ddna (med. w)= be humbled or degraded, yields but a tolerable
sense (Tu. Ew. al.); the Egypt. Ar. ddna, which means
to do a
thing continually (Socin see G-B. s.v.), would suit the context well, but
can hardly be the same word. Vollers (ZA, xiv. 349 ff.) derives it from
the idea being that the life-giving
Ass. dan&nu = be powerful
A^/ pi,
It would be
spirit shall no longer have the same force as formerly, etc.
still better if the vb. could be taken as a denominative from Ass. dindnu,
bodily appearance, with the sense "shall not be embodied in man for
of grammatical language (see
mentioned by lEz. and Calv.,
G-K.
ever."
D"JK?]
TOI/T-OIS,
DiN3,*
this
humanity,
as
distinguished
created,
&
D3&>?
31
for ever,
as Jer.
3,
La.
the idea of
nexion.
iw
(inadvertent transgression)
ii.
is
33
ff.)
(cited
by
Bu.).
THE NEPHILIM
144
[
shall be
?]
(j)
he
is flesh,
and
his days
tion
the particular acceptation of the vb. JIT associated with it, and it is
now practically abandoned. (2) Even less admissible is the conception
of Klostermann, who understands nn subjectively of the divine feeling
(Gemut) excited by human sin f (similarly Ra.). (3) The commonest
view in modern times (see Di.) has been that nn is the divine principle
is
flesh,
force,
vi. 4
i45
of life implanted in man at creation, the tenor of the decree being that
*
in man eternally or indefinitely, but only in such
this shall not abide
measure as to admit a maximum life of 120 years. There are two
1
"i
viduals.
8b
4.
Who
a strain on the
D ??ID]
<5x
ol
ylyavres
Aq.
The etymology
*
to put
4.
two clauses so as
On
this traditional
is
ol tirnrlTTTOvTes
2.
ol
picuoi
123).
&
*^
.
There
is
11
no
is,
it
10
THE NEPHILIM
146
(j)
i2 6 i3 7 )
were the
D"Hi33
is
(Lenormant,
The
al.).
idea undoubtedly
is
allusion to
fall
(Schwaily,
ZATW,
(oViyo O^p
in
i?})
*?N
Anm.\
Cf.
is
ff.
U potentes ffi2$&
oniaan] lit.
mighty ones (Aq. dvvarol
do not distinguish from D ^ fil). The word is thoroughly naturalised
But pass, like
in Heb. speech, and nearly always in a good sense.
Ezk. 32
show that it had another aspect, akin to Ar. gabbar (proud,
198
&
12ff>
IB>N]
apparently shrinks from the direct statement that the Nephilim were
the offspring of the marriages of vv. 1 2 , and tantalises the curiosity of
his readers with the cautious affirmation that such beings then existed.
A later hand then introduced a reminder that they existed afterwards
as well. Bu., who omits v. 3 restores the original connexion with v. lf
onn D-D D pta D ^Bin rn [pi]
ovr^Kn 33 ito [ns?ND .mi].
as follows
Some such excellent sentence may very well have stood in the original
but it was precisely this perspicuity of narration which the editor
-
wished to avoid.
1 9
in each case the ruling motive is
point of view appears in
the divine jealousy of human greatness and man s pride is humbled by
a subtle and indirect exercise of the power of God.
*
Et angelis et sanctorum liberis, convenit nomen cadentium."
same
"
vi. 4
wards whenever
(ffi
i47
came
in
and
Vl^
")&
D^Bjn.
There
is
more human
D"ni33
in
Hebrew
story.
tion in
with their arms beside them, like those recorded by Pausanias (i. 35. 5 f.,
viii. 29. 3, 32. 4) and other ancient writers
(see Rob. Sm. in Dri. Deut.
40 f.).
Flood.
excerpting the entire account from a single source, has interwoven it out
of excerpts taken alternatively from J and P, preserving in the
process
many duplicates, as well as leaving unaltered many striking differences
of representation
"
THE FLOOD
148
AND
(j
P)
The
justified.
follows
division
-1-5
J 58-8
(8.
gl.
10
critics
as
is
22.
17a
28
18-21
20-22
14-19
13a
3lj-5
17b
13-16a
13b
6-12
2a
16b
1-2
11
2b. 3a
-24
9).
9-i!2
by recent
accepted
generally
g]-17
The
3<
the analysis
Schrader.
arrived at by four chief lines of evidence (i) Linguistic. The key to
the whole process is, of course, the distinction between the divine names
m,r (6 5 6 7 8 7 1 5 1(:b 8 20 21 ) and trn ?* (6 9 n 12 13 22 7 16a 8 1 J5 9 1 6 8 l 2 16 17 ).
:
this,
7<
9"-
"?p
^n>
D"n
nvqnj>
nvnj>
"
all<
"
||
"
17b
1|
1|
18
|l7
lf<
1|
||
||
||
Flood shall not recur). (4) The final confirmation of the theory is that
the two series of passages form two all but continuous narratives, which
*
VI. 5-IX. 29
149
tions of the author s time are unhesitatingly assumed for the age of
Noah. Still more pronounced are the characteristics of P in the other
The
account.
its
retained,
vivid details
life
narrative have
all
"
"
Traces of P
up
minute fragments,
into
(9
7 (8).
);
g!7.
mo iND
Dirnnsti D
of Di.
19
enumerations
9
2.
19
(y
?
iw
(8
3)
p^
nna
o^iy
8
jn
6
(6
NSD (6 )
ronxn
Ho. Gu.
ma
10
D pn (6 18 9 9
-r^n (6 )
18
13
8 16 etc.); J D (6 20 7 14)
y
l
( ?2
gi?
16
^ n ^^
(f
21
(6
15 - 16
)
nail
).
Of
and
a ;nj
20
(6
H1H DV.1 DSJD (y 13
)
3
)
)
;
bp-i,
ma
fczj-i
17
(8
1- 7
)
<
>)
etc.
10
17
(6
3 of specification
19
are fewer
101]
(6
in
inx
14. 21
rvn (6 9 9 12 )
have rhVw
I5O
in position
Some
least disturb
slight
cannot
We
them separately.
to J.
Yahwe s experi
VI. 5-8. The occasion of the Flood
ence of the deep-seated and incurable sinfulness of human
It is unnecessary to suppose that a description of
nature.
:
human
v. 5
rather the
is
before the
reveal
ises the
Yahwistic tradition.
5.
forma
(lit.
is
difficult to say
the thoughts of his heart]
) of
form impressed on the
is more properly the
whether
mind (the disposition or character), or that which is formed
by the mind (imagination and purpose Sinnen und Trachteri]
tion
It
"W
5.
(Or
m,T]
StayoetTcu
KvpLos
(iJT?)
tv rrj
debs (so v. 8 ).
Kapdly. OLVTOV
1:1
nx -^V]
^Trt/xeXaJs
^TTI
fflr
TO,
/cat
loosely:
Trovypd
Tras
ns
cuncta
cogitatio.
TOU
&t>0.
(f>v<rti<bv
also called
"IJT
The
VI.
821 Dt. 3i 21
cf.
Is.
26 3 (Ps.
(3J?yn*1)
14
ic-3
151
Ch. 28 2g 18
?), i
v.i.
6.
VII.
5-8
attributes to
13
10
26
Jon. 3
Jl. 2
etc.), the cases are few where divine
n
The
regret for accomplished action is expressed (i Sa. i5 ).
whole representation was felt to be inadequate (Nu. 23,
3 - 13
Sa. is 11 )
yet it continued to be used as inseparable from
the religious view of history as the personal agency of
not as
Yahwe.
7. God s resolve to blot out (nno) the race
i
yet
is
in
Not
P.
till
the
work
Yahwe
finished does
is
reveal to
Noah
the ark in
building of
command
Heb.
ii 7
implicit
Noah
is
I.
s faith
J s brevity
is
cf.
here far
Univ. (1901), 93
<&
ff.
6 8e6s (so v. 7 ).
4>
(P).
own
TiN"O
etc.);
9"
and the
ig
19
32
33
8 - 15
34"
^>yo
39* 47
25
etc.
(Ho. Einl.
97 f.).
I.
mrr]
juu.5>
Q nto
Ktfpcos 6 6e6s.
Dav.
76.
152
its
head
iQ
(cf.
12
).
(to be)
5
8
Comp. also 6 . 2.
cisely the same force as the KTI of 6
n
fit
sacrifice
and
human
for
clean (~^ 9) means, practically,
which, however, is
food; the technical antithesis is
.
NEt?>
here avoided,
The
impossible to say.
distinction
is
or not
174)
He regards
conceptions.
it
is
was once
as
not,
it
in
Levitical
his religious
The same
ignores it here.
with regard to
sacrifice,
altars, etc.:
see 4 3f 8 20 i2 7 etc.
-
2.
For
:B>,
jum&JoU read
D JP G
w,
probably correctly.
I/IBM
tf
N (fo s)]
napai IDT,
OLTTO
jravruiv
TUV
irereivuiv T.
/ar)
nadapuv
8tio
8uo
(ipcrev K. dr]\v.
MT
due to homoioteleuton.
Ball accepts this, thinking the omission in
*
has been manipulated and it is
But the phrase nnpJi 121 shows that
on the whole more likely that it is entirely redactional. Birds may be
l3
32"
33
10 12
36
29
,
13f -
9-
vii.
2-7
153
than of
3a
all
v. 12 ).
22
Comp. 6 (P).
Entrance into the ark
5.
12,
7-10,
(cf.
J s
Yahwe
16b
shuts him in
and
surface
is
survive
12
Forty days rain ensues ( ), and
17b
the ark (
All life on the earth s
).
).
float
extinguished
Noah and
only
22f>
).
ib.
7.
la.
nt>.
a.
(io.
Is
mam y
due
At
10.
the
(cf. v. )]
The
interval
(we
Noah
jni]
).
v.
10
),
as Jer. 3I 27
see
BDB,
^avdffTacrLv),
7.
tax
4.
s.v. 6b.
common
19fc
Hiph. (6
term (cf.
in
*J Dip),
Kon.
r:;u]
ii.
146
G-K.
S]
Dip$]
Flood:
On
xO- On
Nom.-
85 d.
The enumeration
is in
the
manner of P
154
hence
found
v. 7
in
v. 10 .
presupposes
n>
13
and
in the
Babylonian legend
of events
"
when
is
the
in
R
It
18
22, 23.
(P).
words
I7b. Parallel
(1. 128).
singularly effective description of the
a pure insertion
in
17
6
^non
so y 10 (J),
(P) (ct. D^D an, 6 7 ).
NJSIB (J NJjmo).
diluvium ,& and
The word
(Sr Ka,Ta,K\v(Tfj,6s
has usually been derived from *?3
streaming (see Ges. Th., Di.) but
is more probably a foreign word without Heb. etymology (see No.
ZDMG, xl. 732). Del. (Parad. 156) proposed the derivation from Ass.
nabAlu, destroy, which is accepted by Konig (ii. 153), Ball (p. 53), and
The Bab. technical equivalent is abubu, which denotes both a
others.
the double sense has been thought
water-flood
light-flood and a
to explain P s addition of or? to the word (see on 6 17 ).
A transformation
of the one name into the other is, however, difficult to understand (see
JfAT 3 495 1 546 2 ). In Ps. 29 ^UD appears to be used in a general
sense without a historic reference to the Noachic Deluge (see Duhm,
ad loc.). 8, 9 present a mixed text. The distinction of clean and un
the
"?13D]
9"
<D]
clean points to J
but
all
other features
(crn ?**
[though a reading mn
napai 131
which
the undiscrimin
at the beginning of
v. 8 ]) to
P.
In
[to
(5r
i,
12
17a
on the other hand (in spite of the 40 days), must be
assigned to P (see p. 164). 22.
nnnDBo] is an unexampled combina
7
tion, arising from confusion of a phrase of J
not^j, 2 ) with one of P
15
17
The v. being from J (cf. n;nn instead of ntf 3: inn instead
m-i, 6
7 ).
of jnri, 21 ), nn is naturally the word to be deleted.
23a as a whole is J
nD-mn 3r^y) but the clause o Btfn
DIKD seems again (cf. 67)
(nno, Dip
continuation of
D"n
(D"n
(D"n
VII. 8-VIII. 3A
effect
is
155
versal.
and but for the name DVI^N the half-verse might very
than with P s
4
is also
well be assigned to J, and inserted between 2b and 3a
(2) V.
almost universally regarded as P s (see Bu. 269 f.). But this leaves a
lacuna in J between 3a and 6b where a notice of the landing of the ark
must have stood on the other hand, 8b makes it extremely doubtful if
P thought of the ark as stranded on a mountain at all. The only ob
4
if we may suppose the
to J is the chronology
jection to assigning
scheme
to have been added or retouched by a later hand
chronological
(see p. 168), there is a great deal to be said for the view of Hupfeld and
;
v.
belongs to J.*
6a.
At
restrained ;
the earth,
the
lb.
to
it.
22<
It
may be
of the ark.
v. 28
no date
is
156
on decreasing from off the earthy 4- and the ark rested on the
mountains of Ararat. On the landing-place of the ark, see
p. 166 below.
Noah
wisdom
(Gu.).
the
"
siderum
in
navigando
Indians):
sed volucres secum vehunt, emitseptentrio non cernitur
tentes saspius, meatumque earum terram petentium comi;
tantur."
is
e sen ^
7-
not stated
v. 8
till
more
(We.
And he
8.
(dove, swallow, raven).
see (5 below.
immediately
if v. 7
But
be a later insertion,
9. The de
10
(see v. ).
unsur
is
plucked
The
tudes,
to
a freshly
II.
grow
at great alti
flourish
But
it is
p. 60).
emblem
of peace
Virg. Aen.
branch as an
manu
116 (Paciferaeqite
viii.
ramum prcetcndit
12. The
oliv(Z)\ Livy, xxiv. 30, xxix. 16.
and then at last
third time the dove returns no more
;
in v. 7
here and
awi
Ni*
see on
NJTI]
3a
.
8.
7.
(fix
<&
G-K.
Kal
te\6uv
inxn] (&
d-n-Lcru
o\>x
e/
v-rreffrpe^ev
so
10.
:
^nn]
read
in
cf.
i55u>p,
Smith
as
in v. 8.
(accepted by Ball)
assuming that both birds
auroO (r=vj-x);
126 r; but
KCKoiraKev r6
cf.
"BSb
Sn>l,
v.
each case
12
(jux
has
Wi
both
VIIL 4-2i
157
pitiation
effect
is
177):
The
place.
is
Babylonian parallel
instructive (see p.
an
altar] Lit.
institution is carried
sacrificial
20.
slaughtering-
back by
is
:
the
J to
first
see p. 105
That
pleasing odour
"the
is
Ezk. 27
20. m.T
]_KK_i_J5
?]
&T
^KK_
21.
Oe$.
I/O
29
vdwp
m>
dird.
m.v]
fflt
K.
conflate?
6 0e6s (bis).
V?P^]
as subj.
(TIN).
(cf.
Gn.
i2 3 )
and
for this
Pi.
of
^p
is
*//.i. 317
xii.
153.
Kviat] d
ovpavbv
Z/ce>>
^\t(r<rofji4vr}
vepl Kairvip
cf.
Ov. Met.
158
the innate
his youth\
sinfulness
man
of
an
constitutes
45
A division of the year into six
(Mt. 5 ).
seasons (Ra.), or even into two halves (De.), is not in
tended the order of nature is simply indicated by a series
of contrasts, whose alternation is never more to be inter
treated alike
Yahwe
whereas
in
it
11
covenant
(g
),
33 20f.25f..
Noah s
VI. 9-12.
piety;
to
The
P.
corruption of the
earth.
This
p.
of Pual (Ps. 37 M
in 1^]
(3r
($r
8n
is
Jb. 24
tyxeiTai
r?
18
,
Is.
65
SiAvoca T.
inns? ]
come to
;
Ball, iy.
4
The
9. D Dn pHx] (so Jb. I2 ).
om.
20
).
&i>6.
(Hi
maya]
Sia
^Ti/ueXws KT\.
an end
see on
r& tpya, as 3 17
See on 65
22.
.
"3
iy]
22.
harsh
but it is hardly
asyndeton
on the authority of JUUL (o Dni) and U, against (JEr. To
remove pnx as a gloss from J (y ) (Ball) is too bold. Perhaps the
sentence should be broken up into two clauses, one nominal and the
Noah was a righteous man perfect was he, etc. The
other verbal
forensic sense of pnx given above may not be the original see S. A.
ix, 632!, who adduces some evidence that it meant what
Cook,
was due among a definite social group, and between it and its gods.
safe to
remedy
is
it
/7!5>,
vi.
9-12
159
^) on the construction
(
There is perhaps a correspondence between these two
epithets and the description of the state of the world which
violence, and D^n to
follows; p i being opposed to the
righteous (P^V) and faultless
D<1
v.t.
the
is
sacerdotal in
is
its
-.
associations
i2 5
(Ex.
from defect,
free
meaning
of v.
corruption
llf
integer
(cf.
I7
Lv.
in his
).
of his age
is
etc.),
genera
1
(cf.
).
standard
not implied.*
22
The expression
nnnBO n ?.]
f.
1NE of
is
31L3
narn
31
is
violence
(P^,
ffi
aSi/aa)
ruthless
the weak.
"
outrage per
nature red in
the
the world.
v.
llf<
is
mencing
To
5
upon each other and to attack man (see 9 ) so Ra.
neo^a to mankind (C, Tu. Str. Dri. Ben. al.) is therefore
to prey
restrict
(Prol.
So Jerome
"
ut ostenderet
eum justum
fuisse
justitiam."
l6o
nouncement
23
the
us
to
vessel
is
(lit.
nests
to
),
and
Ex.
(cf.
is
2 3 ).
13.
entered into
my
cum
terra
[Graetz]
is
&
9",
so
<S
2TJ.
unsuitable).
"?yp
theism.
He
reads
As
ui Divide
i.
"
jn
The word
is the Egyptian
of Ex. 2 3 5 ) see Ges.
Th. Erman, ZDMG, xlvi. 123. Jensen (ZA, iv. 272 f.), while admitting
the Egypt, etymology, suggests a connexion with the Ass. ilippu tl-biI am informed by Dr. C.
H. W. Johns that
turn (a kind of ship).
while the word is written as the determinative for ship, it is not
He thinks it possible that it
certain that it was pronounced elippu.
covers the word tabu, found in the phrase ta-bi-e Bel ilani Marduk
(Del. ffwb. 699 a), which he is inclined to explain of the processional
the
earth."
teb(t)
14.
chest,
^n]
/a/Surds
sarcophagus (6ij3is,
<&
<<
Nniirn.
6ipij, in
i.
l6l
VI. I3-I6
Somewhat
similar details
are
still
The Face of the Earth, 27). 15. Assuming that the cubit
the ordinary Heb. cubit of six handbreadths (about 18 in.
is
see
Kennedy,
DB,
iv.
it
1609-21 to
in
Might
or
for
opening
aperture (Tu.), or
"a
light,
either a single
(square)
al.)
(De.).
story).
15.
apk]
The
<&
native Heb.
n^j-irrnN.
16.
word
nns]
<&
for
bitumen
tirurw&ywv
peo-yfj.ppivdi
is
ion (ii
i4
(rdg-. naif?);
,
S.
10
all
dia<J>avh,
Ex. 2 3 ).
other Vns.
3J fenestram,
windows,
TI.VJ).
They connected it (as Aq. shows) with
but if cnnx means properly summit (see G-B.
D!inx,
noon-day
BDB, s.v.), there seems nothing- in Heb. to connect the root with
the idea of light.
The meaning- back is supported by Ar. z ahr.
(J,_aCl,
unknown
The
Kon.
suff.
may
163) or to the
(whose gender
is
cf.
S.
p.
nnri
words to the end of the v., rendering-: "and accordingthou shalt finish it (the ark)" : Di. objects that this would
Ball reads *?D njcgri ny]^^, "and for its (the ark s)
require noun.
whole length thou shalt cover it above"; Gu.
njV;fi
JNI, "and on
a pivot (see Is. 6 4 ) thou shalt make it (the roof) revolve," a doubtful
suggestion.
II
62
sides of the
the material arguments for it (see Di. 141) are weak, and
its etymological basis is doubtful (v.i.).
Others (Ew. Gu.
G-B.
The
al.)
take
clause
to
mean
the roof
(lit.
back
Ar. zahr)*
is unin
above
it
telligible as
footnote.
side
to
it
and
it
stands
The
The
17-22.
v. 17
its
(as in
17ff
are
supposed. There is really nothing to suggest that
~
not the continuation of 13 18
1
am
about
to
Behold
bring
17.
-
17.
cf.
<JNI]
Dri.
JPh.
226.
xi.
D:P
Vnon
(cf.
)]
The
D D
is
nntf^]
juu.,
have/vnB n ?
*
nv6;
(Ball).
but elision of n
jnr]
in
is
unusual
peculiar to
expire,
Hiph.
vi.
i,
487), the
in
Hex.
(cf.
"
25*
VI. I7-VII. II
whom
163
to
ark
Noah
is
and thy
The enumeration
sons, etc.}
1
13
8 16
18
never omitted by
is
in 7 1
One
8
ipf.
pair of
7
except
is
of
animals
to be
each species
(fishes naturally excepted)
of
clean
and
ark.
The
distinction
unclean
taken into the
in
cf.
ct. J
The
to a later dispensation
classification
14
21
19
is
2f - 10
came of themselves (Ra. lEz. al.), any more than N^nn (v. 19 )
21. all
necessarily means that Noah had to catch them.
food which
of
tions
may
is (or
29f
peculiar to
Nu.
be) eaten]
22. so
-.
P; cf.
and often).
54
on a Bab.
tradition.
II.
s9
35
19.
49
s8
Tin]
nrr
v.
20
.
sense.
has
heterogeneous
21.
[/cai
T. T. 6t]piuv (see 7 14
20. ror^aD] Ins.
K. d.
n ?:^
On
II.
naff
i7th
day
Jt?]
ruv
<5rJ5
"?3
t^on
i
29
.
22.
D n ?**]
<&
has
Ki. 7
27th
19
= D n29
tpirerwv]
the
is
necessary to the
MT
juu.
15
.
So also
ffi
24
18
.
G-K.
;
cf.
164 a.
D:D]
G-K.
see 6 17
For
Mai. 3 10 ,=
1340.
D Brn ninn] 8 3
Apart from these phrases the
r.
in 7 9 -
Ktf/xos 6 d.
K,
IT.
as
(Ho.).
KTTJVUIV Kai d.
DW DW
K,
d?r6 iravr&v
8 19 ).
with juu.ffij&Uft
before each class, but
see on
?]
6.
21
164
knowledge of
of
poetry.
similar fragment
found
in
82
On
13.
is
The
idea that
all
is
rare,
Here
it
Is.
6o8,
"unites
"-
(&
*>,
ui iiss ^a]
om. Cf. Ezk. i; 23 39 4
I7a. D yanR
Ba.
(264) ingeniously suggests that the last three consonants of
DV]
the gloss (cT>[jmN]) represent the genuine D:/O of P (6 17 7 6 ).
(3r adds
21
(cf. v. )
n?
see on 6 19
D jmNi.
The
<
be a mere repetition of
v.
12
.
it
would
VII. I2-VIII. IB
165
The
came upon the earth] as a result of the upheaval, v. 11
words forty days are a gloss based on 7 4 12 (./.); the
.
Redactor treating J
chronology see on
:
days as an episode
s forty
v.
in the
longer
12
(J).
While
life
inferred,
mountains.
the highest
18,
Ip.
prevailed]
lit.
"132,
be
(dSi cTrcKparet,
is
statement
the
is
4
:
The
when
half
its
tion
is
to P)
plausible
but
it is
4
enough (on the assumption that 8 belongs
quite as likely that the choice of the number
*
i,
3b
begins to abate ( ), and the successive stages of the
subsidence are chronicled with the precision of a calendar.
than
it
I.
).
22
present order that the senmrfg- of the wind and the stopping
&
with
MT
is
&
The addition of
very much in place.
I.
(fix
/cai
isen]
iro.vrCiv rCov
The
*J is
irereivu)!
rare
K.
and
TT.
r,
late:
epirer&v is here
Nu.
20
xy
(P),
66
Ararat
Parnassus.
Armenia;
Mount
Ararat,
ig
37
is
Urartu)
(Ass.
Ki.
cf.
Is.
37
s8
,
NE
the
Jer. 5i
27
.
of
part
The name
traditionally
c.
(Massis, Agridagh
rests
on
a
tains,
misunderstanding of this passage.
:
NE
(SW)
right
Another
tradition,
&
SW
&
oldest
that Ararat
a correction
if
26
1
Jer. s , Est. 2
3b. DTDH nxpo] Rd. D
n ppo.
JULX
4. For i7th (5r has 27th (7").
7.
*
fluit,
"
Ararat regio
ronn
J>po
(Str.
it
was
Ho. Gk.).
incredibilis ubertatis,
s8
Jerome on Is. 37
OP has both *nmp and N JDIN, as has Berossus.
extenditur."
in
made when
VIII.
3B-I9
167
discovered that the northern mountains are in reality higher than those
of Kurdistan.
5.
i.e.
moist
still
but not
dry (arefacta
month was
till
cf. Jer.
5o
it
38
).
blessing on the
15-19. Exit from the ark
animals. I7b. A renewal of the benediction of i 22 which
had been forfeited by the excesses before the Flood. The
lff
19. The
corresponding blessing on man is reserved for 9 -.
:
an example
love of order.
MT
follows
Commencement
4.
of Flood
Climax (resting of ark)
Mountain tops visible
Waters dried up
5.
Earth dry.
1.
2.
3.
...
.
6ooth year,
,,
2nd mo.,
i7th
day
7th
i7th
,,
,,
ioth(riith), ist
6oist year, ist mo.,
ist
2nd
,,
((5 27th)
((5Sr
27th)
,,
27th
<&
The 2 months
solar year (12 mo. of 30 days + 5 intercalated days).
interval between (3) and (4) also agrees, to a day, with the 40 + 21 days
3a
Tenth]
(J).
1
Why Qre
19.
is
(5r
nw
(ffir
113 u)
adds
less idiomatic
1
"n
(7").
.
N*in]
K6n.
irian.
see on 9
reads the whole as Impv.
DrrnnEs^D ?]
(better) bpnn bcnn ^i rpyn-^i nonan-^i.
ronrrVa]
the pi. of po (P s word in ch. i) is not in use (Ho.).
:ff<
<&
3
)
I3a. After
juu.(>fr
rDT
(Jer. i5
eleventh.
p. 641.
This
read rrn.vVsi j so v. 19
Ktpios 6 6.
17.
substitutes in this solitary instance Kyyi is not clear
see
?rii nsi (Impv.), omitting the previous
)i~}} nsi] (Gr
pN3
o n ?*]
15.
i.
5.
than
Jub. v. 23-32 (cf. vi. 25 f.) adds several dates, but otherwise agrees
with MT, except that it makes the Flood commence on the 27th, gives
no date for the resting of the ark, and puts the drying of the earth on
the i7th, and the opening of the ark on the 27th day of the 2nd month.
68
of S 6
MT
12
In
the total duration is 12 mo. + 10 days; hence the
(J).
reckoning- appears to be by lunar months of c. 29^ days, making- up a
solar year of 364 days.* (b) The Massoretic scheme, however, pro
"
duces a discrepancy with the 150 days for 5 lunar months fall short
of that period by two or three days. Either the original reckoningwas by solar months (as in
or (what is more probable) the 150
days belong to an older computation independent of the Calendar. f
It has been surmised that this points to a 10 months
duration of
the Flood (150 days increase + 150 days subsidence); and (Ew. Di.)
that a trace of this system remains in the 74 days interval between
(2) and (3), which amounts to about one-half of the period of sub
sidence.
(c) Of the separate data of the Calendar no satisfactory
;
<&),
explanation has yet been given. The only date that bears its signifi
its face is the disappearance of the waters on the ist
day of
the year and even this is confused by the trivial and irrelevant distinc
tion between the drying up of the waters and the drying of the earth.
Why the Flood began and ended in the 2nd month, and on the iyth or
27th day, remains, in spite of all conjectures, a mystery. J (d) The ques
tion whether the months are counted from the old Heb. New Year in the
cance on
autumn,
spring,
<J,
So Jub.
That it
vi. 32.
f.
and 56 f.
is
would
((Sir), which, however,
See De. 175^, 183, 184; Di. i29f.
original 27th
itself require
explanation.
ix.
169
agree closely with Jub., and argued (but unconvincingly) that the
original reckoning was a solar year, beginning and ending with the
27th of the 2nd month.
in this
appears
introduction of a
man
or beast.
3B>y
the
to the
ancient traditions.
An
8
standing in the OT (so v. ). It is perhaps also
22
significant that here (in contrast to i ) the animals are
excluded from the blessing (though not from the covenant
religious
^331
ffir
(bis).
I7O
vv.
10<
12
15ff<
).
established,
2.
re
i
25
)
into
life
3.
etc.).
is
alive] an unusually
Observe P s resolute
ignoring of the distinction between clean and unclean
Abstention from eating
animals.
4. The first restriction.
blood, or flesh from which the blood has not been drained,
of animal food.
definition
vague
animal
life.
251
constantly classed with moral laws (Ezk. 33
The theory on which the prohibition rests is re
etc.).
11 u
Dt. i2 23 )
the blood is the life,
peatedly stated (Lev. ly
precept,
is
and the
life is
same
it is
unnecessary to
go deeper
it.*
in search of
All the
a reason
for
B"
22
13
equivalent for (42 , Ezk. 336, Ps. g
repetition
supplies.
IDT is
4.
un}] AU.
<&
vnnj
\pvxv
fcfy"*
jum.
atfrou)
(DDDTDNI)
That God
is
We
IN.
3.
etc.).
as a
rel.
cl.
S>
(rnVn>
INI is
5.
omits.
"dem
individually;
Fassung des
*?
doch
am
eloh.
Sprachgebrauch
besten
"
(De.).
vn*
e"N
entspricht
TD]
i.e.
distributive
ix.
is
2-n
to
rests
it
beast]
r\2&
others
read into the text the idea of judicial procedure
to
be
the
law
of
blood-revenge
contemplated.
(Tu. al.) suppose
In reality the manner of execution is left quite indefinite.
;
The reason for the higher value set on the life of man.
the image of God see on i
7* The section closes, as
with
the
note
of
benediction.
began,
6b.
On
it
26f>
In P as in J
8-17. The Covenant and its Sign.
of
the
Flood
closes
with
an
assurance
the
that
story
)
(8
the world shall never again be visited by such a catastrophe
and in both the promise is absolute, not contingent on the
20 22
In
and
all
it
flesh,
first
of two
is
jro
(172,
The essence
II.
of the
covenant
Flood.
is
*<
still
more
after
28
explicit.
7. na
(Nestle in Ball).
mi]
U et
many as see on
23, see G-K.
62
1
implete earn (as v. ).
^]
Read
na
mi
Q& om.
pxn n n
perhaps
The sense of n n = animals
143 e.
in general, immediately after the same expression in the sense of
wild animals, makes the phrase suspicious (Ho.).
n.
10. Van]
in short
as
:
cf.
^o{>]
172
is
difficult
covenant
transactions,
be
averted.
Exx.
in
common
life:
Gn. 2i 30
cf.
38
17f
"
bow
brilliant spectacle
placed
(when)
com
the apodosis
15
The bow seems conceived
mencing with
(against De.).
as lodged once for all in the cloud (so IEz.), to appear at
(&
adds
rms? ?]
DVD.
juu.
jrrwnf?
so
v. 15 .
12. D .I^R]
Ktf/uos 6 0.
(with
nr^R.
13.
(cf. v.
12
).
*
Hence both of P s covenants are confirmed by a sign
Abrahamic covenant by circumcision, and this by the rainbow.
the
moment
the right
God.
ix. 12-17
i73
an everlasting covenant] so
Nu. i8 19 25 13 (all P).
16.
Lv. 2 48
The
idealisation of the
was
many
13>
19
Ex. 3i 16
mythologies.
To
it
"
in
the Indians
with the
rainbow occurs
iy
up
it
personified as
*Ipts,
by Homer
Olympians
(//.
of
ii.
786,
121
iii.
cf.
(xi.
Ov. Met.
27
f.,
i.
xvii.
"
13f>
The rainbow
is
OT
(Ezk.
28
nsrpn
an arc of a
circle.
With regard
to
the covenant
itself,
1 6
or is con
theologically is whether it includes the regulations of vv.
fined to the unconditional promise that there shall no more be a flood.
,
For the
latter
ZATW,
xii.
3f)-
possibly of different origin (p. 169) ; and while the first says nothing
of a covenant, the second makes no reference to the preceding stipula
tions.
Then, the sign of the covenant is a fact independent of human
action ; and it is undoubtedly the meaning of the author that the
1 7
be observed or not.
promise stands sure whether the precepts of
On the other hand, it is difficult to believe that P, to whom the nna
means so much, should have dignified by that name the negative
In the case of the Abrahamic covenant, the ma
assurance of v. 11
marks a new ordering of the relations between God and the world, and
is capable of being observed or violated by those with whom it is
established.
Analogy, therefore, is so far in favour of including the
ordinances of 1 7 in the terms of the covenant (so Is. 24"-).
Kraetzschmar
"
(Bundesvorstg. 192 ff.) solves the difficulty by the supposition that the
idea of vv. 8 17 is borrowed by P from J, and represents the notion of
the covenant characteristic of that document.
It is much
simpler to
recognise the existence of different tendencies within the priestly school
;
16.
T3] ?]
&&
12..
nK
pa]
FLOOD
74
and we have seen that there are independent reasons for regarding
If that
vv. 1 7 as supplementary to the Deluge tradition followed by P.
be the case, it is probable that these vv. were inserted by the priestly
author with the intention of bringing under the Noachic rvo those
elementary religious obligations which he regarded as universally
binding on mankind. On the conception of the nna in J and P, see
chs. 15 and 17.
The death
28, 29.
of Noah.
The form of these vv. is exactly that of the genealogy, ch. 5 while
9
they are at the same time the conclusion of the m m"?in (6 ). How much
was included under that rubric? Does it cover the whole of P s
narrative of the Flood (so that m^in is practically equivalent to bio
graphy ), or does it refer merely to the account of his immediate
descendants in 610 ? The conjecture may be hazarded that 6 9- 10 7 6
28
formed a section of the original book of mWi, and that into this
9
skeleton the full narrative of the Flood was inserted by one of the
481
The relation of the assumed
priestly writers (see the notes on 2 ).
genealogy to that of ch. 5 would be precisely that of the m*?in of Terah
10 26
In each case the second gene
).
(n 27 *) to the rrfon of Shem (n
;
>2S
is extremely short
further, it opens by repeating the last link
of the previous genealogy (in each case the birth of three sons, 5 33 6 10 )
and, finally, the second genealogy is interspersed with brief historical
It may, of course, be held that the whole history of Abraham
notices.
belongs to the mSm of Terah that is the accepted view, and the reasons
for disputing it are those mentioned on p. 40 f.
Fortunately the question
is of no great importance.
alogy
most
and perplexing problem in comparative mythology. The
wide, though curiously unequal, distribution of these stories, and the
i.
interesting
vn, Heb.
MSS
strictly historical
character of the
JUA
latter.
vm.
LEGENDS
175
the primitive seat of mankind ; and that the memory of the cataclysm
was carried with them by the various branches of the race in their
position, which is still maintained by some
attended by difficulties which are almost insuper
The scientific evidence for the antiquity of man all over the
able.
world shows that such an event (if it ever occurred) must have taken
place many thousands of years before the date assigned to Noah and
that the tradition should have been preserved for so long a time among
savage peoples without the aid of writing is incredible. The most
reasonable line of explanation (though it cannot here be followed out in
dispersion.
competent writers,
is
detail) is that the great majority of the legends preserve the recollection
of local catastrophes, such as inundations, tidal waves, seismic floods
the Isles of the Blessed to inquire of his ancestor UtnapiStim how he had
been received into the society of the gods. The answer is the long and
exceedingly graphic description of the Flood which occupies the bulk
The hero
of the Tablet.
relates
tradition in
words
done
this
as
it
"And
was
at the
On
f See Andree,
I.e.
143
ff.
and other
difficulties
by Woods
in
DB,
ii.
17
ff.
and
i.
of such a
18-72 pass.
ff.
Lenormant,
7Z<9
FLOOD
176
the Euphrates, it was resolved by the gods in council to send the Flood
(ab&bu) on the earth. Ea, who had been present at the council, resolved
and was
was divided
The lading of
into
On
ff.)
broke; and
raged
it
for six
till
nights,
all
days
fled to
"
"When
the seventh
storm was
ceased.
When
I
my
face,
my
my
down.
..."
(11.
130-142).
See
battle-
stilled,
p. 166.
From
the landing.
LEGENDS
On
this
offered a sacrifice
"The
all
177
the animals
sacrificer"
(i6off.).
The
deities then
made me
(202
dwell"
ff.).*
the Yahwistic recension than in the Priestly but there is enough in the
common substratum of the two accounts to show that the Heb. tradition
;
as a whole
Thus both
the Bab. story in the general conception of the Flood as a divine visita
tion, its universality (so far as the human race is concerned), the
number
the episode of the birds the sacrifice and the effect of its
savour on the gods. P has also its peculiar correspondences (though
some of these may have been in J originally) e.g. the precise instruc
the mention of bitumen (a distinctively Bab.
tions for building the ark
7
touch)
survivors, f
material differences on which Nickel (p. 185) lays stress viz. as to (a)
the chronology, (b) the landing-place of the ark, (c) the details of the
*
Two
the hero
is
to our
KAT
3
The
promise to comply (KIB, 256-259). See
551 f.
by Eus. present the Babylonian story
in a form substantially agreeing with that of the Gilgames Tablets,
though with some important variations in detail. See Euseb. Chron, i.
cf. Miillcr, Fr. Hist. Gr. ii. 501 ff.).
(ed. Schoene, cols. 19-24, 32-34
t See more fully Driver, p. 106.
latter s
12
FLOOD
178
sending- out of the birds, (d) the sign of the rainbow (absent in Bab.),
sink into insignificance.
They are,
(e) the name of the hero
and
shape known to us
in
Baby
And
of the Israelites.
since
Abrahamic migration,
had preserved
oral tradition
imagery.
its
indication that the story was not drawn directly from a Babylonian
source, but was taken from the lips of the common people ; although in
P it has been elaborated under the influence of the religious theory of
Over
in flashes of Homeric satire at their expense.
against this picturesque variety of deities we have in Genesis the one
almighty and righteous God, a Being capable of anger and pity, and
even change of purpose, but holy and just in His dealings with men.
It is possible that this transformation supplies the key to some subtle
Thus in the Bab.
affinities between the two streams of tradition.
version the fact that the command to build the ark precedes the
appears to indulge
Ea
of the idea of
God
in
Israel,
to purify
LEGENDS
and transform
in
179
of the
from this pair the human race sprang. In a later form of the tradition
(Mahabharata, iii. 187. 2ff.),t the Babylonian affinities are somewhat
more obvious but even in the oldest version they are not altogether
;
negligible, especially
when we remember
Mahabharata
is
of Apollodorus
chest, loaded
Pyrrha.
Translated by Eggeling, Sacred Books of the East, xii. 216 ff. See
Usener, Die Sintfluthsagen (Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen,
25 ff.
t Translated
iii.),
The
The
ff.
i.
244-
415
Paus.
i.
40.
i,
x. 6. 2, etc.
FLOOD
l8o
traditions.
and was seen by the writer, who thought it not quite big
In Usener s opinion we have here the Chaldean
legend localised at a Syrian sanctuary, there being nothing Greek about
the temple,
name Deukalion.
except the
tradition
attested
is
/acor<5s
seen standing in the attitude of prayer, f The late date of these coins
makes the hypothesis of direct Jewish, or even Christian, influence
extremely probable. The existence of a Phoenician tradition is inferred
by Usener (2480.) from the discovery in Etruria and Sardinia of bronze
models of ships with various kinds of animals standing in them one
There is no extant
of them is said to date from the yth cent. B.C.
on Gruppe s reconstruction
written record of the Phoenician legend
from the statements of Greek mythographers see above, p. 141.
:
been elaborated
may
peoples,
it
Usener,
who
in
"
still
finds the
germ
image of the god in the chest," representing the voyage of the sungod across the heavenly ocean similar explanations were independently
3
propounded by Cheyne (EB, 1063^) and Zimmern (ib. 1058 f. KAT
different
order
is
a
somewhat
the
Of
advocated
555).
astrological theory
by Jeremias (249 ff.). The Babylonian astronomers were aware that
"
ingeniously
emended
2/a/#ea,
to A. T. l^iavQio.
Abydenus.
f See the reproductions
in
i.
192)
Zcri0/>os
ATLO
131,
235-
of
LEGENDS
l8l
the course of ages the spring- equinox must traverse the watery
(southern) region of the Zodiac this, on their system, signified a sub
mergence of the whole universe in water ; and the Deluge-myth symbo
in
lises
the safe passage of the vernal sun-god through that part of the
Whatever truth there may be in these theories, it is certain
ecliptic.
Chaldean
can hardly be denied) mythical motives are present,
it seems just as likely that they were grafted on to a historic tradition as
that the history is merely the garb in which a solar or astral myth
arrayed itself. The most natural explanation of the Babylonian
narrative is after all that it is based on the vague reminiscence of
some memorable and devastating flood in the Euphrates valley, as to the
that they do not account for the concrete features of the
legend
and
if
(as
"
316.
IX. 18-27.
The
probability,
all
NOAH
82
narrative at
DRUNKENNESS
In the latter,
all.
Noah
(j)
men
who
with
tent
is
obviously
conceived as an exhibition of juvenile depravity (so Di. Bu.
;
The presumption,
al.).
therefore,
is
that vv. 20
"
27
belong to
of the passage.
First of all, we observe that in v. 24 the offender is the youngest son
of Noah, and in v. 25 is named Canaan ; while Shem and Japheth are
22
the misdeed is attributed to
referred to as his brothers.
True, in v.
the father of Canaan ; but the words 3N on have all the appear
Ham
>tt
separate source. That that source is, however, still Yahwistic, is shown
26
27
and *?n;i, v. 20 )
[in spite of D rfS^ in v. ]
partly by the language (-Tin:, v.
and more especially by the connexion with 5 s9 (see pp. 3, i33f.). It is
;
and
Ip.
The
civilisation.
19.
pK.rSa nwu]
= P 3 (G-K.
Noah
allusion to
as the
husbandman
is
p<fl
67 dd)
but from
cons., instead of
*
Comp.
earth) with
nyci
inf., is
8
very unusual (Ezr. 3 )
with io 18
(Bu.)
n4
8- 9
;
the
IX.
8-24
183
Amongst
was
p. 185.
frequently attributed to
which
his discovery
It
that
it
is
roundings.
in the words.
Heb. morality
utmost delicacy in such matters, like that
evinced by Shem and Japheth in v. 23 24. jtji^ 133 cannot
mean
his younger son
((KU) (i.e. as compared with
the
Schadenfreude implied
N
Noah was the
following Kue. (ThT, xviii. 147), proposes Ehq, ? for
first to plough the ground.
That reading would be fatal to any
1
E>
22. lan]
That
pref.
<
was
/ecu ^eXtfcoj/.
23.
nWn] On
G-K.
126
r.
the
iff
So Mr. Abrahams,
in
a private communication.
NOAH
184
Shem)
DRUNKENNESS
The conclusion
youngest (IEz.).
(j)
(Ra.); or Ham s
not to be evaded that
less
still
is
legible in the
destinies of his reputed descendants at the time when the
28f 89f
49) (on the fulfilment see the
legend took shape (cf. 27
-
concluding note,
Yahwe
the
not
is
bless
Yahwe
^K
and
Bu. (294 f.) proposed to omit
31
2 629
Shem
Yahwe
be
Blessed
Tjro
(cf. 24
of
Di. s objection, that this does not express wherein
God.
for their
read D^
!W
[both J]).
the blessing consists, applies with quite as much force to
the received text.
Perhaps a better emendation is that of
Graetz DK ^ns*
would be
7ft 3 (Tj-iIP
more acceptable)
see the next v.
27.
still
G-K.
I03/
1870, 382)
2711
with
ic6
26.
may
The
latter
is
proposed to omit
ref.
of
pi.
suff.
on^>
(coll.)
more natural
the
26b
or
here.
Ols.
ri
?.1).
name
see Note 3 in
(MBBA, June
^ (at?
substituting
pen), and retain
has avrov in 26b and atfrwv in 27h
27a
to rnN.
rts:]
<&
and explains the word from the frequent Semitic figure of spaciousness
This would almost require us to take the subject of the
for prosperity.
following clause to be
God
(v.s.).
ix. 25-27
85
&,
convey no
blessing
to
Japheth
the wish
refers
most
impossible to decide
though
naturally
dwell in the tents of denotes
whether the expression
to Japheth,
it
is
growing from primitive tillag-e, and stepped into the possession of the
farm and the vineyard at once. From this point of view the story of
Noah s drunkenness expresses the healthy recoil of primitive Semitic
morality from the licentious habits engendered by a civilisation of which
a salient feature was the enjoyment and abuse of wine. Canaan is the
prototype of the population which had succumbed to these enervatinginfluences, and is doomed by its vices to enslavement at the hands of
hardier and more virtuous races.
In the setting- in which it is placed
by the Yahwist the incident acquires a profounder and more tragic
tillage of the
first
ground
transgression.
that the invention of wine
to
And
the oracle of
other hand,
it
is
Noah
is
NOAH
86
DRUNKENNESS
(j)
to
may
lead.
uncertain.
The
this
Beyond
everything is
in terms
when
name for
the Yahwistic
Shem
Israel,
as simply a
and
identify
But that
the Philistines (We. Mey.) or the Phoenicians (Bu. Sta. Ho.).
the Hebrews should have wished for an enlargement of the Philis
tines at their own expense is incredible ; and as for the Phoenicians,
though their colonial expansion might have been viewed with compla
cency in Israel, there is no proof that an occupation of Israelitish
territory on their part either took place, or would have been approved
by the national sentiment under the monarchy. The alienation of a
n 13
is an event little
) (Bu.)
portion of Galilee to the Tyrians (i Ki. 9
in
idealised
Heb.
The difficulties of this
have
been
to
legend.
likely
theory are so great that Bertholet has proposed to recast the narrative
with the omission of Japheth, leaving Shem and Canaan as types of the
the figure of
racial antipathy between the Hebrews and Canaanites
Japheth, and the blessing on him, he supposes to have been introduced
:
Semitic world-empires
in the tents of
Japheth.
Shem
IX. 27-X.
187
feeling of the
Jews
20ff<
be the struggle for the mastery of Syria in the i4th cent. B.c.J If, as
many Assyriologists think probable, the Habiri of the Tel-Amarna
Letters be the onrij; of the OT,
i.e. the original Hebrew stock to
it would be natural to find in Shem the
which Israel belonged,
repre
sentative of these invaders; for in io21 (J) Shem is described as the
father of all the sons of Eber.
Japheth would then be one or other of
the peoples who, in concert with the Habiri, were then seeking a foot
hold in the country, possibly the Suti or the Amurri, less probably (for
These surmises must be
the reason mentioned above) the Hittites.
taken for what they are worth. Further light on that remote period of
history may yet clear up the circumstances in which the story of Noah
and his sons originated but unless the names Shem and Japheth should
be actually discovered in some historic connexion, the happiest conjec
tures can never effect a solution of the problem.
;
CH.
X.The
J).
its
GA
i.
p.
iv. p. viii.
(p.
158),
who, however,
is
inclined to
88
(p
AND
j)
in the
form of
a genealogical tree.
lucid
The headings
closing formulas.
6
on
and
( ),
"ill
DB>
22
(
ns; i| (-),
found in
:
5<
(mutilated)
summary. This framework, how
ever, contains several continuous sections which obviously belong to J.
8 12
the account of Nimrod (who is not even mentioned by P among
(a)
the sons of Kush) stands out both in character and style in strong con
note also i ?; instead of T^in ( 8 ), m,r 9 ).
the sons of
trast to P
(b)
the Shemites
Mizraim (v. i ?;). (c) 1B 19 the Canaanites (i^). (d) 21 **
21. 25
-^, 26^
^L,,
Duplication of sources is further proved by the twofold
20 - 31
v. 32
being a
final
13f<
*>
introduction to
garding
follows
n^
Shem
and
in
x^v*.
22
21
II
),
The documents,
and
re
28f>
8-12
J:
24
"
9>
served in
15-19
28-30
21.
are regarded by
see the notes.
13f.
and so
far as
original order.
probably complete; that of
every trace of Japheth has
its
Shem
In J the genealogy of
Ham
been
15ff
21
25 30
)
is
13f<
-)
is
of the Flood to a
of nations which
8<
is. 21.
25-29
= Je)
This
conclusion
is
reached
by a
somewhat
subtle
20ff>
"
two documents.
From
these premises
Vv. 8 12 may be
CH. X,
189
8
20
must
in
The names
in
eponymous
that
is
translate
the
supposed
affinities
of
the various
was held
to be accounted for
by the
This vivid and con
it
was prevalent
in
was
antiquity,
members of a
tribe or people
were spoken of as
sons
or
AW
3ff.)-
and
Dedan,
etc.)
in
Ludim,
(Rodanim,
pi.
Where
etc.).
(p
the
AND
j)
between
distinctions
Shem,
etc.,
who
is
certainly
yet
is
on the
lonia
"An
Greeks.
subdivisions were
is
includes
the
and
the whole
was Hellenes
Dorians,
Xuthus, from whose two sons, Ion and Achaeus, the lonians and
Achaeans were respectively supposed to be descended" (Dri. 112).
t See Guthe, GI, i ff.
Judging, that is, from the extracts of J that are preserved.
Kaphtorim
14
(v.
CH. X.
Mediterranean coast on the
W.
The world
outside these
is
From what has just been said it ought to be possible to form some
For P
conclusion as to the age in which the lists were drawn up.
the terminus a quo is the 8th cent., when the Cimmerian and Scythian
hordes ( ) first make their appearance south of the Caucasus the
absence of the Minaeans among the Arabian peoples, if it has any
A lower
significance, would point to the same period (see p. 203).
limit may with less certainty be found in the circumstance that the
names 019 and Tiy UT# (Persians and Arabs, first mentioned in Jer.
and Ezk.) do not occur. It would follow that the Priestly List is
2f>
pre-exilic,
if.),
Hebrews
PC
Hommel s opinion
Gu.).
that the Table contains the earliest ethnological
fresh from Arabia, and that its "Grundstock"
centuries
earlier
(so
goes back to Mosaic times and even the 3rd millennium B.C., is reached
by arbitrary excisions and alterations of the names, and by unwarranted
inferences from those which are left* (see Je. ATLO2 252).
The
lists of J, on the other hand, yield no definite indications of date.
The S Arabian tribes ( 25 30 ) might have been known as early as the
age of Solomon (Brown, EB, ii. 1699), they might even have been
,
*
It has often been pointed out that there is a remarkable agreement
between the geographical horizon of P in Gn. 10 and that of Jer.
and Ezk.
Of the 34 names of nations in P s Table, 22 occur in
Ezk. and 14 in the book of Jer. it has to be remembered, however,
that a large part of the book of Jer. is later than that prophet.
Ezk.
has perhaps 6 names which might have been expected in P if they
had been known (:n, D ^3, yip, yW, 019, lip?), and Jer. (book) has 5
The statistics certainly do not bear out the
([ ]3Ttti Q l W, 019, Tips, 39).
assertion that P compiled his list from these two books between 538
and 526 B.C. (see Di. p. 166) they rather suggest that while the general
outlook was similar, the knowledge of the outer world was in some
directions more precise in the time of Ezk. than in the Table.
;
earlier,
tell
us
AND
(P
j)
systematically
16-18
is assigned by
)
(interpolated) list of Canaanites (
of
but since a con
to
the
in.
;
Jeremias (I.e. 256)
age
Tiglath-pileser
siderable percentage of the names occurs in the Tel-Amarna letters
The
tabulated.
"
these investigations,
(a) Since only
really duplicated in P and J,* we may
all
njriq)
are
number
to
of
may have
The threefold
P and J, and
division of
mankind
common
a feature
is
to both recensions of J
if
Shem
21
(see v. ).
The
may
not
26
etc.).
Still,
the
classification
must
32
19ff<
(4
follow
some
The
basis of classification.
monuments represent
It is
the
Egyptians,
Kos,
Punt,
and
Phoenicians
N& N,
DH^P and jy^? do not count, because they are so introduced
that the two documents supplement one another.
t For the official enumeration see Zunz, GdV 2 207; Steinschneider,
ZDMG, iv. 150 f. Krauss, ZATW, 1899, 6 (1900, 38 ff.) cf. Poznanski,
B>13,
ib.
1904, 302.
CH.
193
(P
a wide scale
sion of
other hand,
is
when
Similarly,
(see p.
So
88).
far
as
concerned, the
is
main
principle
is
un
The exact
less arbitrary
or
Elam
to
and there
13
194
(p
AND
j)
doubtful
It is
(mj>x
Even
lous to Di.
;
and
p. 199),
V^
if
it
8 12
in
onhag, D fl^9 in
nearer nations
is
13f
-).
impossible to lay
it
As to the order
down any strict
within the
rule.
Jen.
to the
The
and
expansion and genealogical division of families
more by the erroneous idea that the historic peoples of
the old world were fixed within three or at most four
the
still
shows
common
most part
History
political units,
it
became a
tribe
is
an abstract
political
their history
X. IA
195
The Table
is
which omits
in
repeated
The
textual variations.
13 18a
and
list
all
is
Ch.
4 23
further abridged in
after Arpachshad in
still
names
(JEr
of
^ On
Chr.,
the ex
The Table of P.
la.
Superscription.
(P),
32
On
Shem,
Ham, and
cf.
Yepheth]
18
(J).
reported.
men
is
name
or distinction
the titled or noble race (cf. dvo/iaaris) :
nothing more than the ruling caste in opposition to the
So We. (Comp.^ 14), who compares the name Aryan,
aborigines."
and contrasts DP ^3 33 (Jb. 30) cf. Bu. Urg. 328 f. al. Gu. (73)
mentions a speculation of Jen. that
is the Babylonian Sumu, in the
sense of eldest son, who perpetuates the father s name.
Din must, at a certain stage of tradition, have
supplanted the earlier
of Noah s third son (p. 182).
The change is easily
Jjn? as the name
explicable from the extension of geographical knowledge, which made
of
"perhaps
DE>
it
impossible any longer to regard the father of the Canaanites as the
ancestor of one-third of the human race
but the origin of the name
has still to be accounted for. As a Heb. word it might mean hot
;
12
17
hence
Jb. 37 )
9
the south (Lepsius, al. ;
(Jos.
it
TA
Phoenician
Japetos
word
Din,
black,
TABLE OF PEOPLES
196
(?)
in
M VAG,
vi.
i7off.
The
J
1
i.
Gomer.
5.
apheth.
x.
27
2,
197
A.<rxw<*>)
Jer. 5I
after Ararat
name with
was a region
is
(Lenorm. Orig?
ii.
410).
Ezk. 38 2 396
The generally accepted identifica
Scythians dates from Jos. and Jer., but perhaps reflects
only a vague impression that the name is a comprehensive designation
of the barbarous races of the north, somew hat like the Umman-manda
of the Assyrians.
In one of the Tel-Amarna letters (KIB, v. 5), a land
Ga-ga is alluded to in a similar manner. But how the author differenti
ated Magog from the Cimmerians and Medes, etc., does not appear.
The name ruo is altogether obscure. That it is derived from Jia = Gyges,
(5) jiJD
(Maywy)
i.
king of Lydia (Mey. GA
p. 558),
suggestion that it is a corruption of Ass.
also be received with some caution.
no
(6)
(MaScu)
the
most improbable
is
25* si
11 - 28
,
Est.
for
i
and the
must
Gagaia),
3 - 14
Ass.
Aguza
;
"Aai<tjvo^
Schmidt,
EB,
iv.
4330 f.).
Del. Par. 246 f. ; Streck,
ZA,
321
Sayce,
HCM*,
125.
TABLE OF PEOPLES
198
(p)
see Mey.
confidently
identified.
(8) n$ V$ ( EXtcra, E\Krcra) is mentioned only in Ezk. 27 ( N ^N) as a
place supplying Tyre with purple. The older verbal identifications
with the AtoXeis (Jos. Jer. so De.), EXXds (EJ), HXts, etc., are value
Some favour Carthage,
less ; and modern opinion is greatly divided.
because of Elissa, the name of the legendary foundress of the city
;
Wi. Je. al.); others (Di. al.) southern Italy with Sicily.t The
most attractive solution is that first proposed by Conder (PEFS, 1892,
cf. 1904, 170), and widely accepted, that the Alasia of the TA
45
(Sta.
Ta/jT?7<rcr<$j
counsels of despair.
The
*
Against the theory of a second jv
would not affect the interpretation of
Red. 125-142.
in
is
ATLO*, 255.
K^B K mnoo and Eus.
20, etc.
in
see
pass.),
any case
Akad.
Sta.
Cf., further,
Chr.
Arm.
ii.
p.
13:
oO Si/ceXo/
in Cilicia (Jos.
Arabia (which
this
on Ezk. 27 7
+ et Athenienses [Arm.].
OLz. iii. 288 ff.
J See Muller, ZA, x. 257 ff.
DB, v. Sob.
Her. i. 163, iv. 152; Strabo, iii. 151;
f Cf.
EXtcr<rd,
Tarsus
Jen.
Plin.
ZA, 379 f.
HN,
iii,
Jast.
7,
iv.
x. 2,4
Jer.
al.);
Miiller,
OLz.
iii.
is
199
nn (Tarzi).
Cf.
Wi. AOF,
\.
445
f.
291.
Mac.
85
Nu. 24 s4
<&
"
(12)
(13)
Tjtf-Q
(GojSeX)]
and
are mentioned together in Ezk. 27 13 (as exporting
2f
1
(a warlike people of antiquity), 38
39 (in the
66 19 ((5r) I^D alone in Ps. i2O5
Jos. arbitrarily
(Mo<ro%)]
slaves
and copper), 32 25
army
of Gog),
identifies
Is.
but
Sea.
(14) Dyn (Getpas)] not mentioned elsewhere, was almost unanimously
taken by the ancients (Jos. {J, Jer. etc.
and so Boch. al.) to be
the Thracians ( 6/>a/c-es)
but the superficial resemblance vanishes when
the nominative ending s is removed.
Tu. was the first to suggest the
a race of Pelasgian pirates, who left many traces of their
1!vp<T-i)viol,
;
The
city,
however,
See KIB,
i.
is
i8f.,
64
f.,
called
downwards
TABLE OF PEOPLES
2OO
(P)
in Africa
6, 7, 20. The Hamitic or Southern Group
and S Arabia, but including the Canaanites of Palestine.
:
Ham.
1
i.
5.
Havilah.
6.
Mizraim.
2.
Seba.
7.
Kush.
Sabtah.
8.
r~
Ra mah.
10.
3.
Put.
4.
Canaan.
9.
Sabtekah.
~i
u. Dedan.
Sheba.
(i) ^3 ((& Xofs, but elsewhere KWloir-es> -La)] the land and people
S of Egypt (Nubia), the Ethiopians of the Greeks, the K6 of the Eg.
monuments f cf. Is. iS Jer. i3 23 Ezk. 29, Zeph. 3 etc. Ass. Kusu
occurs repeatedly in the same sense on inscrs. of Esarhaddon and
Asshurbanipal and only four passages of Esarhaddon are claimed by
Wi. for the hypothesis of a south Arabian Kusu (KA 7s 144). There is
no reason to doubt that in this v. the African Kush is meant. That the
1
5.
order.
The
We
necessary to the sense, and must be inserted, not (with We.) at the
beginning of the v., but immediately before cnsnio. The clause
n^KD is then seen to belong to v. 4 and to mean that the Mediter
D un
ranean coasts were peopled from the four centres just named as occupied
by sons of Javan. Although these places were probably all at one
time Phoenician colonies, it is not to be inferred that the writer confused
,
like nxsj in
"N]
"N
"
*
Thuc. iv. 109 Her. i. 57, 94
Tu. adloc.
f See Steindorff, BA, i. 593 f.
;
Strabo, V.
ii.
2,
iii.
other
reff. in
X.
201
5,
Red Sea
and indeed the opinion that Africa was the original cradle of
still a measure of scientific support (see Barton, OS
1
8
See, further, on v. (p. 207 f.).
24).
form of the
the
Heb.
(2) onyp
6 if.,
(Me<rpcui>)]
common
Semitic
name
of
Egypt (TA, Missari, Misri, MaSri, Mizirri; Ass. [from 8th and yth
cent. ]
Muf ur
Bab. Misir
Syr.
__5
LD
Ar. Misr).
Etymology and
meaning are uncertain Rommel suggestion (Gesch. 530 cf. Wi. AOF,
= frontier, is little probable. The
25) that it is an Ass. appellative
dual form of Heb. is usually explained by the constant distinction in
the native inscrs. between Upper and Lower Egypt, though onxD is
found in connexions (Is. n 11 Jer. 44 15 ) which limit it to Lower Eg. and
many scholars now deny that the termination is a real dual (Mey.
GA, i. 42, An. Jen. ZDMG, xlviii. 439). On the vexed question of a
N Arabian Musri, it is unnecessary to enter here. There may be
passages of OT where that view is plausible, but this is not one of
them and the idea of a wholesale confusion between Eg. and Arabia
on the part of OT writers is a nightmare which it is high time to be
s
i.
quit of.
Is.
(<J>oi;5,
66 19 ) in
but elsewhere
At/Sues)]
<&
N coast of Africa
of Egypt, are meant ((5,
9
although Nah. 3 and probably Ezk. 30 (ffi) show that the
two peoples were distinguished. Another identification, first proposed
by Ebers, has recently been strongly advocated viz. with the Pwnt of
Eg. monuments, comprising the whole African coast of the Red Sea
that the Lybians, on the
Jos. al.),
114*?., andZ>#, iv. 176 f. Je. 263 f.). The only serious
objection to this theory is the order in which the name occurs, which
suggests a place further north than Egypt (Jen. ZA, x. 325 ff.).
(W. M. Miiller,^,
(4) fyj?
Palestine,
doubtful
(Xavaav)] the
eponym
The etymology is
primarily a geographical designation.
but the sense lowland has still the best claim to acceptance
is
for that
TABLE OF PEOPLES
2O2
(?)
possible.
(JAT 3
H}p (2a|8a)]
137, 144),
Is.
43
45
it is
14
,
Ps. ya 10
the
Red Sea
the
more
word as
sand-land
(6) n^iq (Ei [e]iXa[r])] often (since Bochart) explained as
in v. 29 (J) as a Joktanite people, and in 25 18 (also J) as
;
(fr. Sin)
named
Ishmaelite Arabs.
It seems impossible to
harmonise these indications. The last is probably the most ancient,
and points to a district in N Arabia, not too far to the E. We may
conjecture that the name is derived from the large tract of loose red
sand (nefud) which stretches N of Teima and S of el-Gof.
This is
the eastern limit of the
gives
Hadramaut (see on v. 26 )
Possibly Ed/Sara,
Sabota, the
Jos. Ant.
ii.
249.
In
i.
134
f.
vi. 155,
X. 7
203
7.
nojn
(8)
27
22
Pe7/ia or
as a tribe trading
Pe7x/ta,)]
in spices,
coupled with
tat? (?
and
30,
Ezk.
doubt
n rin) in
It is
iv.
P^yfajjita 7r6Xts (a
(Glaser, 252).
(9)
8. 7f.,
word
is
a duplicate of
nrap.
SW
"
themselves on
ruins.
translated
249 f.
t Boch.
by
Miiller,
in
ZDMG,
Homm. SA
xxx. 121
f.,
an
Chrest. 103)
Glaser, 1155:
322,
AHT,
KIB,
ii.
21, 55.
TABLE OF PEOPLES
204
(p)
28
conquest of the Minaeans had led to a settlement in Yemen. V. (J),
the
southern
settlement.*
however, presupposes
(Aadav, Aedav but elsewhere Aaidav, etc.)] a merchant tribe
(n)
mentioned along- with Sheba in 2$ 3 (= i Ch. i 32 ) and Ezk. 38 13 with
13
2:i
230 miles N of Medina) in Is. 2i
Jer. 25
13
as a neighbour of Edom.
and (Or of
;
Jer. 49**, Ezk. 25
All this points to a region in the N of Arabia
and as the only other
reference (Ezk. 27 20 ) in 27 15 the text is corrupt is consistent with this,
Tema
modern Teima,
Gn. 25 3 and in
(the
c.
there
al.)
is
or
anywhere
"
The Shemitic
or Eastern Group.
With
NW,
join
Shem.
i.
Elam.
X.
7,
22
2O5
Dn. 8 2
(2)
N]
Assyria.
(3) T^ 531N
appears
in Ass.
the difficulty
is
The
(a)
best
in
accordance
is
1B")K
10ff>
xv. 256) interpret the word as arba-kisddu = [Land of the] four quarters
(or shores), after the analogy of a common designation of Babylonia in
These theories are partly prompted by the observation
royal titles.
Babylonia is admitted by Dri. (p. 223) and if there was another Kesed
near Harran, the fact must be taken account of in speculating about
;
the
meaning of Arpakgad.
*
See the interesting historical sketch by Scheil, Textes elamitessemitiques (1900), pp. ix-xv [= vol. ii. of de Morgan, Delegation en Perse :
Memoires]. Cf. Sayce, ET, xiii. 65.
t KIB, i. 177, 213, ii. 13, 89; cf. Del. Par. 124^
+ Ap0aci577s 5
vr&v
Ant.
:
A
||
roi)s
i.
vvv
XaX5aous
different conjecture in
Note Tu.
Ka\ovfj.vov
144.
EB, 3644
s objections, p. 205.
TBI,
178.
TABLE OF PEOPLES
206
H?
(?)
i ?, (3r
usually understood of the Lydians (Jos. Boch.
has never been satisfactorily explained how a people in the
of Asia Minor comes to be numbered among the Shemites.
extreme
An African people, such as appears to be contemplated in v. 13 would
be equally out of place here. A suggestion of Jen. s deserves con
sideration that TiV is the Lubdu,
a province lying "between the upper
Tigris and the Euphrates, N of Mt. Masius and its western extension,"
mentioned in KIB, i. 4 (1. 9 fr. below, rd. Lu-up-di), 177 (along with
xiv. 168; Je. 276.
Arrapha), 199. See Wi. AOF, ii. 47; Streck,
In the remaining refs. (Is, 66 19 Jer. q6 9 Ezk. 27 3o 5 ), the Lydians of
Asia Minor might be meant, in the last three as mercenaries in the
(4)
al.),
but
(jiu.
Aoi>5)]
it
ZA>
NE
Arumu)
are
first
the steppes of
(KAT3
much
i.
(TA Tab.
KIB, v. 387,
earlier date
Ramman-nirari
\c.
1325] ; ASur-ris"i.
Hence Wi. regards the second
see
5, 13).
1150]
half of the 2nd millennium B.C. as the period during which the Aramaean
is"i
[c.
nomads became
In
Ch.
17
settled
and
civilised peoples in
331 (v.
23
)
Mesopotamia and
Syria.
(8)
"ina
* oOs
is
quite
"EXX^ves
unknown.
Stfpous
irpo<rayopeijov<riv
X. 22, 2 3
32,
3i,
207
MT
17
Moo-ox, in accord with i Ch. i
?#D)] perhaps
(9) ete (jju. HE D, (
connected with Mons Masius, TO Mao-toy 5pos of Ptol. (v. 18. 2) and Strabo
a mountain range N of Nisibis now called Tur- Abdin or
(xi. xiv. 2),
Keraga Dagh (Bo. Del. Par. 259, Di. al.). The uncertainty of the
text and the fact that the Ass. monuments use a different name render
Jen.
vi. i,
(KIB>
moun
if.,
31, 32.
s closing
31
(
and
his
32
(
).
J.
slight discontinuity in v.
If so,
it
Nimrod and
8-12.
with
the
foundation of
described as a son of
is
from 6 4
There, the Gibborim are identi
with the semi-divine Nephilim
here, the Gibbor is a
ferent conception
fied
8.
-no
Yip:
The Heb.
(Nf/3pu>5)]
rebel
(C J Ra.
,
al.)
TABLE OF PEOPLES
2C>8
and
(j)
Ionia,
it is
The assumption
25ff>
people
(the 3rd)
name belonged
that the
Ka
as Hamitic,
it is
quite possible
Nimrod was not only a great tyrant and ruler of men, but
a hero of the chase (TV i^^). The v. breaks the connexion
between 8 and 10 and is probably an interpolation (Di. al.);
p.
"
|i
the
of
trated by the
ments.
cf.
Sa. ig 24 with io 12
to
first
become
Gn. 22 14
see on 4 26 9 20
9.
etc.
"
mrr 1 ]
<&
rou
#eou.
\JE^>]
the Hebrews
When
v.
as an
1
assigns it to his J
n a precarious sugges
The phrase is
before Yah we.
1
ff.)
an allusion
of Y.
possible in
9b
to the constellation
a
but hardly in
The
Orion (Ho.).
because of the n
.i.
last view is
sober exegesis
ZA,
vi.
vii.
62,
Mey.
iii.
421
GA
ff.
1
,
129; Wi.
Jen.
ZDMG,
GBA,
1.
244
78
f.,
119).
ff.;
etc.
Cf.
Schr.
KGF,
176
f.
ff. ;
Oppert, ZA,
X. 9
209
meaning
is
obscure
(v.i.).
iii.
552
f.
first
propounded
still
cf.
commends
KAT
581);
but the material points of contact between the two personages seem too
vague to establish an instructive parallel. The identification with NaziMaruttas", a late (c. 1350) and apparently not very successful king- of the
;
Kas s ite dynasty (Haupt, Hilprecht, Sayce, al.), is also unsatisfying the
supposition that that particular king was so well known in Palestine as to
eclipse all his predecessors, and take rank as the founder of Babylonian
:
civilisation, is
improbable.
The
nearest analogy
is
that of Gilgames^t
Gibbor "two parts deity and one part humanity" he builds the walls
of Erech with forced labour, and his subjects groan under his tyranny,
until they cry to Aruru to create a rival who might draw off some of his
superabundant energy (K1B, vi. i, 117, 119). Among his exploits, and
those of his companion Ea-bani, contests with beasts and monsters
figure prominently and he is supposed to be the hero so often repre
sented on seals and palace-reliefs in victorious combat with a lion (see
;
ATLO
2
266 f.).
It is true that the parallel is incomplete; and
(what
more important) that the name Nimrod remains unexplained. The
expectation that the phonetic reading of the ideographic G7$. TU. BAR
might prove to be the Bab. equivalent of the Heb. Nimrod, would seem
to have been finally dispelled by the discovery (in 1890) of the correct
pronunciation as GilgameS (but see Je. I.e.). Still, enough general
,
is
occurs in a late
Sayce (TSBA, ii. 243 ff.) derived it from the Akkadian equiva
Marduk, Amar-ud, from which he thought Nimrudu would be
a regular (Ass.) Niphal form. We. (Comp. z 309 f.) explains the 3 as an
Aram. impf. preformative to the *J inn, a corruption from Mard-uk which
lent of
14
Je.
whom
Isdubar-Nimrod.
the
myth
TABLE OF PEOPLES
2IO
10.
land of Shinar\
in the
It is
11
four cities
lonia
(j)
(ct. v.
Sn? (Ba/SuXwi/)] the Heb. form of the native Bab-ili=< gate of God
the gods (though this may be only a popular etymology). The
political supremacy of the city, whose origin is unknown, dates from the
or
(v.s.).
nj* ( A/>xa$: cf. p yOT and ptyzrn)] The name (Akkad) frequently
occurs in the inscriptions, especially in the phrase turner and Akkad,
= South and North Babylonia. But a city of Akkad is also mentioned
by Nebuchadnezzar
I.
(KIB,
iii.
lyoff.),
though
its
site is uncertain.
identity with
the
Agad
of Sargon
I.
(c.
^>9,
n^>3
1895, 510) asserts that the real pronunciation was Kullab(a), and pro
poses to read so here (n^jpii).
yyp (Zev[v~\aa.p)\ apparently the old Heb. name for Babylonia proper
21
n Zee.
1 9
2
Dn. i 2 ), afterwards DHBG pN or
(u I4 , Jos. 7 , Is. n
simply *?33 [ ]. That it is the same as Sumer (south Babylonia v.s.) is
,
5",
improbable.
More
plausible
is
TA
v. 83)
i.
IX,
11.
12.
The
HB N Ny;]
Babylonia.
21
X. IO-I2
From
where
that land he (Nimrod, v.i.) went out to Assyria]
That the great Assyrian cities
four new cities.
he built
were not
really built
nevertheless
the
from
In Mic. 5 5 Assyria
(KAT*, 21).
Nimrod.
is
land of
described as the
That & N is here the name of the land (along the Tigris, N of the
Lower Zab), and not the ancient capital (now KaV at Serkdt, about half
way between the mouths of the two Zabs), is plain from the context,
:
"i
to iy:v in v. 10
<&
political capital
is
Poo>/3tbs
places of a city
TroAti/)]
has
in
(U plateas
civitatis).
~\
As"s"ur
= Ris-in i ( fountain-head ), an
but its site is
Semitic countries
unknown. A Syrian tradition placed it at the ruins of Khorsabad, a
parasang above Nineveh, where a Ras ul-Ain is said still to be found
J
en
(Aa<re/i,
extremely
correct,
Aacri;,
Perhaps
etc.)]
common place-name
in
(cf.
Is.
and
(2) in
23").
But
Mic. 5 5
10
(i) irc to (v. ) re
Nimrod
is
the hero
TABLE OF PEOPLES
212
ZDMG,
Hoffmann
(j)
(G.
in Nestle,
of Sennacherib {K1B>
RiS-ini
Iviii.
ii.
taken to imply that the four places just enumerated had come to be
regarded as a single city. Schr. (KAT*, 99 f.) is responsible for the
statement that from the time of Sennacherib the name Nineveh was
extended to include the whole complex of cities between the Zab and
the Tigris but more recent authorities assure us that the monuments
contain no trace of such an idea (KAT* 75*; Gu. 2 78; cf. Johns, EB,
The fabulous dimensions given by Diodorus (ii. 3 cf. Jon. 3 3t )
3420).
must proceed on some such notion and it is possible that that mig-ht
have induced a late interpolator to insert the sentence here. But if the
words be a gloss, it is more probable that it springs from the nWun vyn
;
of Jn.
2
,
text in the
13,
wrong
place
in the
(ATLO 2
The sons
14.
margin opposite
,
nij
^,
and crept
into the
273).*
of Mizraim.
These doubtless
all
represent parts
(supposed) dependencies of Egypt;
although of the eight names not more than two can be
or
On O^V& =
6
Since
Egypt, see v.
Mizraim could hardly have been reckoned a son of Canaan,
the section (if documentary) must be an extract from that
identified.
certainly
18f<
belong (see
p.
188
f.).
Ch. i
Not the Lydians of Asia Minor
D"-r6)]
hardly be thought of in this connexion but (if
the text be correct) some unknown people of NE Africa (see on v. 22
The prevalent view of recent scholars is that the word is a
p. 206).
mistake for D^S, the Lybians. See Sta. Ak. Red. 141
Miiller, AE,
(1) D -i& (A-ovdicifi:
(A
TLO 2
274),
who can
iiSf.
OLz,
v.
475; al.
D ory
(&
(JUUL
(2) Q pjy.
D nDJS
ffir)
(after
i.e.
A/i/-[
Ei -]e u.eTtei,u[V])]
/
Miiller
reads
D DJ^
Knmt
or
in the
*
With the above hypothesis, Schr. s argument that, since Nineveh
here used in the restricted sense, the passage must be of earlier date
From the writer s silence
than Sennacherib, falls to the ground.
the ancient capital, it may safely be inferred that he
regarding
is
As"s"ur,
and from the omission of Sargon s new residence DurBut the latter argument
probable that he wrote before 722.
is not decisive, since Kelah and Nineveh (the only names that can be
positively identified) were both flourishing cities down to the fall of the
Sargon,
it is
Emp<re.
X.
(3) D ?n^ (Aaieijw)]
of Nah. 3 9 Dn.
variant of D^ ? (i).
,
213
14
commonly supposed
43
(31 ?)
it
(4)
the
land,
(Ne00aA*ei/i)]
name
= p-t-mahi,
nons
the north-land,
at all periods the native name of
More recently Spiegelberg (OLz. ix. 276 ff.) recognises
name of the Delta, and reads without textual change
Lower Egypt.
in
it
an old
Na-patfih
(5) D
Ezk. 3o 14 ),
see
(IlaT-poo-amet/i)]
p"ifl9
Erman,
i.e.
Upper Egypt:
P-to-re$i
cin^i? (Is.
south-land
11
,
Jer.
44
1C
,
(Ass. paturisi):
I.e.
Mtiller restores
(6) D n^pj (XcKT/Aajj/iefyi)] Doubtful conjectures in Di.
with help of (3r c JDDJ, which he identifies with the Nacra^twi/es of Her. ii.
32, iv.
(4>i>Aicmet/i)]
passages
(Jer.
47"*,
the Ph.
of Asia
nc>N
D3>p
^gean
and the
Philistines
and
MVAG,
v. 2
ff.
Moore, EB,
iii.
3713
ff.
(8) onnfls
5
There are con
Philistine territory ( i Sa. 3O 14 16 Ezk. 25 16 Zeph. 2 ).
the country
vincing reasons for connecting it with Keftiu (properly
behind ), an old Eg. name for the
lands of the Great Ring (the
-
SW
NW
When
cuckoo
this
Egypt are
all
TABLE OF PEOPLES
214
(j)
"
originality of the
name
in this
passage
so also Je.
ATLO
2
,
275.*
in the
up
have
in
i6-i8a
as a
g-i oss
Phosnician
15.
cities,
via?] cf.
see
I?"iqg:
22
(J).
18.
BOB, 2gf.wbj]
Niph.
fr.
pa
see on 9 19
24
:
55
cf.
3O
21
4-
Is
etc.
it
8- 9.
i^?n nngpo] can hardly, even if the clause be a gloss, denote the Phcen.
colonies on the Mediterranean (Brown, EB, ii. 1698 f.).
19. H:JK] as
(see G-K.
144/0 might be taken as in the direction of
(so Di. Dri. al.) ; but there does not appear to be any clear case in
which the expression differs from 5|Ni:riy = as far as (cf. lo 30 13* 25 18
one comes
[all J],
33
,
Sa
25
if-, 2 Sa. 5 ,
Ki. i846 ).
mxnH]
V.
present so many peculiar features the regular use of the
pi., the great preponderance of quadriliteral names, all vocalised alike
that we can hardly help suspecting that they are a secondary addition
to
18f>
(later?)
Egyptian geography.
X.
i6
is,
215
possible that the last five names were originally given as sons of
18b
Heth, and the previous four as sons of Zidon ?
might mean that the
persed
18bjyjsn in
}Ty]
19
The
dis
1B
to
idonians
(D :TX),
,
nhifi
The
(ch. 23
Hittites
(Eg. Heta, Ass. ffatti) were a northern non-Semitic people, who under
unknown circumstances established themselves in Cappadocia. They
appear to have invaded Babylonia at the close of the First dynasty (c. 1930
B.C.) (King, Chronicles cone, early Bab. Kings, p. 72 f.).
the time of Thothmes in. (1501-1447), they are found in
Not long
after
With
Syria.
appear till the reign of Tiglath-pileser I. (c. 1 100), when they seem to have
held the country from the Taurus and Orontes to the Euphrates, with Carchemish as one of their chief strongholds. After centuries of intermittent
warfare, they were finally incorporated in the Ass. Empire by Sargon n.
The OT allusions to the
See Paton, Syr. and Pal. 104 ff.
(c. 717).
Hittites are extremely confusing, and cannot be fully discussed here
Besides the Palestinian Hittites (whose connexion
see on i5 19 21 23 3
with the people just spoken of may be doubtful), there is mention of an
:
L
of Palestine (2 Sa. 24
I Ki.
],
The most important fact for the present purpose is
lo29 , 2 Ki. 7 6 al.).
the definite location of Hittites in the Lebanon region, or at the foot of
8
B a1
and Ju. 3 3 [as amended by Mey. al.]), cf.
Hermon (Jos.
[(S
-]
extensive Hittite country to the
[<K
does not appear what grounds Moore (Ju. 82) has for
Ju.
?).
the statement that these Hittites were Semitic.
There is certainly no
justification for treating (with Jast. EB, 2094) nn in this v. as a gloss.
The four names which follow are names of Canaanitish clans which
constantly recur in enumerations of the aborigines of Palestine, and
seldom elsewhere.
i
26
(1)
ig
10
,
It
on;?]
2 Sa. 5 6
(2)
"PH-I]
The
9
clan settled in
Jos. I5
iS28 , Ju.
etc.
An
Tablets the
Phoenician coast-territory.
Its princes Abd-Airta and Aziru were
then the most active enemies of the Egyptian authority in the north,
conducting successful operations against several of the Phoenician
cities.
It
TABLE OF PEOPLES
2l6
(j)
13ff>
9f>
MAR.
equivalent
ZATW,
and Coele-Syria.
See,
AE, 218 ff., 229 ff.; Wi. GI, 51-54, KA T3 178 ff. Mey.
We. Comp* 341 Bu. Urg. 344 ff. Dri. Deut. nf.,
122 ff.
Paton, Syr. and Pal. 25-46, U5ff.,
Sayce, DB,
84 f.
further, Muller,
i.
i.
Gen. i25f.
i.
GA\
i.
ii.
396.
21
1
only mentioned in enumerations (i5 , Dt. y Jos. 3 24",
occur as prop.
Neh. Q 8 ) without indication of locality. t?:n:i, D WIJ,
names on Punic inscrs. (Lidzbarski, Nord-sem. Epigr. 4054, 622 4 f., 6733
lY/yyeo-a.
Ephem. i. 36, 308). Ewald conjectured a connexion with
(3) Ta-i:n]
s?j")3
NT
of
u>s
The
(5)
extreme
?"$
of Phoenicia,
(*"
Pny n
and the
T
ApovKcuovJ] is
>
cities,
in the
last in Coele-Syria.
from the
city
"Apicrj
tv
ry
At/3dj>y
Ant, i. 138), the ruins of which, still bearing the name Tell Arka, are
found on the coast about 12 miles NE of Tripolis. It is mentioned by
Thothmes ill. (in the form r-ka-n-tu see AE, 247 f.), and in TA letters
(Jos.
i.
ii.
173
29
along
along
8>
KIB,
i.
109)
(KAT2
104
f.
X. 17-19, 21
217
^ovn
(8)
Sumra
now Ifama.
The delimitation
It
SW
BH
17>
pnnn
c\n nyi
21,
Shem
ms
24,
iru,
an amalgam of
18
i5
The Shemites.
25-30.
was traced
24
.
The genealogy
of
a classification of the
and Dt.
to
Eber.
These
fall
into
Shemite and
unity of the widely scattered Hebraic stock
Hebrew are convertible terms. This recognition of the
:
is
ay
ites
12
9 - 14
ZATW,
population.
2l8
TABLE OF PEOPLES
(j)
OT
OT
vanish
chief uncertainty arises from the fact that the phonetic writing Pfa-bi-ri
occurs only in a limited group of letters, those of Abd-hiba of
other letters
is
overflowing Mesopotamia and Syria (see above, p. 206; cf. Wi. A OF,
3
iii.
90 ff., KA r 196 ff.; Paton, Syr. and Pal. in ff.). There is thus a
strong probability that onny was originally the name of a group of
tribes which invaded Palestine in the I5th cent. B.C., and that it was
afterwards applied to the Israelites as the sole historic survivors of the
immigrants. Etymologically, the word has usually been interpreted as
meaning those from beyond the river (cf. tnjn nay, Jos. 24?*- ) and
on that assumption, the river is certainly not the Tigris (De.), and
almost certainly not the Jordan (We. Kau. Sta.), but (in accordance
with prevailing tradition) the
of the OT, the Euphrates, beyond
,
14f>
"inj
which lay Harran, the city whence Abraham set out. Hommel s view
(AHT, 252 fF.) has no probability (cf. Dri. I39 2 ). The vb. nay, however,
does not necessarily mean to cross (a stream) it sometimes means
6
simply to traverse a region (Jer. 2 ) and in this sense Spiegelberg
has recently (1907) revived an attractive conjecture of Goldziher (Mythos,
wanderers
nomads (OLz. x. 6i8ff.).*
p. 66), that onay signifies
;
21. The father of all the sons of *Eber~\ The writer has
apparently borrowed a genealogical list of the descendants
21.
It is
doubtful
if
the text
is
in order.
Shem
logical subj. to
iV;
is
suspicious.
The
(P).
First,
it is
extremely
likely
in J
*
In Egyptian texts from Thothmes in. to Ramses IV., the word
Apuriu (^ Apr iii) occurs as the name of a foreign population in Egypt
and had been identified by Chabas with the Hebrews of OT. The
;
identification
cogent
X. 21, 24
219
Shem.
tion.
nothing else
(v.i.).
The
difficulty is
to
is
we have
less in the
with the subj. nor does the Hoph. the Niph. does so once (Gn. ly 17 [P])
but there the ellipsis is explained by the emphasis which lies on the fact
of birth.
Further, a wn is required as subj. of the cl. 1:1 UN. The
was expressly named as the
impression is produced that originally
son of Shem, and that the words ui UN Nin referred to him (perhaps
ui UN Nin
i
Considering- the importance of the name, the
?; 0261).
najrriN
tautology is not too harsh. It would then be hardly possible to retain
the clause ui nN ; and to delete it as a gloss (although it has been pro
posed by others see OH} I admit to be difficult, just because of the
Nin DJ] cf. 42S
man ns TIN]
obscurity of the expression.
correctly
fratre J. majore. The Mass, accentuation perhaps favours the gram
matically impossible rendering of
(d5eX0y I. roG /ze^oi/os), 2, al.
which implies that Japheth was the oldest of Noah s sons, a notion
extorted from the chronology of n 10 cpd. with 5 32 7 11 (see Ra. IEz.).
It is
equally inadmissible (with IEz.) to take Srun absolutely ( = Japheth
the great).
See Bu. 304 ff. 24. n^srnx]
pref. i ? p pi
;
"ay
<&.
(with
(Bib. u. Aeg.,
TA
deserves to be reconsidered
ii.
i97
ff-)-
(cf.
Eerdmans,
I.e.
52
ff.
or Expos., 1909,
TABLE OF PEOPLES
22O
(j)
25.
T?)
Yemen.
is
genealogy
(||
to
16ff -
[P]) existed,
lff>
the
suggested by the
which
root,
Heb.
in
Aram. Arab,
(as in
in Ps. 55 10 Jb.
(cf. the vb.
25
to
reason
There
is
no
suppose that the
38 ).
very strong
J
of
Babel is referred
dispersion (sn^D, 2T etc.) of the Tower
some other
possible that
distribution of nations
to
is
it
is
(<a\e/f,
is
3>aXe7,
<J>a\e%)]
Is.
so
26
,
Ps.
6s
10
,
Hence
name
NE
el-Aflag,
S of Gebel Tuwaik
in
ji?i?;
Mythos,
leKTav}]
67) from
p.
\.
The sons
26-30.
n?
1
25.
nV;]
joxffi-
etc.
(G-K.
have
JTiDisn,
if
of
Yoktan number
but D
121 a, b)
as
vn
:n
*$
is
13,
possibly ace.
irnn] similarly 22
court of death.
ii.
39
but
ff.,
in
after
21
(J).
26.
437.
(f
(see on
pass,
as 4 18
Some MSS
221
X. 25-28
below) only
(1) TiiD^N
the Ar.
family
to
and
TT
Heb.
EXjttuSad)]
unknown.
The
is
*?*<
art.
(Wi.
variously explained as
as dl=
love (ivadda), equivalent
i.
(2aXe0)]
(2) *\h$
ZDMG,
iv. 2),
xi.
153
ff.,
the Chatramotitce of Pliny, vi. 154 (Atramifce, vi. 155, xii. 52?).
The attempts at identification proceed on
uncertain.
( IctpaS)]
(4) n
"3.)
word (= moon
),
DTnq
Dauram
(.ux
close to
435).
(6)
(7)
n ^7 T (Ae/cXa)]
)
N^pi,
Abil,
is
MM,
10),
MSS
and
have
^3iy.
^NC SN
A/StjueT/X)]
identified.
*
attention
TABLE OF PEOPLES
222
(j)
nfjiN
(u)
known
(Oi70/>)]
12
Ps.
the
to
28 16 ,
Jb. 22
as a gold-producing
Israelites
Ch.
by the
Solomon and Hiram, which brought home not only gold and
silver and precious stones, but almug-wood, ivory, apes and (?) peacocks
49
28
Whether this familiarity with the name
cf. 22 ).
lo 11 22
(i Ki. 9
implies a clear notion of its geographical position may be questioned
country
(Is. I3
45",
ships of
it
ZDMG,
we
367
ff.
Jen.
1.
246).
If
(ii.
303)
compare
to S) of the Yoktanite
The limits (probably from
territory are
30
specified in v. ; but a satisfactory explanation is impossible owing- to
the uncertainty of the three names mentioned in it (Di.).
N^P (Mcwo-Tje)
(^
the Euphrates-Tigris (Ges. Th. 823; Tu.); but the antiquity of this
name is not established. Di., following (3r, reads N^D (see on 25 14 ) in
N Arabia. This as northern limit would just include Diklah, if
Glaser
given
identification,
generally acknowledged
two places of the name
other (now pronounced
Mirbat. The latter was
:
above,
be
correct.
rn$p
(Sw^Tj/m)
is
to be
%afar
in the
The
third view
is
not
223
for in any
assisted by rendering- n3.va in the direction of (see on v. )
The
case Zafar must have been the terminus in a southern direction.
commonly received opinion is that mpn in is the name of the Frank
19
(see Di.).
XI. 1-9.
(J).
story reflects
Semitic
civilisation.
the
festations of
s>
"
"
"
"
best exhibited
B. The Tower-Recension:
The Babel-Recension ( )And
2
it was, when all the earth had one
( ) And when
they broke up from
3a
speech and one vocabulary, ( ) that the East, they found a plain in the
they said to one another, Come ! Let land of Shin ar, and settled there,
us make bricks and burn them [And they said, Let us build] ( 4a )
l
A.
l)
And
thoroughly.
(**<>,
y]
they said,
8b
(
and
the city.
called
there
that they
9a
(
build
Babel
Yahwe
may cease to
Piz
(Dispersion), for]
9b
(
224
(j)
weak
point
closes.
Gu.
is
II
">
II
<*>
II
or the other.
||
|j
II
In particular,
by the
and 7 from which far-reaching critical
consequences had already been deduced (see the notes). There are
perhaps some points of style, and some general differences of conception
between the two strata, which go to confirm the hypothesis but these
twofold descent of
Yah we
it
in
also
may
as
its
5>
20>
and
historical sequence.
be doubted if it could be followed by another \TI with inf. cl. (v. 2 ) and
may be reckoned a point in favour of Gu. s analysis. If there be
any distinction between n$y and nnrn, the former may refer to the
;
this
*
"
Overthrow
"
name
city, is
XI. 1-3
225
together in
all
broke
the East\
v.i.
Babylon
ice erai
tv
on io
10
178).
With great
3a.
the land of
the (city-)
naivete",
i.
/xeyaXw (Her.
7reSio>
up from
where
legend describes
first
speaks of a time
when
"
no brick was
laid,
no brick-mould
3b shows
360.
The accuracy
179).*
(i.
r
pronunciation and the latter to the vocabulary (Di.), or (Gu.) v to
language as a whole, and ~\ to its individual elements. D iny on;n]
= 0^, as v. 6 ). Else
a single set of vocables
t^uvT] /xta ( +
where (ay 44 2920 [with DV?;]) DHHN means single in the sense of few ;
in Ezk. 37 17 the text is uncertain (see Co.).
On the juxtaposition of
subj. and pred. in the nom. sent., see Dav.
29 (e}.-~ 2. Q-ij?. ? oypj?]
4
7ra<nf
<&
moderns prefer
as they
Nearly
wandered in the east or eastward
justifying- the translation by
11
which is the only place where onpD means eastward with a vb. of
I3
That pD never means from the east is at least a hazardous
motion.
all
assertion in view of
is
etc.)
hence
37
Is. 2 6
11
Ass.
yoj (cf.
remove,
nisti,
depart,
5>16<21
17
etc.)
and, with
Gn. I2 9 ), there
is
the possible
no case where
exception
23
of Jer.
primary idea
this
3I
(but not
lost sight of.
is
cf.
Sta. Ak.
43).
nyp?] (Syr.
A^n^,
3
n
usage, a wide, open valley, or plain (Dt. 34 Zech. i2 , Is. 40*,
is
from
The
derivation
ypn,
etc.).
questioned by Barth
^/
split,
(ES, 2), but is probable nevertheless.
3. nan] impve. of *J 3,T, used
in
interjectionally
by Gu. as a
*
Cf. Jos.
15
4 7
10
16
38 , Ex. i
690), as in vv.
e
mark
of
the
recension
(J
stylistic
-
(G-K.
c.
Ap.
i.
139, 149;
Diod.
ii.
9; Pliny,
(all J), is
?).
HN
given
the
Contr.
xxxv. 51.
226
(j)
work
their
gods
2
(KAT*, 6i6f. ATLO 52 f., 281 f.). Hence it is probably something more
than mere hyperbole when it is said of these zikkurats that the top was
made to reach heaven (see p. 228 f. below) and, on the other hand, the
resemblance between the language of the inscrs. and that of Genesis
is too striking to be dismissed as accidental.
That the tower of
Gn. 1 1 is a Bab. zikkurat is obvious on every ground and we may
,
readily suppose that a faint echo of the religious ideas just spoken of
is preserved in the legend
although to the purer faith of the Hebrews
;
by
(SU
all
J
and 5
i84 .
J3^>
labdnu
libittu
wwburned,
ZATW,
Jer. 5i
ii.
(KIB,
ii.
ZDMG,
ngifrb] dat.
70.
2B
)._-icn
(14, Ex.
of product (Di.);
3
)]
iff
6 {4 ).
burnt mass
name
(cf.
Dt. 29^,
bitumen (see on
clay, used in Palestine as
for
D2>
>2
XI. 4-9
227
Yahwe s
On heaven as the
discontinuity of narration.
12f
11 20
Ex.
cf.
28
of
-,
Yahwe,
ig
34* 24,
place
2 Ki. 2 11
and with v. 5 cf. i8 21 Ex. 3 8
dwellingKi. 22 19
On
(Ak.
some of
most characteristic
its
incidents.
In v. 8 the
name Yahwe
down to
has been substituted for that of some envoy of the gods sent
controlled
its
by
On Gu.
spiritual faith.
This
6.
rightly
(JSi
is
v<yxycri<$
v.i.
8a>9b
this
nis^S D^np nj] lit.
147 b).
incomplete interjectional sent. (G-K.
On the pointing nn, see G-K. 67 w.
is their beginning to act.
imitated in Jb. 42*. -120] lit. be inaccessible (cf. Is. 22 10
5_ijf^
,
N<>]
63
Jer. si ); hence
impracticable.
ID];] contr. for
pi. in
7. ui .ITU] (5r retains the
spite of the
Mechilta nSaw
.TTIN
= mix
divide,
(not
= understand
better, if
purpose
AM.
pr.
14 above).
(see p.
as
n^3,j]
& [._\.21J]).
*6
49
23
(G-K. %6 jdd].
t
lai;
alleged
reading
n^] G-K.
fr.
165
*]
5.
in
^3
yop]
15
42
n, and (with
<)
adds
Snaon-nw.
9. K-JJJ]
144 d).
mixture or confusion.
The name is obviously treated as a
contraction from *?3^3, a form not found in Heb., but occurring in
Aram. (cf. & v. 9 and E v. 7 ) and Arab. On the Bab. etymology of
*?2?]
the
10
name, see io
Qb.
m.T]
<&
+b
0e6s.
228
(j)
is
now
is.
evident that ideas of this order did not emanate from the
of Babylonia.
They originated rather in the unsophisti
cated reasoning of nomadic Semites who had penetrated into the
country, and formed their own notions about the wonders they beheld
It
is
official religion
there:
the
Aramaean
The
= Balbet)
stories travelled
suggests an
from land to land,
till
duk
"
On
ff.
its
its top
equal
to heaven"
(KIB,
iii.
2.
Langdon, Expos.
5).
The
1909,
ii.
XI. 1-9
229
and
it
The
fallen into disrepair (KIB, iii. 2. 53, 55).
a huge ruined mound
is entombed in Birs Nimrud
had
Borsippa
153 feet
Hil.
EBL,
13,
30
f.)
which
temple of
still
rising
local (and
Jewish) tradition identifies with the tower of Gn. ir. This view has
been accepted by many modern scholars (see EB, i. 412), by others
it is rejected in favour of E-temen-an-ki, chiefly because E-zida was not
But if the two narratives are separated,
in but only near Babylon.
there is nothing to connect the tower specially with the city of Babylon ;
and it would seem to be mainly a question which of the two was the
more imposing ruin at the time when the legend originated. It is pos
At Uru (Ur of the Chaldees) there was
sible that neither was meant.
a smaller zikkurat (about 70 feet high) of the moon-god Sin, dating
from the time of Ur-bau (c. 2700 B.C.) and his son Dungi, which Nabuna id tells us he rebuilt on the old foundation "with asphalt and bricks
"
of that place
which figured
it
in
was
If
p. 239).
it
may
Dispersion.
2. In regard to
of
humanity
fear lest
230
(j)
there.*
De
Hyginus.f
influence, their
is
too slight to
suggest a
period
be accepted
*
The fragment (K 3657) translated in Smith-Sayce, Chald. Gen.
163 ff. (cf. HCM^t I53f.)> and supposed to contain obscure allusions to
the building of a tower in Babylon, its overthrow by a god during the
night, and a confusion of speech, has since been shown to contain nothing
...
"
i.
2i9f.
Je.
ATLCP,
286.
est
est."
("
typical
example of
this class of
leal jSotfXoj
aurka
dvaprjvai
addvaros
irvetfj.a.(nv
legends
atrap
els
ovpavbv dffTep6evra.
jj,eyd\T)i>
^TTCLT
tirtdrjKev dvdjKrjv
dve/xot /j^yav
dXX^Xois tpiv
||
otfvo/j.
On
So Gu. 2 88 f.
1810), 24, 32
ff.
XL
10
231
however tempting,
is
XI. 10-26.
(P).
work
MT
MT
number of generations
in
is
9, but in (& 10, corre
ch.
Few
of
the
with
names
can be plausibly
5.
sponding
these few are mostly geographical, and point
identified
on the whole to
Mesopotamia as the original home of
;
NW
the
Hebrew
race.
loff<
25f>
)>
We. (Comp. 2 9,
which a fragment may have been preserved in w. 28 30
Pro!. 6 313) has conjectured that it consisted of the 7 names left of P s
21 24
list when Arpakad and Shelah (see on io
) and the first Nah6r are
omitted (Abraham counting as the 7th). But there is no proof that the
Yahwistic genealogy lying behind ch. 5 was 7-membered and J s
loff
could not in any case be the continuation of 4 16 22
parallel to n
22
10. IK^SIN] see on io
He is here obviously the oldest son of Shem
which does not necessarily involve a contradiction with ch. io, the
"
name
of
7i3n IPX
Shem
crn^y>]
s son,
this
GENEALOGY OF SHEM
232
32
11
28f
ology of 5 7 9
(?)
It is
Mez
Ruua
4
18
possibly abbreviated from ^Kfljrj (36 , Ex. 2
considers it a divine name. An Aramaean
tribe
is
238 ff.). 20. Jnif (Sepovx)] a- well-known city and district about half-way
between Carchemish and Harran, mentioned by Syr. and Arab, writers
under the name Sarug. The name (Sarugi) also occurs several times
in the census of the district round Harran (yth cent. B.C.), published by
Johns under the title of An Assyrian Domesday Book see pp. 29, 30,
:
22.
Jos. 24
2
)
in
20
J the brother of Abraham (22
both the grandfather and the brother (n 26).
n inj (Na^w/))] is in
P he
is
cf.
The
*^ V,
in
^V.
clan-name
the
24.
mn
Doctrine of Addai,
(0ct/3p<x)]
is
as possibly a corruption of
turahfi, the
Ass.
word
for
wild
(ZA,
vi.
identify
70; Hittiter
167
f.
KM\
:
und Armenier,
KAT*,
Hittite
484).
26.
and
j&
150
[esp.
154]) is inclined to
"sicher unmoglich."
ff.
Cf.
Noldeke,
ZDMG,
xl.
XI. 12-26
233
ff.
above)
GENEALOGY OF SHEM
234
(?)
gives a period of 187 year- weeks from the Creation to the birth of
Arp., followed by another of 81 (567-^7) to the birth of Abraham.
observe further that the earlier period embraces 1 1 generations with an
We
+ 215
Temple) +
The odd 46 years
year
(For,
if
30 days
in
The
first
third of this
Great Year ends with the b. of Noah 1056 = 4 x 260+ 16 ( of 46). The
but here there
second third nearly coincides with the b. of Jacob
is a discrepancy of 5 years, which Bo. accounts for by the assumption
that the figure of the older reckoning by generations has in the case of
Jacob been allowed to remain in the text. (2) (5r reckons with a Great
Month of 355 years (the number of days in the lunar year), and a Great
Year of 12 x 355 = 4260 years from the Creation to the founding of the
;
1908, 2).
f Allowing a year for the Flood,
b.
of ArpakSad.
1
J See i Ki. 6
((5).
AT
und
bei
Josephus
(MVAG
it
and the
XI. 27-32
Significant subdivisions cannot be traced.
235
JLJU.
(3)
XI. 27-32.
The vv.
P and J, an
27 - 31 - 32
),
J).
28 ~ 30
from
and
lff>
J is peculiarly tantalising
tradition
Hebrews
of the
On
32
the analysis,
;
source.
After Jos. 5 6
The odd
nVx]
v. 27 it
7 years
still
p. 136).
One cannot
help surmising that the final 13 was originally intended to get rid of
it, though the textual data do not enable us now to bring out a round
number.
GENEALOGY OF TERAH
236
j)
(?,
life of Abraham.
That is wholly improbable. It is
enough that a heading- (D.TQK n N) has been somewhere omitted
but the truth is that from this point onwards
(so We. Bu. Ho. al.)
no consistent principle can be discovered in the use of the formula. The
hypothesis that an originally independent book of T6ledoth has been
broken up and dislocated by the redaction, is as plausible a solution as
19
any that can be thought of. See, further, on 25
On
27.
the
Haran
above.
name Abram,
begat Lof]
on Nahor, v. 22
see on i7 5
statement to the same effect
;
in J (see i2 4a ).
Haran has no
signifi
The name ci ?
AOF,
499).
= cleave to ). A connexion
is
ii.
is
probable.
Ur
"HK
right bank of the Euphrates, about 25 miles SE from Erech and 125
from Babylon (see Hilp. EBL, 172!?.). The evidence for this view is
28.
is
\45 Vi7]
the lifetime
coram
(<&
tvu-rriov),
of (5 ju^-K^D)
cf.
Nu. 3 4
see
(U
BOB
so Tu.), or
and G-B.
in
s.v.
E ); cf J er 22 10 4 6 18 Ezk. 2 3 15 Ru.
(
1
3
30
3i 32, Nu io (all J).
phrase in Pent, is 101 IN, I2
From the way in which the two expressions alternate, it is probable
that they are equivalent and since D alone certainly means kindred
7
20
8 6 ), it is better to render land of one s parentage
(43 [J], cf. Est. 2
here and I2 1 ] (cf. Bu. 4I9 2 ). P
than land in which one was born
has the word, but only in the sense of progeny (48 6 Lv. i8 9 [H]).
C
:$.
irnViD
p x]
v
so 24 7
13
(J), 3i
A commoner
2".
24"*
10>
[>
tions of D
Jiin.
ii.
XI. 27-30
237
very strong-. Uru is the only city of the name known from Assyriology (although the addition of the gen. triea suggests that others were
known to the Israelites G-K. 125 h) it was situated in the properly
Chaldasan territory, was a city of great importance and vast antiquity,
and (like Harran, with which it is here connected) was a chief centre of
The only circumstance
the worship of the moon-god Sin (KAT? i2t)f.).
that creates serious misgiving is that the prevalent tradition of Gen.
points to the NE as the direction whence the patriarchs migrated to
Canaan (see below) and this has led to attempts to find a northern
Ur connected probably w ith the Mesopotamian Chaldaeans of 22 22 (see
Kittel, Gesch. i. 163 ff.).
Syrian tradition identifies it with Edessa
(Urhai, Urfa). It is generally recognised, however, that these considera
tions are insufficient to invalidate the arguments in favour of Uru.
D ^3]
Bab. KaSdu, Ass. Kaldu (Xa\5-cu ot), is the name of a group of
Semitic tribes, distinguished from the Arabs and Aramaeans, who are
found settled to the SE of Babylonia, round the shore of the Persian Gulf.
In the i ith cent, or earlier they are believed to have penetrated Babylonia,
3
at first as roving, pastoral nomads (KA 7* 22 ff.), but ultimately giving
:
their
By
name
to the country,
Damasc.
was
in
i.
152
Eupolemos
"UN
Nimrod
of
xii.
(Jub.
told that
in
to be
12-14; J er Qucest., ad
While we are
2p.
came
Nahor
loc.
&J, Ber.R.
wife
that
was
38, Ra.).
his brother s
said of the
surprising
nothing
12
E
of
to
Sarai.
she
was
Abraham s
According
parentage
(2o ),
but this does not entitle us to suppose that
half-sister
is
it
daughter,
is
words expressing
the
text
tradition
the rule
of J
among
It
With regard
n~iV
correspond
29.
not in
2
Sa. 6
G-K.
23
.
It is
146/1
30.
mpy] as 25 21
29"
(J)
GENEALOGY OF TERAH
238
(?,
j)
xi. 299 f.
of IStar, also worshipped there (Jen.
KAT*, 364 f.).
It is needless to say that these associations, if they existed, are forgotten
in the Hebrew legend.
If, as is not improbable, the tradition contains
28 *express (i) the dissolution of an older
ethnographic reminiscences, v.
;
ZA>
31, 32.
Canaan
to
is
two stages.
in
he dies.
The obvious
implication
resumed by Abram
that
is
his
after
death
alone
(i2 ); although
gives a chronology consistent with this view (v. supra].
Nahor, we are left to infer, remained behind in Ur-Kasdim
the journey
is
jux
and
in the
subsequent narratives
(in
opposition to J) seems
(& Xappav
cf.
Gr. K&ppai
between
Lat. Carra,
NW
Carchemish, situated near the Balih, 70 miles due N from its confluence
4f
with the Euphrates.
[P],
Though seldom mentioned in OT (i2
12
23
43
it was a city of
and
now
2
Ki.
2
Ezk.
2
gio
ruined,
rj]j
i9
27
t),
g4
27
great antiquity, and retained its commercial importance in classical
and mediaeval times. The name in Ass. appears to be susceptible of
caravan
several interpretations
way,
(TA Tab.), joint-stock
5
any one of which might denote
enterprise (Del. ffd-wb. s.v., KAT
-
2<f]
NW
daug-hter-in-law
]A\n,
in Syr.
relic of
Ar.
sister-in-law,
spouse and
a fact adduced
XI. 31, 32
plausible
239
make Ur-Kasdim
(in
of
Abrahamic migration,
J has
no allusion to a journey from Ur to Harran. His language is perfectly
consistent either (a) with a march directly from Ur to Canaan, or (b)
with the view that the real starting-point was Harran, and that Tixa
DHBO is here a gloss intended to harmonise J and P. Now, there is a
group of passages in J which, taken together, unmistakably imply
that Abraham was a native of Harran, and therefore started from
thence to seek the promised land. In 24* 7 10 the place of A. s nativity
while a com
is Aram-Naharaim, and specially the
city of Nah5r
10
parison with 27^ 28 29* leaves no doubt that the city of Nahor was
Harran. P, on the other hand, nowhere deviates from his theory of a
and the persistency with
double migration with a halt at Harran
which he dissociates Laban and Rebecca from Nahor (25 20 28
-) is a
proof that the omission of Nah6r from the party that left Ur was
It is evident, then, that we have to do with a
intentional (Bu. 421 ff.).
2>5ff
"
were represented
to
show
and he
We.
is
* The
suggestion has, of course, been made (Wi. AOF. \. 980.;
Paton, Syr. and Pal. 42) that E is the source of the Ur-Kasdim tradition j
but in view of Jos. 242 that is not probable.
between
J,
XII-XXV.
18.
E, and
P are
is
demarca
seldom a serious
to Bethel,
but
is
of Lot, but by the implication that Abraham s home was in the Negeb,
and perhaps by a less idealised conception of the patriarch s character.
in ch. 16,
b
plausibly assigned to J . (To this source
Gu. also assigns the Yahwistic component of ch. 15; but that chapter
shows so many signs of later elaboration that it can hardly have
belonged to either of the primary sources.) After ch. 19, the hand of J
13,
is
240
XII.-XXV.
b
18
241
"
"
2.
"
"
||
Abraham
s history.
like J
But
b
,
it
||
makes
is
the
Negeb (Beersheba)
remarkable that
in ch.
26
we
find unquestionable
was
the patron of
Putting all the indications together, we are led to a tentative hypo
thesis regarding the formation of the Abrahamic legend, which has
some value for the clearing of our ideas, though it must be held with
great reserve.
centres,
in
The question
is
It is
traditions
33
b
phrase call by the name of Yahwe (V i2 [i3 ], [but cf. 2I
(J )])
and the optimistic religious outlook expressed in the blessing of Noah
h
26ff
is shared in a marked degree by the writer of J
Have we here
(9
-)
fragments of a work whose theme was the history of the Yahwereligion, from its commencement with Enosh to its establishment in the
leading sanctuaries of Palestine by Abraham and Isaac? See I2 7
6
(Shechem),
16
18
12"
(Bethel), is
(Hebron),
2 6- 5
(Beersheba).
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
242
P)
(j,
added) the second is ethically and religiously on a higher level than the
first.
These were partly amalgamated, probably before the union of J h
and J b (see on ch. 26). The Hebron tradition was naturally indifferent
to the narratives which connected Abraham with the Negeb, or with
its sanctuary Beersheba
hence the writer of J h who attaches himself
to this tradition, excludes the Beersheba stories from his biography of
Abraham, but finds a place for some of them in the history of Isaac.
4b 5
6 nb 12ab
29
i6 la 3 5 17
i
i
2i lb 2b 5
3. The account of P (i2
3
9
7 11 *
12 * 17
23 25
25
) consists mostly of a skeleton biography based on the
older documents, and presupposing a knowledge of them.
The sole
raison d etre of such an outline is the chronological scheme into which
;
the various incidents are fitted that it fills some gaps in the history
(birth of Ishmael, death of Abraham) is merely an accident of the
P s affinities are chiefly with J h with whom he shares the
redaction.
idea that Hebron was the permanent residence of Abraham.
Of the
:
and 25 12
17
has probably
replaced a lost Yahwistic genealogy of Ishmael. Ch. 23 stands alone
as presumably an instance where P has preserved an altogether in
sections peculiar to P, ch. 17
is
parallel to 15,
"
dependent tradition.
Ch. 14 cannot with any show of reason be assigned to any of the
recognised sources of the Pent., and has accordingly been omitted from
the above survey.
The question of its origin is discussed on pp. 271 ff.
below.
home
Canaan and
enters
command
at the
erects
"
).
at
altars
1 8
(I2
his
(J
and
P).
Yahwe, Abram
Shechem and Bethel
of
to the Negeb,
and thence,
where by a
false repre
under stress of famine, to Egypt
his
wife
s honour
sentation he enriches himself, but imperils
1
9
Laden with wealth, he returns to Bethel, where
(i2 -i3 ).
an amicable separation from his nephew Lot leaves him in
;
2
promise of the land (i3
~ 17
Abram
).
18
).
6
Analysis. The slender thread of P s narrative is represented by i2
nb isaba. note the date in I2 4b the form of 12;
eb-j, rirj, 12
*
12
8
12
5
N
and see on the
n$?n ny, i3
i3
person, I2 ; JJ? pH, 1 2 I3
vv. below.
These fragments form a continuous epitome of the events
4b>
e.
E>93,
13";
^>
between the exodus from Harran and the parting of Abram and Lot.
With a slight and inherently plausible transposition (i2 5 4b Bu. p. 432)
thev might pass for the immediate continuation of n 32 if we can
suppose that the call of Abram was entirely omitted by P (see Gu. 231).
The rest of the passage is Yahwistic throughout obs. the consistent
-
use of mrv
10 - 13
I3
in
*?3
XII. 1-3
243
2 13
16
;
18
y nrfrro, ia
ITJIH 13?,
1 4a 6 8
1
10
;
(a) i2
(b) la
naturally into three sections
- 4
9
18
s
7 lla 12b
i2
and
redactional
links
b
/31
;
i3
being
(RJ)
uniting3
(c)
The purely mechanical con
to a on the one side and c on the other.
nexion of b with a and c was first shown by We. (Comp. z 24 f.).* The
-
:i
5<
-^
It falls
1-jio.n.
20
,
The journey
XII. 1-8.
of the Land.
I.
to
The opening
characteristic of the
Abram
There
of
is
8f
faith,
and the
Hebrew
ideal of
The
is
26f
only once (9 -) relieved by a similar
gleam of hope.
Ezk. 33 24
The
2 2 [E]; cf.
see
no
t)
futures.
28
2.
Ca. 2 10
13
)]
see
1195.
figure of
On
jnjto
(ffi
np-j? n;m]
So
Di.
Ho. Gu.
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
244
Abraham
(j,
P)
We.
legends
(cf.
may
the name
of
The
ideas
36
(i Ki. i8
prophecy
antiquity of the
name
in Israel,
and that
in this
is
13
INS, 266).* and be thou a blessing (cf. Zee. 8 )] Rather:
audit (the name) shall be a blessing (point n*n^ v.i.) i.e. a
name to bless by, in the sense explained by 3b .-^3b has
generally been rendered through thee shall all the families
descendants (so
The
all
Vns.
cf.
Sir.
is
44
21
Ac.
25
Gal. 3 8 ).
bless themselves]
the idea being that in invoking blessings on themselves or
God make thee like
others they will use such words as
etc.
Abram,
(see 48
20
,
Is.
65
16
,
Ps. 72 17
(T)>
and 28 14
i8 18 (with
13)
which
of course,
ei>
<5r
18
In 22
26 it is replaced by Hithp.,
*|a).
bless themselves
refl., and must be translated
is,
the renderings feel themselves blessed (Tu. KS. Str.), or wish them
selves blessed
(De.) are doubtful compromises. These passages,
18
and perhaps
however, belong- to secondary strata of J (as does also i8
But it is
28 14 ), and are not necessarily decisive of the sense of i2 8
significant that the Pu., which is the proper pass, of ?p3, is consistently
avoided and the presumption appears to be distinctly in favour of the
(lJ2,1!?i
f.
below.
XII.
22
"
Jer.
29
of a
man
sion of
).
3-6
245
The clause
name of Abram will pass
s prosperity" (Gu.).
2b
the
discussed below.
4a.
and
The
The mention
admiration
its
thus an expan
into a formula of
is
exegetical question
of Lot (see on
it
is
27
)
"p
nn
rrsiD
-p ID-QJI Vn
Knpc3B>
idea
is
pi
>
P
I
*"n,
general.
in
Hex.
Nfc/3"l,
e>5j]
^]
<
17"
P"
ffir
A>
-,
>
U is an amalgamation
miD=
.TTisn,
its
Ju. 7
seems
to
Aram, equivalents
Wb.
show that
(.^j
|,
33.
the
}^K),
Ji
?^]
in general, is
unlike
never
(see v. Gall,
Jos.
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
246
(j,
P)
see p.
1.
lfi
(<),
BA,
iv.
situation
J5J3, iv.
20
f.
Knudtzon,
127),
4437
f.
The
.TYID
p ?*
oracle-giving terebinth
was
evidently
an ancient sacred tree from which oracles were obtained, and therefore
a survival of primitive tree-worship. f Besides Dt. n 30 (a difficult pass.,
originally the sacred tree without distinction of species. J The J I^N of
Gn. 35 8 is called a palm in Ju. 45 , and D^N (pi. of nJ>N?) (Ex. I5 27 etc.)
But though the Mass, tradition
derived its name from 70 palm-trees.
may
Hos. 4 13
with
7.
(Wit) is at
*?K
-i**
l]
best precarious.
juuffiFS add
^.
6b
is
probably a gloss:
V^B nx^n] so 35
cf.
7b
i3
(E).
*
since
It is possible that this (ODDS ) is the oldest form in Heb. also
often has the pi. Ski/ia (33 18 35* 5 etc.).
t "Where a tree is connected with a well it was probably the
1
On the
original object of honour" (Curtiss, Prim. Sem. ReL 91).
;
<
5
2
obtaining of oracles from trees, see Rob. Sm. fiS , 195. Comp. Ju. 4
2 Sa. 5 24
and the oak of Zeus at Dodona. Duhm s brilliant generali
sation (Isaiah 1 , 13 f.), that Abraham was traditionally associated with
sacred trees, Isaac and Ishmael with sacred wells, and Jacob with
sacred stones, though not literally accurate, has sufficient truth to be
,
1899* 35 6
XII. 6-8
see Dri.
ad
loc.,
and
v.
247
ff.), it
seems
Gn. 35 4 Jos. 24 26
D jfiyo
to be
mentioned
n^xn, n^Nn (a
p"?N
mere
terebinth of
Gall, 117.
Abram moved
8.
tent (26
21
19
25
33 35 )
there he built a second altar,
Jacob
28).
(ch.
(ch. 13).
On
Di. distinguishes
Bethel (Beitin), see on 28 10fr 35* cf. Jos. f.
of Ai) from that of Jacob s
Abram s altar (E of Bethel and
which he takes to have been at Bethel itself. The more natural
-
the site of
pillar,
view
that the local sanctuary lay E of the city (so Gu.), perhaps at
Beitin^ the traditional scene of Abram s encampment (GASm.
On the somewhat uncertain situation of ^n (always with
i.
552).
is
Burg
EB,
art.
= .vy, Neh. n 31
Ch.
s8
and
n:j?,
Is.
ro 28 ), see Buhl,
GP,
177.
variants of
6ff<
before us
note the
circumstances
entire
introduced
absence
into
the
of the
other
extenuating
the
accounts,
a frank realism which
22
pnyn] intr. Hiph. as 26
(J).
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
248
P)
(j,
to the bed-rock of
Hebrew
folklore.
The
the Negeb}
to
The
(lit.
was
and
Nile
valley,
its
GJ
Guthe,
16).^
The purchase
of corn for
home
was
lff
consumption (42 -)
possible as a temporary expedient
at a somewhat more advanced stage of culture.
11-13. The
speech of
Abram
to his wife is
women
are fairer
than
all
an instructive revelation of
The Hebrew
early Israel.
and
are
sure
to be coveted
others,
social
in
by foreigners
9.
jnoji
journeying-
"n^n]
Dav.
lies
not in
86,
R. 4;
(see
Aq. vfaovoe S.
JTIDJ
on
G-K.
n2
),
The
113 u.
but in
"p^n
(cf.
idea of continuous
Ju. i4
9
).
n|j|n]
els v6rov.
The word, from a ^/ meaning
tpfiw
dry, occurs as a proper name of S Palestine (Ngb) in a document of
the reign of Thothmes m. (Muller, AE, 148; Mey. ZATW, vi. i).
Its
use to denote the S direction is rare in JE, and apparently confined to
The geographical limits of the
later additions (i3 u a8 14 , Jos. i8 5 ).
region can, of course, only be roughly determined, chiefly from the list
tv rfj
21 32
on this, and its physical characteristics, see
its cities in Jos. I5
Che. EB, 3374 ff.
Palmer, Desert of the Exodus, ii. 351 f. (1871).
15ffdwell as a client or protected guest
IO. D^
(Jer. 42
)] properly
= Ar. gar: cf. OTJC2 342 1 ). The words, however, are often used in
(na
the wider sense of temporary sojourn (i5 13 Jer. i48 ), and this may be
2
2 8 1
27 31
the case here.
2 7 a (all J).
The free use
II. Kj-nan] i6 iS
ig
of
"
"\uh
"
774
Cf.
b
-
p.
59
DJ5,
ii.
53
b
i
(note
13.
6 rt
t)>
XII. 9-io
249
first.
if
will
will
moral agent
deferential
Abram
request.
is
it
Lastly,
not a
is
proposal
a free
is
command
but a
beyond
Sarai
expectation.
and
courtiers,
is
attracts
the
Pharaoh
into
brought
notice
s
of
the
The
harem.
incident
but in ch.
20
is
only bestowed
is
it
the
after
26
in
12ff>
its
gifts
43
15f-
(cf. Jb. i 42
24 3o 32
rator as the foundation of
^"p:?]
The
title
4
15- iJns]
Shishak (i Ki. i425 ) and
t.
elsewhere
OT
except
corresponds exactly to
Eg. Pero ( Great House ), denoting originally the palace or court, and
is not applied to the person of the king earlier than the i8th dynasty
Seve"
(2 Ki.
ly
).
It
(Erman, LAE, 58 Griffith, DB, iii. 819 Mil. EB, iii. 3687). It is needless
to go further in search of an etymology, though Renouf, PSBA, xv. 421,
may be consulted. A confusion of the name here with the Pir u king of
Musuri mentioned by Sargon (KIB ii. 55, etc.), is too readily suspected
by Cheyne (EB, 3164, and TBAI, 223 cf. Wi. MVAG, iii. 2ff.). Even
supposing it proved that this is the proper name of a N Arabian prince,
the narrative here must be much older than the time of Sargon and it
is inconceivable that the Heb. designation for the kings of
Egypt should
have been determined by an isolated and accidental resemblance to a
native word.
16. After 11331 juu. inserts IND 133 njpo, and puts
;
"
"
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
250
camel, which
is
(j,
P)
Greek period.*
the
but,
religiously unclean
scruple
and
is,
besides, contradicted
by 24
35
3O
43
It is
possible that D
ninx
V^
30**,
and
cf.
below.
Yahwe interposes at
story reaches its climax.
moment to save Sarai and avert calamity from
The
17.
the extreme
it
39
we
How
etc.
Jos. (Ant.
i.
164
case
11
f.)
his sickness
pretty nearly
when he mentions
Gu.
right in
is
probably
omitted between
17
and
18
To
18, ip.
Abram
is
was not
is
prophets (Am. 3
20.
).
2 Ki. 15*,
before nnbqj,
17. V3j;i] The Pi. only of smiting with disease
D Via] Q& + KO.I irevrjpo is.
2 Ch. 2620 (Pu. Ps. 73 6 ).
irrsvw] possibly a
9
Dri.
so that I took
19. njPK}]
gloss from 2O
(KS. al.) see on 2
add at the end ioy tsify,
^1 16, Obs. 2.
+
Qb
a,
V^. 20.
74
WJK]
:
AU<
as
in
MT of I3
* Cf.
Erman,
Muller,
1
:
the phrase
Ex. 93
(J)
LAE
493.
AE,
142,
is
EB,
EHH,
634.
XII. I7-XIII. 6
251
16
as i8 3i ).
Abram] i.e. provided him with an escort
The thought of ignominious expulsion is far from the writer s
27
(n?K>
mind
injury
fresh
is
Abram
XIII.
to his
I.
home
The
narrative
in the
Negeb
i2 9 ).
Source of I2 10 20
It has already been pointed out (p. 242 f.) that, though
the section breaks the connexion of the main narrative, it is Yahwistic
.
in style ; and the question of its origin relates only to its place within
the general cycle of Yahwistic tradition.
Three views are possible :
that it is (i) a secondary expansion of J by a later hand (We.) (2) a
;
aggerate
is
not at
Hebron but
especially
in the
(c)
2-18.
Separation of
home
of
Abram
Negeb.
s theory,
Abram and
Lot.
2,
5,
7.
The
is
Chrest. 121).
narrative
the
3, 4.
A redactional
addition
(p. 243),
bringing
cf. ^67
It has
6. P s account of the parting
separation.
often been noticed that he makes no mention of a quarrel
just as J says nothing of the straitness of the land (v.i.).
:
not by the
i;
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
252
8, 9-
tolerable to
his
P)
(E^K D j**) is in
Abram, who, though the older man, renounces
for the
rights
(j,
relatives
The
tives.
for force,
Abraham and
but
Lot
s choice.
lifted
up
and saw,
his eyes
etc.]
"
"
visible.
the -whole
Oval of
the Jordan\
13
7^ = 2 Ch. 4"), or i|?n simply (v.
not (as Di. 230) the whole of the Arabah
from the Lake of Galilee to the Dead Sea, but the expansion of the
3
Jordan valley towards its S end, defined in Dt. 34 as the plain of
IT1-D
I9
13?
iv.25. 28f
Ki.
is
Jericho
(see ffG,
determinate
Dead Sea basin ; and on this hangs the much more import
ant question whether the writer conceives the Sea as non-existent at the
time to which the narrative refers. That is certainly the impression
includes the
v. 10 .
and might very well be a gloss (Ols. Di.). See below, pp. 273 f. go ar
is the S limit of the Kikkar, and, if situated at the S end of the Lake
(as is most probable), would not be seen from Bethel.
but on insufficient grounds (cf. Hupf. Qu. 21 f.) .^h, 3;r] jux D
The name is coupled with Jjy?n m 34 30 Ju. i 4 5 (J), and often appears
in enumerations of the pre-Israelite inhabitants (i5 20 etc.).
If, as is
18
Est.
probable, it be connected with n? (Dt. 3, i Sa. 6
rrtrj?
19
8
(Ezk. 38", Zee. 2 , Est. 9 ), it would mean hamlet-dwellers as dis
3B".
9"),
17
tinguished from Canaanites, occupying fortified cities (see on ^nn, io ).
That the P. were remnants of a /w-Canaanite population is hardly to
be inferred from the omission of the name in io 16f- or from its
association with the Rephaim in Jos. I7 15 this last notice is wanting
,
in
(5r
and
is
17).
9.
tfVq]
(Erj$
nini.
x
^Di^n ppNj] Ball suggests the pointing ^NJp ^n, po n (infs. abs.).
L om.
reads n^NDBTT nro n DNI nrD m n^NDt?n QN. io. n^r] juu.
fflr
15
n^ D] in the sense of watered region only again Ezk. 45 (where
"62
XIII. 7-17
like the
Yahnve
253
10 ~ 14
(2
see
district,
HG
483
f.
"ny
is
is
now
the
confirmed to Abram.
contrast
to
magnanimous surrender of
his
Abram, by
Lot
had
his claims,
14
earth} 28
*
This solemn assurance of the possession of the land ( 14 17) is some
what of a contrast to the simple promises of i2 2 7 and has affinities
with a series of passages which appear to represent a later phase of
Other reasons are adduced
religious reflexion (see on ch. 15, p. 284).
~
for thinking that :4 17 are the work of a younger hand than the original
J.
(a) It is not the habit of J to cite divine oracles without a specifica
tion of the circumstances under which the theophany takes place (but
-
see I2 lff-).
(b)
the text
is
io19 .
IKS]
which
is
The conception
not that of J b
(c) While Bethel
is
corrupt)
^A^
and
Sir.
= Tanis
39
(jitf)
23
.
in
is
Should
we
Egypt (Nu.
read
I
22
,
n^D?
Is.
-"13$$]
see
1S
19"-
etc.),
MIGRATIONS OF ABRAM
254
(j,
P)
wide prospect of the land as a whole. We. (Comp.* 25 f.) admits that
these general impressions are not such as to procure universal assent.
and Di. s answers may
In point of fact they are rather overstated
satisfy those who refuse to carry critical operations further than is
;
absolutely necessary.
We.
Nevertheless,
correct,
itself
to
impression
is
probably
The
al.*
vv.
be omitted not only without injury to the context, but with the
The
obvious advantage of bringing- out the reference of 18 to 12ft
redactor has rightly seized the point of the story, which is that by his
selfish choice Lot left Abram the sole heir of Canaan.
may
Abram moves
l8.
Mamre,
in
is
that which
The site of the tree (or trees, v.t.) is not known. There was a
Terebinth of Abraham about 15 stadia from Hebron, which was the
scene of mixed heathen and Christian worship, suppressed by order
of Constantine (Sozomen, HE, ii. 4).
Josephus (BJ, iv. 533) mentions
a very large terebinth said to have existed airb TTJS AcHcrews /J-^XP v ^ v
6 stadia from the city. In spite of the discrepancy as to distance, it
and that the site was the
is probable that these are to be identified
f/ardm Rdmet el-Halll, 2 m. N of Hebron. The difficulty in accepting
1
>
distance is inconsistent
And if we
with the statement that the sanctuary was in Hebron.
suppose the ancient Hebron to have been at er-Rdme in the vicinity
of the Hardnty this conflicts with the tradition as to the cave of
18. 1095 iS* (i4 18 iS 1 )] see on
also
reads the sing., which may be
TT)V Spuv
Ma/i/J/nJi
4
In J, Mamre is
right, though i8 cannot be cited in support of it.
said"]
to be in Hebron, in P (where the tree is never mentioned) it is a
ffov
i2 6
els
rbv aluva,
(ffi
approved by
TTJV
Ball.
of Hebron, and in i4 13
chief, the owner of the trees.
name
24
So
it
&
Amorite>
of
R JE
xin. i8-xiv.
Oak
The present
Abraham,
i6th cent.
Pal.
of
and Syr. 3
138, 142
CH. XIV.
Dri.
i.
DB,
Abram s
255
224
f.
v. Gall,
Victory over
CSt. 52.
Four Kings.
successful
campaign
ended
is
traced in
detail
in
13~ 16
(
).
On
his
homeward journey he
is
considerate of others in
ABRAM
256
impression that
Abram
VICTORY
forfeits the
Literary character.
had a peculiar
Many
role of a warrior.
literary history,
The
(a)
Muslim and
character of
prophet
show
that
it
has
vsi [= person ],
n:g T ?;,
)
contains several expressions which are eithe*
14
14
1J
pnn,
a^En,
unique or rare (see the footnotes): Tpaij,
(&TT. \ey.)
"
12
16
21
14
(eton,
),
n^ p,
v^j; Sx,
18 20 - 22
20
jap,
21
<
24
T]D,
.*
(b)
document
if it
had
not in
itself
1-4.
I.
V? ?]
the nom.
an evidence of high
The
antiquity.
(& tv
rrj jSacriXeig.
in
illo
The
i.
tempore, reading
and the
rest
nom.
all
four
the
names
names
in
A further inserts
*
The singularity of the passage appears to be reflected even in the
translation of (5r, which has some unusual renderings I TTTTOS for ^o~j,
3
11. is. 21
(nowhere else in OT) <pdpay for pcy, (not again in Pent. twice
:
in Jos.
this
connexion (Aq.
t So Di. Kittel
this
TrepcurTjs).
i.
124, 1586.), and (with reserve) Ho., all of
as the most likely source.
J So Wi. GI, ii. 26-48, who holds that the original was a cuneiform
document of legendary and mythical character, which was worked over
first by E and then by J (see below, p. 272).
whom
think of
(GH
XIV.
I,
257
^2
and as
below) do double duty, as gen. after
D
WV
which
a
a
writer
would
to
faulty syntax
good
subj.
have avoided (v.i.). The suggestion that the first two names
(see
to be the result of
traditions.
only Sodom and Gomorrah are mentioned as destroyed
so i 3 10 , Is. i 9f -, Jer. 2 3 14 etc.) and Zoar (i 9 17ff-) as spared.
8
in a manner hardly
and Zeboim are named alone in Hos.
In ch.
(i 9
24 - 28
19,
[i8
Admah
20
consistent with the idea that they were involved in the same catastrophe
as S. and G. The only passages besides this where the four are
EB, 66 f.).
Che.
nowhere
The
old
name
else.
names
in v. 1
mental evidence
is less
conclusive than
A.(JLa.p(f>a\)
(first
two names
in
third.
gen. coupled by
which
KaL),
The reading
MS
is
appealed to in support
I have little doubt
is
"
authority.
2.
j;
?!] (5r
BoAXa, etc.
3%$]
<5
2u/io/3,
of the
1 1
iDNDE
),
?y]
Zevvaap.
I
juu.
&
(Sr
Su/*oo/3,
i-pL.
N n]
the
first
MVAG,
17
1897, 308
Lean.
ff.
approved by Gu.
ABRAM
253
VICTORY
GA
Dn. 2 14 Jth.
Sumerian
seems,
equivalent of Arad-Sin, a king- of Larsa, who was succeeded by his
more famous brother, Rim-Sin, the ruler who was conquered by
Hammurabi in the 3ist year of the latter s reign (KAT*, 16, 19). The
two brothers, sons of the Elamite Kudurmabug-, were first distinguished
by Thureau-Dangin in 1907 (Sumer. iLnd Akkad. Kunigsinschr. 2iof.
2
cf. King, Chronicles concerning early Bab. Kings, vol. i. 68
Mey. GA*
I. ii.
Formerly the two names and persons were confused;
p. 550 f.).
and Schrader s attempt to identify Rim-Sin with Arioch, though
by Mey.
i
I.
is
), it
ii.
551.
now
(On
10
-yrf, see io .)
tfn*
(2)
(cf.
question by King H who further points out that this Eri-Ekua is not
styled a king, that there is nothing to connect him with Larsa, and
that consequently we have no reason to suppose him the same as
either of the well-known contemporaries of Hammurabi.
The real
significance of the discovery lies in the coincidence that on these
;
same
late
(3)
the
else)
-ip y^-n?
(Xodo\\oyo/j.op) unquestion
The
chapter.
"sensational"
announcement of Scheil
(1896), that he
(Ku-dur-nu-uh-ga-mar) in a letter of Hammurabi to Sinidinnam, king of Larsa, has been disposed of by the brilliant refutation
Cf. also Del. BA, iv. 90).
There remains
of King (op. cit. xxv-xxxix.
the prior discovery of the Pinches fragments, on which there is men
tioned thrice a king of Elam whose name, it was thought, might be
read Kudur-lah-mal or Kudur-lah-gu-mal.** The first element (Kudur)
had read
it
See Schr.
SBBA,
ff.
ZDMG,
OT
||
II
and Sayce
5.
liii.
ff.
1896, 252.
AHT,
;
Jen.,
181
1907, 7
ff. ;
ff.
Peiser,
and
XIV.
i,
259
no doubt right, but the second is very widely questioned by AssyriThere is, moreover, nothing- to show that the king in
question, whatever his name, belonged to the age of Hammurabi. |
EL
was identified
Pinches with a
j$ Vv
is
ologists.*
^1^ (C
(4)
^^/)
Qo-pyaX,
.,"
SBBA
by
who
"
1895,
is
"
.0
P<-.
name
(J6
has
\ii)
an attempt
to render the
read.
Peiser (309)
common Babylonian
title
lar kisSati.
2
even modern scholars like Tu. and No. recognise in the first two a play
on the words in (evil) and yen (wickedness). And can it be accidental
that they fall into two alliterative pairs, or that each king s name
contains exactly as many letters as that of his city ? On the other side,
it may be urged (a) that the textual tradition is too uncertain to
justify
any conclusions based on the Heb. (see the footnote) (b) the nameless;
fifth
quite possible they are late insertions in the text, and, of course (on
is elsewhere a royal name (36 32).
that view), unhistorical.
it is
j>Vf
jectural
upon
it.
*
e.g.
9
1
by King, Zimmern (KA T 486 ), Peiser (who reads
,
Bezold,
it
Kudur-
al.
ABRAM
260
VICTORY
3.
4
(see v. )
What
chapter.
for battle in v. 8
the
OT
names
see
etc.):
f.
The Sea of
below).
one of the
Salt]
Jos. 3
16
identify
i5
it
io8f.).
241-20 e tc.).
is
The
One
preliminary campaign.
of the
sur-
m(
<f>dpayya
-"n
(ATIO
2
,
118
-
z)
19 - 29
art.
jux.
(Hist.
form
;
<5r
116),
ant?:
JUA nhwx
and mostly
but
[PJ);
i.
is
late.
;
so
5.
NET] The
E OJ
p rr
26 1
XIV. 3~7
NW
In explanation, it has been suggested that the real object of the expe
was to secure command of the caravan routes in
Arabia,
dition
to the
Red Sea
(see
Tu.
E>
/xety=D
Z5iDi.
have
DH3,
text.
6.
on?]
&F&
read on?
(&/j.a
jui(SF
"13*?.
aurois, etc.).
Some MSS
of
jux
8
3
Buhl
(Ps. 3o , Jer. i7 ) in sing, of this word, but common in const, pi.
strikes out Tyfc as an explanatory gloss, retaining D^n?.
px^ "?&] $&&
render
(see
12").
S<2T
*?
ABRAM
262
VICTORY
5 7
certainty from the geographical names of
although it does not
appear quite clearly whether these are conceived as the centres of the
various nationalities or the battlefields in which they were defeated.
*
D JIP nnp-fy ( Astarte of the two horns
Eus. Prcep. Ev. i. 10 or A. of
the two-peaked mountain f) occurs as a compound name only here. A
city ASfarofk in Bashan, the capital of Og s kingdom, is mentioned in
;
43f>
OS
86 32 io8 17
268 98 ) throw
the
5ff-
(84
The various
209"
sites that
D!JV"!P
is
supposed to mean
somewhat problematical.
(Syr.
plain
On
|Zo_)
but that
(Dt. 2
of the
Red
Sea, which
is
20 1
etc.),
or yrp
(Nu.
34*,
Dt.
2 19
-
2 14).
The controversy as
to the
Barnea,
p. 37).
XIV. s-7
263
situation of this important place has been practically settled since the
appearance of Trumbull s Kadesh-Barnea m 1884(566 Guthe, ZDPV, viii.
It is the spring- now known as Ain Kadis, at the head of the
183 ff.).
Wadi of the same name, "northward of the desert proper," and about
50 m. S of Beersheba (see the description by Trumbull, op. cit.
The distance in a straight line from Elath would be about
272-275).
80 m., with a difficult ascent of 1500 ft. The alternative name B^p py
Well of Judgement ) is found only here. Since &?$ means holy* and
(
B^p judicial decision, it is a plausible conjecture of Rob. Sm. that the
from
name refers to an ordeal involving the use of holy water (Nu.
2
The sanctuary at Kadesh seems to have
the sacred well (fiS
181).
occupied a prominent place in the earliest Exodus tradition (We.
Prol. 6 341 ff.); but there is no reason why the institution just alluded
in Ji^n
to should not be of much greater antiquity than the Mosaic age.
2
En-g^di (Ain &idi) about the middle of
is, according to 2 Ch. 2O
shore of the Dead Sea. A more unsuitable approach for an
the
army to any part of the Dead Sea basin than the precipitous descent
of nearly 2000 feet at this point, could hardly be imagined
see
5")
Robinson,
descent there
BR>
i.
503.
It is
WSW
identification,
however, requires
uncertainties
(i)
that ncn n
The
named
vv. 5
peoples
in
"
20
15
16
(is , Jos. i7 , 2 Sa. 2i , Is. 17*), partly on the E,
partly on the
of the Jordan, especially in Bashan, where
reigned as the last of
11
4
the Rephaim (Dt. 3 , Jos. i2 etc.).
(2) The D W, only mentioned here,
Og
lonian confusion of
m and
TV,
mean troglodytes (see Dri. Deut. 38) but this is questioned by Jen.
2
(ZA x. 332 f., 346 f.) and Homm. (AffT, 264 ), who identify the word with
guru, the Eg. name for SW Palestine.* (5) p^pjjn] the Amalekite
was in the Negeb, extending towards Egypt (Nu. 13
territory
43 45
Sa. 27 8 ).
In ancient tradition, Amalek was the firstling of
i
i4
20
12
its ancestor was
peoples (Nu. 24 ), although, according to Gn. 36
a grandson of Esau. (6)
see on io 16 and cf. Dt. i 44 Ju. i 36
;
(."ny),
"P^n]
*Cf.
Miiller,
AE
136
f.,
148
ff.
ABRAM
264
VICTORY
Zamzummim
and
8-12.
The
(if this
final
battle,
the
four kings against
five\
The
notice
is
but
"
BR,
i.
Seetzen
(i.
wells, like
bitumen oozes from rocks round the sea, "and that (und
zwar) under the surface of the water, as swimmers have felt
and Strabo says it rose in bubbles like boiling
and seen
water from the middle of the deepest part.
II, 12. Sodom
"
10.
R. 8
G-K.
123 e
On
(cf.
is
The
taken captive.
On
XX.
see G-K.
275-, 90*
21
but nowhere else
appears in
words immediately after ai ?, an
in OT.
It is to be
indication that they have been introduced from the margin.
as
jjuffir
pri]
ffir
])
7]ta.
rnn]
the peculiar
v>
16>
XIV. 8-13
265
account leaves
The
is
gloss
Abram
in v. 13 , is
(v.i.).
and
The homeward
victory.
probably a
The
first
until
the
very near
but Abram
it
intelligence
is
we
though
it
Palestine
is
murabi (against
to believe that
difficult
NKZ,
Sellin,
earlier, in the
xvi.
time of
Ham
as
a Hebrew
in
Amorite\ see on
followed)
N?.*?
? is
18
i3
In J
personal
is
here
in
of the sacred tree or grove
of Hebron
here it is the personal name
;
a synonym
of the owner of the
it is
(whose phraseology
name
the
name
cluster,
"
noted also that Lot is elsewhere called simply the brother of Abram
14- 16
The last clause is awkwardly placed but considering- the style
).
of the chapter, we are not justified in treating it as an interpolation.
13
26
21
For the idiom, see
13. e ^n] Ezk. 24
33
(cf. Tjen, 2 Sa. i5 ).
G-K.
*
i26r.
Di. s
"jay?]
remark
or the (lord) of
(p. 235),
Mamre
that
"
helped
it
makes no
Abram,"
is
Aq. r$ TrepatTrj.l^]
jux
whether Mamre
hard to understand.
If
difference
ABRAM
266
VICTORY
Abram
the confederates of
nnn does
joined
not recur;
cf.
Abram
in v. 24 ,
14.
relative
P"]*!
ity^X (i5
2*7).
s visibility
Dan] Now
to
Hermon.
Lit.
(& AVVO.V.
emptied out, used of the unsheathing
14.
of a sword (Ex. is 9 Lv. 26 33 Ezk. 5 2 12 etc.), but never with pers. obj. as
Tu. cites the Ar. garrada, which means both unsheath a sword
here.
and detach a company from an army (see Lane) but this is no real
E"uy,
p"V}]
analogy.
ll
( equip
AU.
Wi. (AOF,
i.
and &J)
937.
17
on 4
hence
v:nq]
l.
The
young men.
J&3T
n pS
as they
io2 2 ) derives
Ball changes to
settle nothing,
(5r ^pldfj.Tjfffv
*J
"pn
air.
Xe7.,
ca.\\
(Gr
U) and
(so
3T
be conjectural.
so Sellin,
up troops
may
rovs /5tovs,
expedites,
initiated
(see
trained,
child (see p.
Lv>
Mamre and
them
for
names of
The
alternative
theory, that the names were originally those of persons, and were after
wards transferred to the places owned or inhabited by them, will hardly
bear examination.
Grape-cluster is a suitable name for a valley,
but not for a man. And does any one suppose that J would have re
corded Abram s settlement at Hebron in the terms of I3 18 if he had
been aware that Mamre was an individual living at the time? Yet the
Yahwist s historical knowledge is far less open to suspicion than that
,
14.
XIV. 14-iS
26;
47
29
Ju. i8 );
"The
scene be
here brought together for the first time here for the first
time Israel receives the gift of its sanctuary" (Gu. 253).
:
The scene of
17.
kings
vale.
as the site of
Absalom
s pillar,
The situa
(Ant. vii. 243), was two stadia from Jerusalem.
tion harmonises with the common view that Salem is
Jerusalem (see below)
exist.
and
18.
and
other information
14
Jer. 2 .
The
Ki. i6 21 ).
etc.}
The
does not
primitive
is not
15. pipiri] (cf.
Ball emends
Wi. (67, ii. 27 2 ) suggests a pre
altogether natural.
carious Ass. etymology, pointing as Piel, and rendering and he fell
on the left.
so Sellin.
The sense
upon them by night
SKD^I?] Lit.
north is rare Jos. ig 27 (P), Ezk. i6 4ti Jb. 23*.
i
p3"]!l.
rrup
more probably =
My
king
is
Zidk,
Zidk being
the
name
of a S
ABRAM
268
VICTORY
is
perfectly credible,
though not
historically attested
where
The
occurs.
it
the
is
Ps.
typical
io 4 which
,
tion that he
chief
was
in
hardly intelligible
a sense the ideal
Melkizedek in
on
the supposi
except
ancestor of the dynasty
attached
significance
is
in
argument
to
or hierarchy of Jerusalem.
discovered
e.g.
ad
to Je. [Ep.
seen)
have no
On
the
name
pvJJ 7S
209
12f
242
Arabian and
Beitr.
Is.
128).
21 - 26
,
16
TA
Stud.
(Baudissin,
deity
n8 19
OT
s.v.): (a)
(if,
create
there
is
KIB, 5o 22
Tablets:
20.
ip,
938).
(Sellin,
23
7
Jer. 3I
so , Ps.
in the
G-B. 14
see
the
palace were to be
etc., in
Phoenician
Melkizedek
The
i.
for
blessing of
15
Baethgen,
Jerusalem (see
;
no reason to believe.
19.
rnj?
must be accepted.
That this meaning can be
create
established only by late examples is certainly no objection so far as
the present passage is concerned see on 4 1
20. After ~n^, (Oi L ins.
the sense
"
deities"
(p. 31).
XIV.
Melkizedek
in
meaning
i8,
20
269
is
it is
in
There is no reason
Creator of heaven and eartJi\ so ffi5J.
to tone down the idea to that of mere possession ((JT, al.);
v. infra.
By payment of the tithe, Abram acknowledges
4
precedent
payment of
the
for
to
tithes
the
Jerusalem
already in Jub.
all
xiii.
The excision of the Melkizedek episode (see Wi. GI, ii. 29), which
seems to break the connexion of v. 21 with v. 17 is a temptingly facile
,
operation
Yah we as
but
it
is
doubtful
if
it
in the
The designation of
mouth of Abram (v. 22 ) is unintellig
be
justified.
ible
is
that vv. 18
"
lff>
m,T.
|ap]
only Hos.
8
,
Is.
646
it
is
(<&,
etc.),
a denom.
S, 4).
Pr. 49
fr.
j:,
The etymology
shield
(*J pj,
is
BDB)
ABRAMS VICTORY
2/0
"
"f
perfectly intelligible
NT
words of the
is
^n 3 ^
(33
highest
16
(Nu. 24
(Ps.
7
)>
not
Dt. 32 8
18
(?),
Canaanites
"EXiovv
(35
is
47
is
57
(2i
),
Ps.
3
by no means incredible
Ka\ovfj.fvos
33
"lY
Ev.
*
Gu. instances as a historical parallel the legal fiction by which
the imperial prestige of the Caesars was transferred to Charlemagne
and his successors. Josephus had the same view when he spoke of M.
as Xavavaluv dvvdvTrjs, and the first founder of Jerusalem (J5J, vi. 438).
Exp.
f Homm. ART, 155*?.
Sayce, Monn. 175; EHH, 28 f.
;
vii.
f.,
94
ff.,
142
Comp., in classical
J See Baethgen, Beitr. 291 f.
MeilichioSj -Xenios, Jupiter Terminus^ -Latiaris, etc.
ff.
(arts,
religion,
and
Zeus
XIV.
Maccabees were
that the
i;,
271
21-24
Ant. xvi.
1
163; Ass. Mosis, 6 ).* This title, the frequent recurrence of jv^y as a
divine name in late Pss.,the name Salem in one such Ps.,and Melkizedek
in (probably) another, make a group of coincidences which go to show
was much
in
Maccabees.
i2 7
Dn.
religious
etc.).
affinity
Yahive,
with
of the
to
El Elydn\ A recognition
of
Melkizedek, as a fellow-worshipper
The mn% however, is probably an
if
the
king.
24.
The con
this
22.
-nbnq]
On
asseveration,
the pf.,
149 a,
c.
G-K.
106
The second
/.
23.
DNi,
On
the DN of negative
to the
lit.
not unto me!
negation,
"]J^?]
(in
P"5
<F<S
also
DB
iii.
1897, p. 200
450,
ff.
EB,
i.
70
(in
On
title,
see
HISTORICITY OF
272
The case for the historic trustworthiness of the story (or the
antiquity of the source on which it is founded) rests on the followingfacts
(i) The occurrence of prehistoric names of places and peoples,
some of which had become unintelligible to later readers, and required
:
identification by explanatory
and obsolete names is not
glosses.
in
itself
Now
tion most relied upon by apologetic writers is the proof obtained from
1
Assyriology that the names in v. are historical. The evidence on this
question has been given on p. 257 ff., and need not be here recapitulated.
CH. XIV
We
273
identifications
(see,
further,
fully qualified
is disputed by
2
Mey. GA I. ii.
to judge of the
,
difficult to
especially
took place, his account is at any rate not historical (see p. 267). (ct) It
3
appears to be assumed in v. that the Dead Sea was formed subsequently
to the events narrated.
This idea seems to have been traditional in
Israel (cf. i3 10 ), but it is nevertheless quite erroneous.
Geological
evidence proves that that amazing depression in the earth s surface had
existed for ages before the advent of man on the earth, and formed,
from the first, part of a great inland lake whose waters stood originally
several hundred feet higher than the present level of the Dead Sea.
It
may, indeed, be urged that the vale of Siddim was not coextensive
with the Dead Sea basin, but only with its shallow southern Lagoon
18
HISTORICITY OF
274
passage are not confined to the four points just mentioned, but are
spread over the entire surface of the narrative and while their force
may be differently estimated by different minds, it is at least safe to say
that they more than neutralise the impression of trustworthiness which
the precise dates, numbers, and localities may at first produce.
(2) The
second class of considerations is derived from the spirit and tendency
;
tradition
may
critics is that
Israelite
historians"
(Moore,
EB,
ii.
677).
is
s range of conception
it contains no trace of the
martial ardour of ancient times, and betrays considerable ignorance of
the conditions of actual warfare
it
is
essentially the account of a
Bedouin razzia magnified into a systematic campaign for the consolida
;
tion of empire.
"
"
Gautier,
EB,
1043
f.,
1046; Hull,
DB,
i.
also Robinson,
576.
BR,
ii.
187
f. ;
CH. XIV
Or
275
did
late author,
it
come
directly
who used
it
This document he
the preparation of a cuneiform record about 1500.
supposes to have been deposited in the Temple archives of Jerusalem,
to have come into the possession of the Israelites through David s
conquest of that city. He thus leaves room for a certain distortion of
events in the primary document, and even for traces of mythological
The theory would gain immensely in plausibility if the
influence.
(p i, T:n,
alleged Canaanite parallels to the obscure expressions of vv.
should prove to be relevant. At present, however, they are not
known to be specifically Canaanite and whatever be their value it
does not appear that they tell more in favour of a Palestinian origin
than of a cuneiform basis in general. The assumption that the docu
and
14f>
p"?n)
On
late
identifications,
which our story deals was a theme of poetic and legendary treatment in
the age to which criticism is disposed approximately to assign the
It shows that a cuneiform document is not
composition of Gn. 14.
necessarily a contemporary document, and need not contain an accurate
If we suppose such a document to have come into
transcript of fact.
the possession of a Jew of the post-Exilic age, it would furnish just such
a basis of quasi-historical material as would account for the blending of
fact and fiction which the literary criticism of the chapter suggests.
In
any case the extent of the historical material remains undetermined.
The names in v. 1 are historical some such expedition to the West as is
;
here spoken of
is
possibly so
of conjecture.
The
figures of Abram and Lot
* P.
256 above.
276
(jE)
with quite distinct aspects of the problem and the fallacy lies in treat
it is like dis
ing- the chapter as a homogeneous and indivisible unity
cussing- whether the climate of Asia is hot or cold on conflicting- evidence
drawn from opposite extremes of the continent. Criticism claims to
;
make
it
actual discoveries.
CH.
XV.Gotfs
In a prolonged
interview with
Yahwe, Abram
mis
there
1 6
"
peculiar,
*
difficulties.
We may
begin by
(Comp.* 310).
as 1889
In view of the persistent misrepresentations of critical
not unnecessary to repeat once more that the historicity of
opinion, it is
the names in v.
No.
Di.
vorstellung) 40
f.).
xv.
277
He
to J
19-21
to
lb
a)3
3a. f2b?]
5. 11.
l^p.
13a. 14
assigns
( to
,).
la-
* b
16
to
2a- 8b- *
.
ancj
6>
9<
7. 8.
7f>
nature of
Abram s
righteousness
6
:
Dt. 6 25 24 13 )
cf.
9f<
17ff>
Yahwe
17
is certainly not decisive against the late author
s presence in
It is difficult to escape the impression
ship of the piece (against Gu.).
that the whole of this J narrative (including 7f- ) is the composition of an
editor who used the name m.T, but whose affinities otherwise are with
the school of
writers.
12? l 13 16
With regard
to
expansion of
J, I
12t 17
scene in contrast to
is
which most
n<
seems to me the chief element of the problem, the marks of lateness both
in 1-6 and 7 21
The phenomena might be most fully explained by the
assumption of an Elohistic basis, recast by a Jehovistic or Deuteronomic
editor (probably RJE ), and afterwards combined with extracts from its
own original but so complex a hypothesis cannot be put forward
.
1-6.
The promise
posterity
I.
I.
(E).
nWn cmmn
of an heir
The
v.
]inK] frequent in
mrvij
(22
4
(J),
and a numerous
presupposes
n;n (cf. v. )]
situation
of
1
1
29
40 48 , Jos. 24 ), but also
not elsewhere in the Hex. ;
278
(JE)
writer,
The attempts
ch.
14 (Jewish
Comm. and
and misleading.
The conception
v.i.
in J
&033
the
7
g.v.), does not describe his intercourse with God
(2o
in technical prophetic phraseology.
The representation is
not likely to have arisen before the age of written prophecy.
,
of E.
later writings:
U>
all
v.
between J and E.
nsin
(inf.
unusual and late (Ps. i3o7 EC. n 8). JXJL rmK, I will
8
is
multiply,
perhaps preferable. 2. ni.T JIN] (cf. ) is common in the
In the
elevated style of prophecy (esp. Ezk.), but rare in the Pss.
historical books it occurs only as a vocative (exc. i Ki. 2 26)
Jos. 7 Ju.
24
19. 20. 28. 29
Ki
2
,
Q f these the fifst
622 I6 8)
ylS.
3
the rest are Deuteronomic.
three are possibly J
itjrW pi] ffir has 6 5t
a meaningless sen
vies Mdcre/c TTJS oiKoyevovs /xou, OVTOS Aa/ma/cds EAt^ep,
tence in the connexion, unless supplemented by /cX7?poi/o/*^<ret /xe, as in some
abs.) as pred.
5>
is
Dt>
Sa>
MSS
w^.\
OO1
t_.rA
*^
&
paraphrases
pK D is
^^.
have been understood by any of the Vns.
Z^_i
>
(TTOT/^OZ/TOS)
as
air.
(Sr
- n^, ?
1
(j-dCDOk)5> 5].^
\ey.,
\]o
to
name
of
treats
0F^J
it
as the
g"ive
it
the sense
xv. 2-5
So
all
^n
Vns., taking-
in
279
the sense
of
die
(Ps. 39
14
:
live )
halaka], though the other sense (* walk
would be quite admissible. To die childless and leave no
cf.
Ar.
name on
is
The Vns.
absolutely unintelligible (v.t.).
names Eliezer and Damascus, and
in reading the
2b
is
agree
This
inherit (Sta.
might
n??~I? is
member
GVI,
i.
391
member
Benzinger,
of the household, but not
;
14
necessarily a home-born slave (JV3 Tp) i4 ).
5. The promise
3a 13
is E s parallel to the announce
of a numerous seed (cf.
)
}
ment of the
of
(Jb.
(similarly
"iji;
pa>Di,
^>
>
(E), 2 Sa.
12
16",
Is.
nsnnn] in J,
1
23
7
4 Jer. 49 Pr. 3O
4. TOD (ffi 1?9?)] of the father, 2 Sa.
19
of the mother, 25 23 (J), Is. 49 1 Ru. i 11 Ps.
48
5.
12 13 ]5 18
19
17
i
2 4 29 39
but also Dt. 2 4 U 25* etc.
(Jos. 2 ?)
9
,
71".
280
Ex. 32 13 Dt.
26*,
10
io22 28 62 ).
(jE)
counted
6.
it (his
implicit
)2
Yahwe) as righteousness} i Mac. 2~
npnv is here neither inherent moral character, nor piety in
the subjective sense, but a right relation to God conferred
by a divine sentence of approval (see We. Pss., SBOT, 174).
by
31
analogies in Ps. io6 24.
The
reflexion
is
came
to light.
The
7-21.
Abram
covenant.
7, 8.
The promise
(ct. v.
of the land,
),
Yahwe
difficult to reconcile
Most
narrative.
critics
"JN
But
not occur in a stratum of Yahwistic tradition (see p. 239 above).
nnenV nn ? is a decidedly Deuteronomic phrase (see Off, i. 205) on JiK
2
On the theory of a late recension of the whole passage
JUT, see on v.
these linguistic difficulties would vanish but the impression of a change
1
add
112 ss):
133; G-K.
pDKm] (on the tense, see Dri. T.
The construction with 3 is usual when the obj. of faith is God
31
Nu. i 4 u 2o 12 Dt. i 32 2 Ki. i7 14 2 Ch. 2O 20 Ps. yS 32 Jon. 3 9 ):
(Ex. i4
23
The change to $ (Ps.
Is. 43.
npiy] second obj. ace.
only Dt. g
6.
<F
D-J3N.
j>
Io6 31 )
is
unnecessary.
28 1
XV. 6-12
on
Q, 10. The preparations for the covenant ceremony
which see below, p. 283. Although not strictly sacrificial,*
the operation conforms to later Levitical usage in so far as
the animals are all such as were allowed in sacrifice, and
the birds are not divided (Lv. i 17 ).
of three years old] This
;
(cf.
&
Sa.
24
[ffi]
which renders
three (calves, etc.), is curiously enough the only Vn. that
On
misses the sense and it is followed by Ber. R., Ra. al.
,
the
three in
the
II.
ff.
tion
other to
religious
was no perfunctory
below the
level
*?nj]
Jer. 34
Xs
\_,.OV
18 - 19
young- dove
-pm]
A
IO. 151^1]
MJL
mna
a technical term
(inf.
abs.)-
"i
np?
cf.
e
;
G-K.
a conflation of
o-c^ara ra Stxoro^T^uara
D -uan and onjan (v.
).
a^ll] Hiph. of 3Kb only here in the sense of scare
read ayo, which is less expressive ;
away so Aq. (dire<r6pi)ffev) j$U.
and ffir onx a^n is quite inadmissible. 12. NU ? \TI] G-K.
cf.
139
II.
c.
cnj$n]
(J
ret
17
&
114?;
So
(MVAG,
iii.
282
and
direct
incidental.
that in
therefore be the
1-6
on the understanding
E the covenant had to do with the promise of a seed,
16ff
To
(Ex. 6
-).
13
v.
doubtful
(cf.
)
lat. 6,
ii
Ovid, Met. xii. 188, etc.).* the guilt of the Amorites]
(the inhabitants of Palestine) is frequently dwelt upon in
later writings (Dt. g 5 i Ki. i4 24 Lv. i8 24f etc. etc.)
but the
20ff
lff
2O 11 ) are
parallels from JE cited by Knobel (Gn. i8
i9
;
13-ie
v<
J,
18
"
BO")?
13
The whole of 15 may
perhaps also nj? nixp V31* in
be removed with advantage to the sense. The text of 12 is not homo
u or with 1;iff\
geneous, so that as a whole it cannot be linked either with
of the style of
in v. 6 ).
D2
avoiding the
yu-i] ace.
Cf.
immaterial.
13. Di-nyi]
(J).
113^1,
is
of condition,
We.
(5r
pr.
/ccd
/cct/cc6crov<ni>
awkward interchange
Prol. 6 308
atfr.
as a fourth generation
(Eng.
tr.
p. 308),
who
16.
8
(cf.
Jer. 3i );
"mi
G-K.
as positive
proof that the generation was reckoned as 100 years (see p. 135 above),
a view which, of course, cannot be held unless vv. 13 16 are a unity.
"
XV. 13-iS
283
i3
21
"N3JD,
HWb.
2
Benzinger, Arch. 65.
passed between these
18f
Jer, 34
(the only other allusion).
178;
pieces]
cf.
OT
covenant.*
life
of the
victim"
Bertth>
provision
is
was
restricted to
Canaan proper.
ma
here
w]
and Ezk.
pf.
i2
6<
7 - 13
*
".
turn
illo die,
Juppiter,
populum Romanum
sic ferito, ut
ego
hunc porcum hie hodie feriam, tantoque magis ferito quanto magis potes
Cf. //. iii. 2986.
pollesque."
Precisely the same idea is expressed
with great circumstantiality in an Assyrian covenant between Asurnirari and the Syrian prince Mati ilu
see Reiser, MVAG^ iii. 228 If.
:
HAGAR
284
FLIGHT
(j)
4
i Ki.
is late and unhistorical).
5
19-21. Such lists of pre-Israelite
inhabitants are characteristic of Dt. and Dtnic. expansions of JE. They
here there are 10 (see Bu.
usually contain 5 or 6 or at most 7 names
in
J>
344 ff., and Dri. s analysis, Deut. 97). The first three names appear in
none of the other lists and the same is true of the RZphaim in 20.
The Kenites (see p. 113) and Kenizzites (36 n ) are tribes of the Negeb,
both partly incorporated in Judah
the Kadmonites (only here) are
1
possibly identical with the CHJD \i? (ag ), the inhabitants of the eastern
desert.
The Hivvites, who regularly appear, are supplied here by JUA
On the ffittites, see
(after Girgashites) and ffir (after Canaanites).
and, further, on ch. 23 below.
p. 215
The idea of a covenant (or oath) of Yahwe to the patriarchs does not
5
12
31
18
appear in the literature till the time of Jer. (n ) and Deut. (4 7 8
;
Of 31 passag-es in JE where
see Kraetzschmar, 61 ff.
2 Ki. I3 23 etc.)
Kr. finds the conception (the list might be reduced), all but three (i5 18 i2 7
24 ) are assigned to the Deuteronomic (Jehovistic) redaction (see Staerk,
:
Studien, i. 37 ff.)
oath, while in
24"
g-loss.
It is,
the
m may
be very ancient,
reassure
that
is
CH. XVI.
And
persuades Abram
is
born.
XV. I9-XVI.
285
Hagar never returned, but remained in the desert and bore her
son by the well Lahai Roi (We. Comp.* 22). The chapter belongs to the
b
oldest stratum of the Abrahamic legends (J ), and is plausibly assigned
10 20
From the main narrative of J
by Gu. to the same source as i2
h
its somewhat unfavourable portraiture of Abram,
(J ) it is marked off by
version
"
and by the topography which suggests that Abram s home was in the
Negeb rather than in Hebron. The primitive character of the legend
is best seen from a close comparison with the Elohistic parallel (see p. 324).
16
3
note the chronological data
belong to P
Analysis. Vv.
the naming of the child by the father 15 (ct. n ) jyj? p,K, 8 and
The rest is J cf. nirr, 6 7
the stiff and formal precision of the style.
-
la>
15>
3 - 16
in
2>
9.
n. is.
.0.
nn^
i.
2.
s.
6.
(also
^ ^-^
[p])
2._ The
re dactional
addition in
l
(v.s.) betrays its origin by the threefold repetition of
m,T
rh, a fault of style which is in striking contrast to the exquisite
artistic form of the original narrative, though otherwise the language
shows no decided departure from Yahwistic usage (Di., but see on v. 10 ).
9f>
"ipN
3N^>p
20,24.29.
so v.
to
3
la is assigned to P partly because of D-ON
(cf. v. ), and partly
because the statement as to Sarai s barrenness supplies a gap in that
30
ib. nnc^] (from the
document, whereas in J it is anticipated by n
same fj as nnspp) is originally the slave-concubine and it is a question
ne>N
"Some
who
are their
own
property,
KAT
physiognomy
(Dri.
DB,
ii.
of
504*).
HAGAR
286
be built
Hagar
4. and went in,
2b
of
in
(j)
or obtain children
up
FLIGHT
J.
cf.
My
be avenged on thee
her injured self-respect finding vent
in a passionate and most unjust imprecation.
6. Thy maid
!
is
that
The theophany
7-14.
Yahwe]
(see below)
is
at the well.
medium
of the theophany.
The scene
water (as yet nameless: v. 14 ) in the desert
the
to
Shur
Shur.
is
nvr
3^5
(or DVI^N
locality on the
b
5io ), which gave
Ex. i5 22
D) is "Yahwe
NE
its
Sa. i5 7 27
Himself
time as
a fountain of
on the way
is
.
Angel of
first
an unknown
The
the
7.
frontier
name
to
(v.i.).
in self-manifestation,"
This somewhat
or, in other words, a personification of the theophany.
subtle definition is founded on the fact that in very many instances the
Angel
is
w. 10
with u
God and
differentiated from
Him
cp.
The
e.g.
<rov.
XVI. 4-12
287
spiritual
the
That
effacing all traces of the primitive representation (Gu. 164^).
the idea underwent a remarkable development within the
religion
OT
21
must, of course, be recognised (see esp. Ex. 23 ) but the subject cannot
be further investigated here. See Oehler, ATTh* 203-211 Schultz,
OTTh. ii. 218-223 [Eng. tr.]; Davidson, DB, i. 94; De. Gen. 282 ff.
;
of
i8
(cf.
10 are interpolated
2ff>
p,
).
(v.i.).
alone:
4 or 3
May God
cf.
5 7
-
Ju. i3
rendered
Is.
14
Yishmuel\
God
hear,
hears, in token
properly,
of Yahwe s regard for the mother s distress (i\yy cf. TO *??, 6 ).
12. a wild ass of a man] or perhaps the wild ass of
is
humanity (S3T
J
)
IEz. De.
Ishmael being
al.)
families of
is
among
the
amongst animals
24
5 8
It is a fine image of the free intractable
Jer. 2 ).
39
Bedouin character which is to be manifested in Ishmael s
(Jb.
descendants.
hardly
11
),
though
it
Possibly the
JS omits pyrr^y.
~$v\ ( wall ?) has been supposed (doubtfully)
be a line of fortifications guarding the NE frontier of Egypt. The
in the sense of
tain of
wall
(if an Arabism) may express
cursives
to
CJ
"in?
&
."
has 5^.
1
=113, 2O ).
9,
The command
Sarai
8ff-
17
75^11.
G-K.
rn ri for rn p] so Ju.
128*,
/.
&
5- 7
i3
has ]^.J.j,JLr^5
(G-K. $8od).
"jjfJL,
and
&
xw
12.
333 inj? ?
DID.
HAGAR
288
(j)
is
meaning-
FLIGHT
of
(? v.i.)
who
sees
"
".
7
Kadesh, see on i4
Bered
unknown.
is
In
Arab
tradition
the well of
Hagar
is
The
1Sf -
is
clear,
by P.
though the details are very obscure.
higher religion.
"io
"?N
and
NT
nS are traditional
names of which
the
13.
*?N
nnN]
(5r
2i>
6 0e6s 6
The vp
T^K.
of
13b - 14*
suff.).
is
t<tn5uv
For
/xe,
nriN,
TS
Tu Deus qui
vidisti
me
nfix,
would be
V-]
.^
which
JJLX.
both
deleting
substitutes nnp.
T$]
<S
The
N"}i?]
*ojn (see
r.i,&
SW
on
of
has KxiSn (Elusa), probably el-Halasa, about 12 miles
Beersheba. It has been supposed that T$ may be identical with a
place E-rjpddv in the Gerar district, mentioned by Eus. (OS, 145^ [Lag.
see v. Gall,
wno explains the name as
2 9976
KpLveus ( = J? IN^)
v. 7 ).
])>
CSt. 43-
<&ptap
XVI. I3-XVII.
we have
289
17
word
jaw-bone (Ju. is ), and in the second an
name: hence Well of the antelope s (?) jaw-bone.
V. Gall (CSt. 40 ff.) goes a step further and distinguishes two wells,
KT (IN?) py, and
nx|, the former peculiar to J and the latter to E (cf.
n
82
(5r of 24
SN, whatever its primary significance, is of a
25 ). (2)
type common in the patriarchal narratives (see p. 291). Of the sug
1Sb
by far the most attractive is that of We.
gested restorations of
the
nj>,
obsolete animal
njj>
>n
wxn and
my
who changes
(I.e.),
nnx,
vision?"
at least the
here
but
hither.
CH. XVII.
To Abram, who
God
is
2 ~8
circumcision
The
).
new name
of which
),
Abraham
henceforth to be called
the
1
(
),
5
(
),
entering- into a
the
is
sign
covenant
heir of this
(P).
is
rite
of
to be
new stage
God
to the world.
Source.
zhapter.
be
(throughout, except
scribal error)
7-
pnx,
HP
10 - 19
<
12- 1S - 2s -
v. 1 ,
1
*?N,
on-nV,
where
rva
D pn, 3
7 - 9 - 12
;
either a redactional
ni.T is
DH;D,
3- 7 -
19<
jru,
8
21
;
p,
jjnn
IND 1ND3,
;
nirm,
2. e.
20
8
;
n"?K
change or a
nar^a,
-jy-w
nnx
10- 12- 28
2
20 .
ui vsm nmaai,
nmi mj,
mpo,
-nrp,
DN^J,
;
n^in,
nin orn D^ya, 23 M
see Di. Ho. Gu.
References to the passage in other
2 4
28 4 35 12 , Ex. 2 24 63 (Lv. I2 3 ?).
parts of P are 2i
12 - 27
14
19
20
2QO
(?)
\\
||
||
15")
|j
||
||
The Covenant-promises.
1-8.
number
(a)
2b 4 ~ 6
-
terity
7b 8b
-
);
(c)
We recognise
tion
an
in
8a
).
indissoluble
phany, as
cation of
clear
is
God
to
from
v. 22 .
It is
Abram recorded
in P.
8
sparing in his use of the theophany, though Ex. 6 seems to
imply that his narrative contained one to each of the three
If that
patriarchs.
lost,
El Shaddai\ The
origin, etymology,
and significance of
this
I.
SN] For a summary of the views held regarding this divine
name, the reader may be referred to Baethgen, Beitr. 293 ff., or
Kautzsch in EB, iii. 3326 f. (cf. Che. ib. iv. 4419 f.); on the render
"*\y
ings of the ancient Vns., see the synopses of Di. (259), Dri. (404
f.),
It is unfortunately impossible to
and Valeton (ZATW, xii. n ).
ascertain whether nt? was originally an independent noun, or an
Noldeke and Baethgen decide for the latter view. The
attribute of *?x
traditional Jewish etymology resolves the word into v = ~\yx and
the all-sufficient or self-sufficient (Ber. R.
46 cf. Ra. v*v wn JN
,vu Ss ? wn^Ka H). Though this theory can be traced as far back as
the rendering of Aq. S. and 0. (iKav6s), it is an utterly groundless
1
"5,
XVII. 1-4
are alike obscure
title
29
In
it
the
is
3
or rather it
signature of the patriarchal age (Ex. 6
as
the patron of the Abrahamic
designates the true God
)
covenant
My
Is.
2.
38
cf.
On
Jn.
below.
blameless
perfect] or
of the covenant
father of a multitude
see on 6 9
(n*
"!?),
see p.
tumult] of nations]
In substance the promise is repeated in 28 3 48 4 (&% ^]i?)
the peculiar expression here anticipates
and 35 11 (D? t2 P)
While J (i2 2 i8 18 46 3 ) restricts the
the etymology of v. 6
297
f.
4.
(lit.
promise to Israel
pna
^3),
P speaks
of
nations
in
the
me>
etymologies are
= demon
from
(pointing
me>
>J
ny
hurl
(Schwally,
ZDMG>
Hi.
136:
"a
dialectic
Vollers
equivalent of m.T in the sense of lightning-thrower
["5$]).
(ZA, xvii. 310) argues for an original it? (\/ ~M?), afterwards, through
popular etymology and change of religious meaning, fathered on ^/ lie?.
"
rabfi,
Assyriologists connect the word with $ad
great
a title of Bel and other Bab. deities (Homm. AffT, 109 f.
T3 , 358) : a view which would be more plausible if, as Frd.
Zimmern,
Several
mountain,
KA
ng>
suff.
(as
G-K.
35 /).
"?x
292
(?)
3
See, however, on 28
name is changed to Abraham, interpreted as
multitude.
Cf. Neh. 9*.
descendants of Abraham.
orn:m = [D
The equation
5.
<
Abram
Father of
al. doubt if a
between word-play and
etymology is difficult to draw and all that can safely be said is that
the strained interpretation here given proves that Drn:m is no artificial
formation, but a genuine element of tradition,
(i) The form D^N is an
cf. 1.J2N, i Sa.
abbreviation of DT^N (Nu. i6 l etc.
etc., with ij rK,
20 21
50
with DiS^N, i Ki. is 2 10 ), which occurs as
i Sa.
Dityim, 2 Ch. ii
i4
a personal name not only in Heb. but also as that of an Ass. official
(Abi-rdmu] under Esarhaddon, B.C. 677 (see KAT*, 482)*.
(2) Of
The
C.VQN, on the other hand, no scientific etymology can be given.
nearest approach to P s explanation would be found in the Ar. ruhdm
= copious number (from a *J descriptive of a fine drizzling rain
serious etymology
was
3N
i:i] poq
intended.
is
The
line
14"
s.i;.).t
regard to the relation of the two forms, various theories are propounded.
Hommel (AffT, 275 ff. MVAG, ii. 271) regards the difference as merely
orthographic, the n being inserted, after the analogy of Minaean, to
mark the long a (crnriN), while a later misunderstanding is responsible
Strack and Stade (ZATW, i. 349) suppose
for the pronunciation crn~.
a dialectic distinction
according to the latter, D.VON is the original
(Edomite) form, of which D13N is the HebraVzed equivalent. % Wi. (/,
ii.
26) finds in them two distinct epithets of the moon-god Sin, one
describing him as father of the gods (Sin abu ildni), and the other
The
father of the strife of peoples ) as god of war (Sin karib ilant).
(
possibility must also be considered that the difference is due to the
;
fusion in tradition of
pB -nN] G-K.
5.
Hommel
two originally
i2i,
but nN
omitted
in
some
MSS
and
in
and
JUA.
is
not
West
Semitic, but
Babylonian, that the pronunciation was Abaram, and that the first
he loves the
element is an accusative. He suggests that it may mean
father (rdma = cm), the unnamed subject being probably a god. Comp.
xxi. (1909), 88 ff.
No.
t The Ar. kunyd, Abu-ruhm is only an accidental coincidence
"
"
ET
ZDMG
xlii.
48 4
Similarly
appearing
in
v.
2
.
Heb. as
^13.
Ar. bhtt
XVII. 5-9
293
and
27
,
The promise
6.
is
C.TUN to E.
Ch.
of kings
to
again peculiar
Hebrew monarchy
(35
The
).
descendants
reference
is
the
to
20
(DK iw, v. ),
to be to thee a God]
expressed
by
important
for
The essence
formula.*
me
God
which
a people,
Ezk. 34 24 ),
The
Lv. 26 12 ).
is
It
is
frequently recurring
notion of the covenant that the correlative
Ex. 6 7
this
among Abraham
11
always added
usually omitted by P
is
berith
is
is
conceived as a
self-
determination of
to be to
"
which
mark of the
n
Yahwe
say whether
difficult to
it is
of the covenant
10
or
see p.
it
is
297.
institution of circumcision.
And God
"OK
15
),
"HOI2>
nnto being
is
opposed
to
"^n,
observe
of
6.
in
P
*
IDD]
ji$
or
v*t-*-
^ = Ti^P
The
Ex. 67
list
2 945 ,
2 913 (cf. 2 6 17
2 Sa. 7 M
28 ,
see on
Ezk. 44**
15*.
8.
Jer.
n4
24 so
Ch. if 2 ), Zee. 8 8
22
3I
common word
23
-),
-"KPN]
Ch 7-
Lv.
1 - 88
,
Ezk.
20
as follows
In P,
elsewhere, Dt.
n
24
28
23
i4
,
34 3 6 a;
is
15"
294
(?)
representations.
It is
Ball) to read
JIN
WU
12f>
i.e.,
The conception
rite when
Hebrew
importance of the
nationality
was
dissolved, and
this corporal
Jew
obedience
the other
its
is
is
kindred
be cut off
from
(v.i.\.
48
Lev. 6 7 Nu. 65
II. on^] treated by &J as
gg: cf. Ex. I2
active, from J tai, but really abbreviated Niph. of ^/ ^D (cf. G-K. 67 dd)
a rare by-form (Jos. 5 2 ) of ^D. rrm] x nrvni, adopted by Ba. 12. rva vV]
w and Ex. i2 44 ~jrnD is the individual
see i4 14
f]D3 nupo] only vv.
ising use of 2nd p. sing., frequently alternating with 2nd pi. in legal
enactments.
So v. 13
.TDJ;D
nmDJi]
14. in^iyj juuffi + rDn ova (Ba.).
13
aH in p w h O
SO EX. 30 33 88 3 I 14 LV. 7 20/.25.27 ? 9 ^8
9
the con
his people,
Israel,
employs a number of similar phrases
113
cc,
13>
23<
^^
Nu>
>
(see ig
88
XVII. io-i8
The
295
birth of Isaac
is
into
(v.i.).
17.
and incredulity:
"
atione
19
12
6
etymology of Isaac (pmr, v. ) cf. i8 (J), 2i (E).
18. The prayer, O that Ishmael might live before thee!
under Thy protection and with Thy blessing (Hos. 62 ) is a
traditional
fine
touch of nature
vaguely
"
i.
421
f.
15.
Ho.
Tp
(ffi
p. 127
2</>a)
"
On
is
29 q\
and m;p (ffi- 2d/5pa)] According to No. (ZDMG, xl.
an an old fern, termin. surviving in Syr. Arab, and
f.
isn]
view n y
this
(/v/"ne>),
296
19
of Israel
ipa.
).
that the
(p)
naming of the
remote
May God
hear
i6 n 2i 17 ).
Ishmael is to be
sake with every kind of blessing,
except the religious privileges of the covenant. twelve
16
6 16
princes] (cf. 25 ) as contrasted with the kings of
endowed
for
Abraham
(cf.
22.
The
7PO
Abraham s
23-27. Circumcision of
section,
(cf.
13
)]
as 35 13 .
i>JH
repeated in
household.
v. 26 .
23.
Throughout the
among
Arabs there
fifteen
is
years
no fixed
rule, the
Dri. in
ii.
DB>
5O4
b
.
is
2ff>
19.
i
Ki.
Z1
2 Sa.
Nay, but, a rare asseverative (42
and adversative (Dn. io 7 21 Ezr. io is 2 Ch. i 4
,
"?3x]
43
i4
2 Ki. 4
*,
19
33")
par
and
cf.
24.
is
jju.
-"us?]
pass.
jtf.
itana]
The Niph.
is
here either
<&
72
refl.
ee.
or pass.
&
takes
it
in
*5
it
as act.
v. 27 (7repitTfj,ev aurotfs).
XVII. IQ-26
297
belief that
common
was an
it
44
to
Yahwe
various aspects of the subject, see Ploss, Das Kind in Branch und Sitte
der Volker* (1894), i. 342-372; We. Heid* 174^, Pro!. 6 338 ff.
Sta.
ZATW, vi. 132-143 the arts, in
(Macalister) and
(Benzinger)
;
DB
in Di.
258;
EB
Strack 2 ,
10ff>
10ff<
9ff>
stand the religious significance of the BZrith in P*, we have but two
to guide us.
And with regard to both, the question is keenly
discussed whether it denotes a self-imposed obligation on the part of
examples
Could
sign
this,
of the
298
(j)
The
three
their supernatural
Yahwe
16
17 ~ 21
purpose
learning
cedes eloquently on its behalf
who, on
),
),
inter
22 ~ 33
).
The
29
*]
13
33 );
p*n,
27. soff.
N*O,
10
The
16
.
n^Sn,
s
;
J,
latter part
;
oy?n,
32
),
;
jr^jr?, ; w nsS,
*
also Yahwistic (mny 20
Nr[n>n],
but contains two expansions of later date than
3>4
17 33
3- 5
We. (Conip? 27
18
is
f.)
1
15
16 2 22a 3?b
and that
original connexion between i8 and ig consists of
17-19. 22b-33a
are editorial insertions reflecting theological ideas proper to
more comprehensive
a more advanced stage of thought (see below).
-
2>
0<
"
8<
The theory
guests.
to
it
here
but
*
It is important, however, to observe that in JJUL (if we except the
10
la
but after that regularly
introductory ) the sing, does not appear till
,
up
to
15
.
XVIII. 1-3
299
tion of the
of an
phenomenon
interweaving"
Abraham
residence of
character
is
"
The entertainment
his
at
He
encampment.
women
make
to
and dresses
in haste
it
they eat
appeared^
In
in
(Lane, Mod.
etc^\
the three
Yahwe
three were
all
in self-manifestation (De.)
we can
tell.
men were
original
Yahwist the
tives of
(2
304 f.).
DVH Dh2] at the hottest (and drowsiest) time of the day
Sa. 4 5 ).
2. and behold] The mysteriously sudden advent
visibly present (see p.
of the strangers
though
The
the
this
I.
m,T]
on the
*
v.).
(3r
0e<5s.
NTDD
The same
i*?N3] (Hr
solution
7rp6s TT?
Bpvt
may
TT?
had occurred
by him as unproved.
refer
M.
to Ball
(SBOT,
1896), but
was
300
The
a mistake.
correct form
either
is
J ltf
(j)
(as 23
etc.
a fine example of the profuse, deferential, selfdepreciatory courtesy characteristic of Eastern manners.
is
speech
wash your
2^
2
21
8
2 Sa.
ig
43**, Ju. i 9
Lk. 7 , i Ti. 5
recline yourselves] not at meat (Gu.), but
during the preparation of the meal. Even in the time of
Amos (6 4 ) reclining at table seems to have been a new
4.
feet]
44
Cf.
10
ct.
fangled and luxurious habit introduced from abroad
the ancient custom 27 19 Ju. 19, i Sa. 2O5 24 i Ki. i3 20
5 8
i
Ki. i3 7
5. support your heart] with the food, Ju. ig
:
Ps.
io 4 15
bread the
cf.
of
staff
2 626 ,
Lv.
life,
Is.
and
8.
the Deity
is
they ate]
So ig 3
OT
represented as eating
20f
Ju. 6
(ct.
i3
9-15.
is
where
16
).
01 Se
The
86av
The promise
The subject
In the course of the
of a son to Sarah.
skill.
oa rjn,
which
myn,
adds
and
(Or
DJ-ny.
5.
els TTJV
odov
i-ayn
-in*}
(.mdSE
(cf.
19
-1
vfj.u>v
is
1
).-
p-Sy"
} is
f?"^y,
conj unction
2 Sa. i8 20
28
Jer. 2Q
= ?x
p6s
i
38"
f; see
2f
G-K.
s
BDB, 475 b.
omny] (5
158 6
which is too rashly accepted by Ba.
DniP ( r 9 )j
(& has the sing, wrongly.
"?y
6.
>,
by
Arabia as a refreshing and nourishing beverage (see
EB>
iii.
3089
f.).
xvm.
3 O1
4-12
life,
handling of an
delicate
less
far
Ki. 4 13
~ 16
p.
identical
Hebrew custom
10.
(Gu.).
in
situation
in
accordance probably
will return]
The
definite
on
v. 3 ).
In the
behind
loquendi
fluunt"
The
5
(cf. i6 ) are
This peculiar phrase (re
now almost invariably rendered at the
(this) time, when it revives, i.e., next year, or spring- (so Ra. lEz.
14
202 a BOB, 312 a; Ew. Gr.
cf. Ges. Th. 470; G-B.
33ya; G-K.
ii8w; K6.
3876); but the sense is extremely forced. It is sur
prising that no one seems to suspect a reference to the period of preg
rrn means a woman in child-birth (so perhaps .rn in Ex.
In
nancy.
19
i
[Ho. adv.]); and here we might point rvn nj?? or rrn 3, rendering
according to the time of a pregnant woman, or 9 months hence,
in v. 14 is no obstacle, for ly.ic is simply the time determined by the
pre
vious promise, and there is no need to add njn (( after I7 21 ).
2 Ki. 4 16
(nm a ?) does present a difficulty but that late passage is modelled on
this, and the original phrase may have been already misunderstood, as
it is
at a time
by all Vns. e.g. (Gr /rctri rbv Koupbv TOUTOV els wpaj {
when you are living j$ at this time, she being alive
tempore isfo,
vita comile.
Ba. also points as constr., but thinks n;n an old name for
vinK Kim] jux N N m
so (
ofcra ftiriadev
spring.
rum] QJX& read rrrn.
airroO.
is perhaps a neglect of the QZre perpet (NVi]).
II. D D 3 C N3]
1 2
1
cf. 24
i
Ki. i 1
D BOS
Ba. Kit. more smoothly, mc|
Jos. I3 23
DTi.
12. nj-ij;
r O^ TTW fjiAv pot ytyovev tws TOV vvv
presupposes an
9.
nDN
i]
(5r
TDK
(wrongly).
"i
V"?N]
super-linear points
"6.
16f<
6".
NH
"UpaS
MT
m]
"ID}*]
impossible text
rrjTfl;
np;g ^^?.
The change
is
perhaps alluded to
in
3O2
the
name
pnv* (see
(j)
in this
docu
ment has not been preserved. waxed old] lit. worn away,
a strong word used,
of worn out garments (Dt. 8 4 29*
e.g.>
etc.).
i"0"iy
Yahwe ?\ As the
ii\
startled
Homer
Ka
ff.)
dvdp<j)TT(i}i>
vfipiv re Kal
ef>vofj,Lt]v
Dr. Rendel Harris goes a step further, and identifies the gods with
the Dioscuri or Kabiri, finding in the prominence given to hospitality,
and the renewal of sexual functions, characteristic features of a
Dioscuric visitation (Cult of the Heavenly Twins, 37 ff.). Of the
parallels that are adduced, by far the most striking is the
account of the birth of Orion in Ovid, Fasti, v. 495 ff.
Hyrieus, an
numerous
Ar.
Aq.
14.
/JLCTCL
*6s
visited
;
after
40
nqp
n] Jer.
32
17 - OT
,
Dt. 178 3 ou
*
The belief appears to be very ancient. Dr. Frazer cites several
not always to
primitive rites in which strangers are treated as deities
their advantage (Golden Bough, ii. 225, 232, 234 f., and especially 237;
Adonis Attis Osiris, 21 ff.).
XVIII. I3~i6
name a wish
and
he, being
widowed and
303
childless,
Pudor
same
tale.
The theory
is
rendered
Fripp
(ZATW,
xii.
is
who
236.),
and by
i6-22a.
The
The judgement
Yahwe
17 19
of
Sodom
revealed.
16
and
appearance a later addition (see p. 298). (a) The
insertion assumes that Yahwe is one of the three strangers
but this
is hardly the intention of the main narrative, which continues to
speak
17
of the men in the pi. ( 22a ).
Yahwe has resolved on the
(6) In
20f
destruction of Sodom, whereas in
He proposes to abide by the result
i7 19
of a personal investigation,
show
(c) Both thought and language in
Di. s assertion
signs of Deuteronomic influence (see Ho. and Gu.).
***
have no motive apart from 17 19 and 23ff is incomprehensible
(265), that
the difficulty rather is to assign a reason for the addition of 17ff-.
The
idea seems to be that Abraham (as a prophet cf. Am. 3 7 ) must be
initiated into the divine purpose, that he may instruct his descendants in
20
and
soliloquy of
is
in
to all
the
ways of Yahwe.
l6.
in view of Sodom
(cf.
iQ
28
)]
The Dead
visible
Dip]
ffi -f
KCU
304
(j)
gaps
GP
to Himself;
158 f.).
I?. But Yahwe had said] sc.
the construction marking the introduction of a circumstance.
<
Seeing Abraham
18.
etc.}
Yah we reflects,
as
were, on the
it
and all
religious importance of the individual beside Him.
See the notes on i2 3
13 possibly refers not to
nations^ etc.}
.
Abraham but
cf.
13;
Am.
1 3
22 18 (We.).
.
ip. Comp. Dt. 6
entered
into
relations
personal
(i.e.
"
to
with
is
as
of
fulfilment
suming
nON1
An
v. 16 .
made
the promises
Restoring the
junctive
whether
pi.
We will go down
question
or not : we would know.
:
22b-33.
Re
20.
v.i.
Abraham.
to
earlier
that
we may
see
Abraham s
intercession.
-
away
Yahwe remains
That
read *njj.
19. vnyr] .uxdKF omit the suffix,
17. After nn-oN
while (5rHJ$ treat what follows as an obj. cl. (guod, etc.), through a
21
? (bis)]
misunderstanding of the sense of jn\ 20. npyi] JUA npys as v.
<&&
5T
.
The
"m.
Vn
particle
n A\V
is
ignored by (SrU
either corroborative
(G-K.
neither construction
is
If the
?.
also
by
J5,
which supplies
? is
148 d, 159
natural.
itself
DnNBn
is
and render,
great, that
nxari for
it
is
There
is
a rumour about
very grievous.
138
21.
rr?|
is
S.
and G. that
Read with
<&&
difficult: cf.
Ex.
their sin
onp^pn. On
n 1 another
,
mm
xviii. 17-27
305
Yahwe was
1
(see on ig )
vidual responsibility
to press heavily
in Israel.
sweep away,
The question
etc.}
strikes
yet sufficient
and
unjustly.
The problem
a guilty multitude.
to
is,
what
limits
is
the
subject ?
25. Shall not the
fudge, etc.} Unrighteousness in the Supreme Ruler of the
application
of this
principle
Ro. 3 6
cf.
27.
I have
ventured]
cf.
alliterative
Jer. I2
combination
fctfn
(Jb.
3O
19
42
Sir.
4O
As a
).
descrip-
The worth of
out of a feeling of reverence (Ginsburg, Introd. 352 f.).
the tradition is disputed, the present text being supported by all Vns.
as well as by I927 and the sense certainly does not demand the sug
;
Skaios ws 6
Hos.
25a
ao-e/STjj
24.
).
*
XBTi] sc.
Ba. Gu.
&
|iy=
al.).
23,
24.
/cai
23 end] (&
forgive
Nu.
14",
f]n]
&TTCU
Is. 2 9 ,
etc.
n^n]
formula
25.
lit.
profanum
Vn
7<
(sit},
Jt>
20
26"
rwj,"
DESTRUCTION OF SODOM
306
(j)
reduction by io instead of 5
human charity is
reached, and Abraham ceases to plead.
33. went] not to
would
be equally appro
Sodom, but simply departed.
33b
33a
22a
after
or
priate
continued
(De.); this is
the limit of
till
XIX.
1-29.
"
),
city is destroyed
Thus
ntopS,
far J
a
;
IKS,
cf.
3- 9
;
fire
by
and brimstone
13 - 14 - 16 - 24 -
m,v,
Tpn,
**.
15
ODD ny, nns? (cf. 6 17
).
forms an effective contrast to
9"-
and
).
NJ [-nan], 2 7 8 18 19 -
23 ~ 28
(
-
>0
DTB,
V
h
(J
8
s,
n .nto,
cf.
15
).
),
and
The
confusing than in 18; and Kraetzschdoes less violence to the structure of the pass
^
age. Indeed, Gu. himself admits that the sing, section
(with ) is
an intermezzo from another Yahwistic author (Gu. 181).
alternation of
mar s theory
sing-,
(see p. 298
pi. is less
f.)
JtJ
"
Lot s hospitality.
two angels\ Read the men,
Comp.
1-3.
footnote.
cities
Jb.
for
29*
as i8
Ju.
16
[ig
iQ
16 - 21
la. the
io-i 2 -i6
see the
etc.
ib,
2a. Cf.
i8
2
.
TIK]
See
SirsJ
on
i8 3
mistake the sense. 28. JTiDrr] The regular use of the ending p (G-K.
47 m) from this point onwards is remarkable (Di.). The form, though
etymologically archaic, is by no means a mark of antiquity in OT, and
17
is peculiarly frequent in Deut. style (Dri. on Dt. i ).
32. cyan] see
on 2 s3
I. D DN^on 3t?] This word has not been used before, and recurs only
in v. 15 (in juu. also v. 12 and in (5r v. 16 ).
The phrase is, no doubt, a cor
33
rection for DVJNJ7, caused by the introduction of
% and the con
sequent identification of Yahwe with one of the original three, and
.
Com/>*
27
f.).
2.
NJ
n-n]
so pointed
XVIII. 28-XIX.
De.
II
307
than
2b.
politeness, or
of Oriental
it
may
contain a hint
of the
21
purpose of the visit (i8 ). In an ordinary city it would
be no great hardship to spend the night in the street:
an instance of the
v.t.):
5. The
3).
from the incident
moral
Ju.
iQ
shamelessness
of
(Is.
of
was viewed
its
Sodom
name
lowest depth
in Israel as the
22
.
his
daughters,
Ju.
(cf.
ig
25
30
),
10
II. The
da) and defenceless position as a. ger (see on i2 ).
divine beings smite the rabble with demonic blindness
(onup:
v.i.).
G-K.
only here:
2 Ki. 2 17 5 16
4.
mo
20
rf,
1000.
3.
Only again ig
nss]
9
33"
(J),
Ju. ig
of
nspmjn
so
Is.
56",
Jer. 5i
31
Ezk. 25.
6.
nnnsn]
om. by
<F.
8.
^n^nJ-Kn
Ch. 2O 8 ) is an ortho
graphic variant (not in JJUL), meant originally to be pronounced ^*n.
5
See Dri. on Dt. 442
9. ro5n [x mwjtfa] (Er aboard
jrSjra] as i8
20
BIEI?
&cet:
stand back there
Is.
cf.
Consec. impf.
j~n^3,
49
(only
25
again ig
26
3f>
19",
oat?")]
31
23
see
4O , Jb. 2
vb. properly denotes continuance
of the action here its position seems due to the consec. i, and its
force as if it had stood first (G-K.
u. n*Ti}p] (2 Ki. 6 18 f)
113 r,
expressing
paradoxical consequence
G-K.
m.
1 1
1 /,
The
inf.
abs. after
(De.)
cf.
32
its
/>).
is
somewhat as
it
is
either
DESTRUCTION OF SODOM
308
The
12-16.
tion, v.i.
deliverance of Lot.
Ya/iive has sent us]
13.
ofYahwe, who
warns
(j)
On
12.
i.e.
the
the construc
three
are agents
is
who were
to
Lot
14.
marry
his
daughters so Jos. Ant. \. 202, JJ, Tu. Di. Dri. al. Others
J
s
((2r IEz. De. al.) take npS as referring- to the past,
,
>
46
as one that jested] see on 21.
is possible (cf. 27 ).
the
dawn
as
15.
appeared] The judgement must be ac
23f
sunrise
hence the urgency of the
complished by
-)
(
which
summons. the
are at hand (i
as v.
nxVE3n] who
he
16.
hesitated] reluctant, and
through Yahwe s compassion on him].
the
angels]
Sa. 2i 4 ).
men,
only half-convinced.
left him without the city] rather suggests, as Gu.
holds, that there he is in safety.
(186)
in legends and
comp. the story of Orpheus and Eurydice
viii.
common
oriental
of light (Ac. 9 3 )
euphemism (Kon.
cf.
12.
on the
"I
rD
iy]
text.
and
"p
jnn
p. 404), or
in the
A-ktf..*
ii.
68 1
Talmud
,
hallucinations.
<&1S
?!
word
ii.
ZATW,
Hoffmann,
J3i
riKxcan]
(^ntJ-ND).
l6b
const.
17.
is
-,
but
e\#e
%ets Kal
&s
omitted by
(5
a1
is
f.
section.
<&
Jfl.i
G-K.
icy/*.
five
-oSon]
times repeated
nm]
Dfl^K,
inf.
DN
pi., which is supported by the previous
though the sing, is maintained in the rest of the
PSJ
(Sr
is
oi
?.
in
20.
39
xix. 12-26
OT
times
Zo ar (ffir Zyywp) was well known, not only in
Dt. 34 3 Is. is 5 , Jer. 48 34 ), but also in the time of the
Crusades, and to the Ar. geographers, who call the Dead Sea the Sea
That this mediaeval Zoar was at the S end of the lake is
of Zugar,
The
10
(i3
city of
i4
2- 8
undisputed
and there
is
OS 1 26i 37 ).
the biblical city (see Jos. BJ, iv. 482
is usually located at Ghor es-Safiyeh, about 5 m.
;
(cf.
Di. 273
Smith,
HG,
505
ff.
and
while the
sentation
23>
clause
excision
164
(G-K.
feature
suggested by permanent
physical
phenomena of
from Yahive\
We
the men
suppose that the original subject was
Gu.
cf.
v. 13 ),
or that nirr nsp is a doublet to
*
either
(so
B?B#n"p
to be a gloss
29
26.
is
Lot
(Ols.
is
generally considered
25. ^rm] see on
Kit.).
17
and
The
Strack,
WS
clearly inadmissible.
io 7 , Jos. Ant. i. 203
ing in
curious resemblance
The
;
pillar is
a female
to
DM2 3
TJS TiNtn]
B-n)
15".
"
ng>;
DESTRUCTION OF SODOM
31O
(j,
P)
SW
would simply mean that the whole region was haunted by the legend
of Lot.
But the disintegration of the rock-salt of which that remark
able ridge is mainly composed, proceeds so rapidly, and produces so
many fantastic projections and pinnacles, that the tradition may be
supposed to have attached itself to different objects at different
See Dri. DB, iii. 152.
periods.
Abraham
visit to
morning
his
i8 16
the smoke of the land was afterwards
believed to ascend permanently from the site of the guilty
cities (Wisd. io 7 ).
The idea may have been suggested by
contrast to
Dead Sea
of the
(see Di.).
(From P: see
29.
p. 306.)
its
original
position
lost
in
P was
after
12a
i3
The
of]
27.
1^33.1
29.
"tti
rpsnn]
p 3]
the
same
the overthrow,
&TT.
nb p] Ps.
J).
The usual
\ey.
ng
83
verbal noun
is
18
13,
40
TW
called
is
now
3 11
XIX. 27-29
202
f.).*
environment.
narrative
seems
(d)
to
times.
<rei(r/j.&v
<ry/j,dTti)v
Jos.
BJ
iv.
484
f.,
Ant.
i.
v. 7.
312
(j)
many
The
interesting-
New
On
these grounds
Hebrew adaptation
of vapour hanging over it, its salt rocks with their grotesque formations,
its beds of sulphur and asphalt, with perhaps occasional conflagrations
Dr. Rendel Harris
bursting out amongst them (see Gu. i88f.).
(Heavenly Twins, 39 ff.) takes it to be a form of the Dioscuric myth, and
thus a natural sequel to iS 1 15 (see p. 302 above). Assyriologists have
found in it a peculiar modification of the Deluge-legend (Jast.
xiii.
1
507), or of the World-conflagration which is the astro
291, 297
"
ZA>
RBA
nomical counterpart of that conception (ALTO 2 360 ff.) both forms of the
3
theory are mentioned by Zimmern with reserve (KAT 559 f.). What
ever truth there may be in these speculations, the religious value of the
Like the Deluge-story, it retains the
biblical narrative is not affected.
power to touch the conscience of the world as a terrible example of
divine vengeance on heinous wickedness and unnatural lust
and in
this ethical purpose we have another testimony to the unique grandeur
,
of the idea of
God
in
ancient Israel.
XIX. 30-38.
is
Lot
(J).
Noah
20ff
is an appendix to the Deluge
(9
-)
1 ~ 28
it is
has
points of contact with
Although
an
of
as
to
the
and
motives
really
independent myth,
orig-in
of
drunkenness
narrative.
it
(p. 314).
Though
XIX. 30-38
and the mention of Zoar
U
33 - 35
37
30a
and
cf. jnj
nm,
with 7 s
and
is
esp. with
80
with 2926.
38
,
1~s*
in
3!3
29
36
times
22>
in
We
the vicinity
(Di.
or
al.),
all
men
will
shrink from us
So
hardly do justice to the language.
H??" ? T!l?]
in the Jewish marriage formula sjns ^D miK3
JJJJK NJN1
32. The intoxication of Lot shows that the revolting
(De.).
5
(Dri.),
"jnA
irilNp] repeated in
34>
36
37
.
33) 35-
30 end]
kneiv not,
jux<Ei5J
still
?y
31.
>(
isy.
^.
Q_
Sa. I9 10
+
n^N-nx]
quasi incredibile
(Je.).
I
K<
G-K.
126 y
cf.
3o
16
32
23
38
21
,
Appung-unt desuper,
In reality the point probably marks a super
35
(cf. v. ).
;^.
34. a] (&
37. 3NiD] (& + X^owra, E/c TOU
For the equivalence of ID and p, cf. Nu. n 26f (nrp
]3Nc).
<&
ac^p^i]
fluous letter
ira.Tp6sfj.ov ([
juu.
vro,
Mw5a5), Jer. 48
21
(nys
D,
Qr. =
see
ZATW,
Homm. ingeni
of course, uncertain.
ously and plausibly explains the name as a contraction of nxias, his
mother is the father, after the analogy of a few Assyrian proper names
xvi.
322
The
f.
(Verhand.
d,
real
etymology
is,
XIII. Orient.-Kong.
261).
The view
of Kn.
to is
6 fto$
Aram.
"ID
TOU ytvovs
(=
fAov,
"p),
J3 (z ..s.).
(i.e.
314
(j)
is
usual
in J,
little
of,
indeed probable
but
how
precarious
it
to extend
is
this feeling to ancient times appears from ch. 38, where the ancestry
of the noble tribe of Judah (held in special honour by J) is represented
was
Ammon
to in v. 30
the whole
human
which probably
*
lies
Cf. the similar conjecture with regard to Reuben (p. 515 below).
to know what to make of Palmer s curious observation that
It is difficult
Desert
in that region a wife is commonly spoken of as bint (daughter)
of the Exodus, ii. 478 see Dri. 205.
t The connexion with the Deluge-legend was anticipated by Jast. in
It is a flood of water which
the art. already cited, ZA, xiii. 197 f.
destroys the inhospitable people in the parallel from Ovid cited above
:
(p. 312).
xx.
CH.
XX.
315
diiferences.
f.
below) appears
show
u<
18<
-"?N
j>
E and
;
the conception of
Abraham
as a prophet
is
( )
at least foreign
proving the
a young
conceived as
la
17
capable of inspiring passion in the king (ct. i8 i7 ).
to be observed that ch. 20 is the beginning of a section
woman
Lastly, it is
(20-22) mainly Elohistic, representing a cycle of tradition belonging to
the Negeb and, in particular, to Beersheba.
I, 2.
Introductory notice.
narrator,
loquies which
these intelligible.
I.
new
fact,
There is there
further stage of the patriarch s wanderings.
fore no reason to suppose that Gerar lay as far S as Kadesh
I.
i
29
s
W.l] see II .
(E?).
<&
3j-it
ni|]
3333 ny-jN]
(io
commonly
19
26 1
8- 17
identified,
33 p,x
only 24
[VJ3 to],
20
26
,
62
,
Jos. is
19
,
Ju.
15
(J),
Nu.
<
Umm
E\eu0e/307n5\ews
of water-pots
(TTj/ie/ots
),
ABRAHAM AT GERAR
316
was
The bareness
2.
(v.i.).
(E)
of the narration
is
remarkable, and
felt
^^
= Milk is [my]
(v.i.).Abimelech, king of Gerar]
is
a
Canaanite
name, compounded with the
father,
genuine
name of the god Milk (see Baeth. Beitr. 37 if.). It occurs
as the name of the governor of Tyre (Abi-milki) in the TA
Tablets (149-156). There is no trace here of the anach
ronism which makes him a Philistine prince (ch. 26) Gerar
;
is
wife
is
2
(
12
14
24
according to primitive ideas the coming of God (so 3i
20
Nu. 22 ) would be as real an event in a dream as in waking
,
experience.
had
4a.
not
drawn near
her]
Not an explana-
al.).
19
j"3.
SW
^0o/3i7$?7
yap
7r6Aeo>s
7-775
5t
elrretv 6
-^x
2.
K, v.
cf. \
13
,
Tvvf)
Ju.
/JLOV
9",
Ps. 3* 7 1 10
iariv^
fj.r/
is
After Athnach,
<&
inserts
7b
(from 26 ).
avrr]v
8
Nu. I2 1 i3 24 (E), Gn. 2I 25 2 6 32 (J),
cf. 21", Ex. i8
7
a
married
6
*?jn
woman, Dt. 22 22 4. To ia in
nSyn]
Ju.
Jos. i4 (R),
1
the indefinite sense of people (Leufe) we may compare Ps. 43 Dn.
3.
V|
JUUL
rrm
"?y
but the sense is doubtful, and the idea may be that the whole
Eerdmans
nation is involved in the punishment of the king (Str.).
(Komp. der Genesis, 41) offers the incredible suggestion that U here has
i i
v3
xx. 2-9
3J7
4b,
Abimelech protests
5.
such as
2 Sa.
am
Ki. 22 34
15",
his
innocence.
innocent folk]
cf.
unsuspectingly
in the wider sense of moral integrity
5.
(v.i.).
*M7"nna]
17
7* The situation is
suffered thee noi\ by sickness (v. ).
altered by this disclosure of the facts to Abimelech
if he
:
now
Ps. io5 15
On intercession as a function of the prophet,
Dt. 9 20 i Sa. y 5 i2 19 23 Jer. y 16 etc.; but cf. Jb.
thou mayest live] or recover.
cf.
^.that
The
3 7
exhibits a vacillation which is characteristic of the
(
)
sin
in antique religion.
Sin is not wholly an affair of the
of
conception
a violation of
conscience and inward motive, but an external fact
the objective moral order, which works out its consequences with the
section
indifference of
(cf.
the
from Abimelech s faltering- protestation of innocence to Job s unflinchingassertion of the right of the individual conscience against the decree of
an unjust
fate.
its late
For
expressions.
jm]
19
Jos. io
<?
8. D
93
J,
Ps. 26 73 13
6. its DP] for itonp ; G-K.
75^.
Nu. 2O 21 2I 23 22* (E), Ex. I2 23 (J)i 3 1 (R), Dt. i8 14 ,
cf.
permit, 3 i ,
see Off, i. 192.
(D)
*?3.
9.
uS n^j? no]
J5
t*^
v ]i
Vn^^
*wy
no,
ABRAHAM AT GERAR
318
(E)
Abraham
10
in
(as in i2
to
18f<
into
inquire
rPtO]
exculpation, which
is
at the
is
Whether
i2 12
Cf.
15.
KM
my
sister]
Marriage
s side
2
the Semites (Smith,
191 f.),
Israel (2 Sa. I3 13 ), though prohibited by later legislation
22
Lv. i8 9 n 2o 17 ).
When God caused me to
13.
(Dt. 27
,
stray]
The expression
is
peculiar, as
<&
if
God had
ffi
rl
is
10.
TjfidpTo/nev.
The
driven him
wri
nip]
taken from Bacher, ZATW, xix. 345 ff., who cites many examples from
of the idiom (lit. What hast thou experienced ? ).
II. ?] us. mo *a
= [I should act otherwise] only? etc. a purely asseverative force
3.
28
2 Ch.
i K5. ai
(BOB) seems to me insufficiently established by Dt.
13
Nu. 22 s7 but cf. Jos. 7*.
28
Ps. 32 6
12. niDN] jux DJDN[n?], as :8
These are all the occurrences in Hex. 13. iynn] jju nynn. The constr. of
Q rih$ (pi. emin.} with pi. pred. is exceptional, though not uncommon (3I 88
19
7
35 Jos. 24 ), and does not appear to be regulated in our present text
NH
P"]]
4",
"3KJ
XX. io-i6
319
forth
J
in
dwell
land
the
in
is
peremptory dismissal of I2
brother} For injury done to a
16. see,
19f>
I give
to
thy
of the gifts in v. 14
(Str.), but a special present as a solatium on behalf of Sarah.
a covering of the eyes\ seemingly a forensic expression for
(shekels) of silver] not the
money value
i.e., is
OT
cf.
Jb. 9
24
sense
is
is
completely rehabilitated.
16
nnsisn D najn]
>]03
fr.
^I?N
crop
Nin]
;
(3r
raGra
U hoc erit
ecrrcu
quocunque perrexeris]
^35
e/s Tifj,T]v
<rot
tibi in
in
TOU Trpoffuirov
an
<rov
probably a
context.
/cal
16.
gl.
run
-A
*")\
^.y
V>V>
mence
]i
>
c*
here.
in
rf?
Sb^),
or both
as dat. comm.
(Sb^i
To
[with
this
"
^>
BIRTH OF ISAAC
32O
17.
(j,
E, P)
first
4<
6
)
XXI.
-2 1
">?]
(J,
The
birth, circumcision,
and
E,
P).
briefly
by a
which,
below
(p.
finely
324).
2b-5
are from P (who by the way ignores altogether the
Analysis.
9
expulsion of Ishmael [see on 25 ]) obs. the naming by the father and
4
the exact correspondence with i6 16 in 3 , circumcision ( ), the chronology
1
2b 4
2b
5
D
and the words rf?,
ny/io,
n# nxp, 5 * is to be
(cf. if )
( )
:
dom
lb
and
and 6a
?>.*.);
lb
II
reason,
Since the continuity of
6b
II
same
There
is
sel
is
P because
So Ho. Gu.
Di.
6
to E.
The J fragments
Str. differ only in assigning the whole of
u. 2a. 7. eb form a
account
of the birth of Isaac;
consecutive
completely
is
which, however,
18 (see
on
6a
),
and therefore
impossible with the present text; hence Gu. s emendation TJHN (pf.
25
nnaii ^"^N]] Untranslatable.
Jb. 3 ) is not unattractive.
^/nnx w. ace.
:
(5r
hensam
IS
.Amn]
^D
&
"?yi.
MT
DM ?**.
1
18.
ni.r]
.01.
3 21
XXI. i-8
h
b
belongs to J rather than J (Gu.).
10 12 13
u ? DT, 1S 18 (J
;
nwc,
is- 20-
8 21
t(
14 -
19
heaven
16
ineo,
God by
nerp nan,
night
20
.
12f
(
D nto,
20
/(
i;
|ru,
12-
"
and rare
Further character
in
a voice from
an d
)>
17
(
).
The birth
1-7.
36
wp
wholly Elohistic
is
2
nvy, i2
>
old age\ so v. 7
All the sources emphasise the fact that
of Isaac.
20
24 37 44 (all J).
Isaac was a late-born
child
a son
2.
but
to his
(ct.
contains
section
this
chs.
17,
3-5.
18).
The
19
naming and circumcision of Isaac, in accordance with iy
6a. God has made laughter for me] Both here and
(P).
6b
is
12
in
it
It
has been pointed out by Bu. (Urg. 224: so Kit. KS. Ho.)
that the transposition of 6b to the end of 7 greatly improves
the sense, and brings out the metrical form of the original
(in
Heb. 4 trimeters)
Who
"
!
!
is
Israel also
it
said to be 2 or
years
(ib.
116); in ancient
late (i Sa.
22ff>
Mac.
nSu.n]
13>
pf.
tf.
Ex. 2I 22
21
Sa. I7
),
43
,
cf.
Ca.
G-K.
2 9 (Di.).
io6/>
(5r
Dri. T.
has sing.
D\n]
19.
pi.
of species
vjpi ?]
ffi
tv
T$ yr/pei pov.
EXPULSION OF HAGAR
322
7
27f
p.
-).
(E)
Jub.
the spectacle of
innocent
of social
playing" together,
excites Sarah s maternal jealousy and
with Charles
4,
Note).
It is
the
that
distinctions,
still
lff
2
this
case of Jephthah, Ju.
(see Benz. Arch.
296).
n
slave girl ( ?^)] In E, Hagar is not Sarah s maid, but simply
a household slave, who has become her master s concubine.
-
n. on
11-13. Abraham s misgivings removed.
account of his son] whom he loves as his own flesh and
for the mother, as a slave, he has no particular
blood
;
affection.
Sarah
maternal
14
that
cf.
revealed to him (by night
)
instincts are in accord with the divine
It is
12.
19 21
Hagar
(iy
13.
).
his
though
seed,
a great nation
(Er
pnjjp]
9.
but
268
it is
in i9
(JR
"?n:
noun
Paul
St.
^5iu>K^)
if it
is
in
v.
allusion
so
(cf.
Zee. 8 9 ).
play
6
.
(wrongly).
Vna also in Uj$.
based on
also Abraham s
known as such.
is
unnamed)
actually occurs.
loTuiijX
^a ? roon
Itraa/c
play with
means simply
it
(still
20
(j*xffi3)] cf. i7 .
See above on
Pr. 26 19 ).
end]
doubtful
14
child
iralovTa /xerd
to
this pnsD.
[ :]
1:6
D ^j so v. 18
46 (E).
Ber. R.
32",
&
xxi. 9-19
323
i.
227,
ii.
and the
585).
16
the wilderness
boy he placed on her shoulder (v.i.]\ cf.
31
on
that
Abraham
dwelt
Beersheba
implying
(see
)]
of
Beersheba.
she
cast
but
not
the
near,
necessarily at,
15.
15>
The
and the
last
up
subject being due to the
boy lifted
cl.
and wept
his voice
17
(v.
(j
the change of
now
12
n
19
is the Angel of God (as 28
3i
32*, Ex. i4 ),
refinement peculiar to E (22 11 ) speaks from heaven.
This goes beyond the primary conception of the Angel see
revelation
who by a
on i6 7
18.
Hagar
is
19.
19
= Ar.
)
14. nnn] Only here (
the forms npn, ncp, or ncn, nan, see
hannt
15>
^ hamita,
G-K.
95
/.
cf.
rancid
ui -Vy CB-]
On
?).
The
5- 7
trans
MT
by
it
po\-/iv,
do
G-K.
25
prnn]
on
text.
16.
On
&
TP. .l
+ on
inisD (ptc.
113 h.
& ]A
Pal.
v/nna,
nvp
],
*~>
V)
MSS
as (far as)
bowmen
N^I.
I7b. Sr ?*]
19
attractive
(cf. 26 ).
nVp-nN [i^n]
intiDD] lit.
and
G-K.
jux
75^.
J?TIN.
19.
in
D D
EXPULSION OF HAGAR
324
(E)
In any case
it is
Ishmael s career.
20, 21.
17
(Is. 2i ).
of his descendants
the
weapon
of Paran is
(v.
21.
The wilderness
His
et-Tih,
Comparison of
21
16 with 2I 1
ch.
variations of a
own
is
t4
2i 19 ).*
Each tale is an exhaustive
consecrated by a theophany (i6 7
expression of these motives, and does not tolerate a supplementary
anecdote alongside of it. Ch. 21, however, represents a conception of
the incident further removed from primitive conditions than 16 contrast
12
the sympathetic picture of nomadic life in i6 with the colourless notice
-
while in 21 she
is
who
household slave
In E
the peculiar susceptibilities of the nomad nature his narrative has a
it is marked by a greater
touch of pathos which is absent from J
refinement of moral feeling, and by a less anthropomorphic idea of God.
See the admirable characterisation of Gu. p. 203 f.
ness.
2O.
rm
ntyp
%
n"i]
&
To6rr)s.
"(A
^lXjO
]oCTI
m=
(see esp.
n$>i3
archer
(De.),
on n^ n (KS.)
*
has
is
The
little
is
well
to
clumsy
rvfp is
an explanatory gloss
not probable.
is
not identified in E.
commend
it.
Gu.
view, that
it
was Beersheba,
XXI. 20-26
XXI.
Abrahams Covenant
22-34.
(E and
Two
325
with Abimelech
J).
up
to a covenant
name
22 ~ 24 - 27 31
)
(B) In the
covenant
closes
a
the
other,
long-standing dispute about
claim
and
secures
the
of Abraham s people to the
springs,
derives
its
25 26 28 - 30 32
-
3S
).
Sources.
wells of Beersheba,
sacred tree
redactional touches in
S2 34
,
has
Its disjointed
usually been assigned to E (We. Kue. Di. Ho. Str.).
character has, however, been felt, and tentative solutions have been
proposed by several
14, 31
v.
32a)
assigns
the notes.
in
appear
S7b
^^
who
Gu.,
critics (cf.
Gall, CSt. 46
ma terial
an ^
f.
28
KS. Anm.
92, 93
Kraetz. Bundvorstg.
27a so
*,
analysis rests on the duplicates (
the
of
the
section
criteria
linguistic
discrepancies
The
"
between
seems here
(v.i.), his Commander-in-chief,
of
Gerar:
a
of
the
other
merely
military importance
symbol
wise 2626ff -, where P. is a party to the covenant.
Swear
23.
31
to me
here] in the place afterwards known as Beersheba ( ).
22. Pikol
(E).
Abraham
him
in
26 13
2i 22 (cf.
26
).
24.
(OLz,
=p
an
STEI] (5 pr.
ix.
H-r{j),
the
alliterative
must
this
6 vv/j-faywybs
avrov
(J),
is
incon
which pre-
26*6 ).
(fr.
Spiegelberg
one of the few Egyptian names in OT
"
"
Oxofd0
109) considers
<
wvn]
/ta2
25, 26
of
Syrian."
phrase found
"
326
(E,
j)
several wells
And
knew
that he
answer]
Abraham
as often as
Abimelech would
24
27.
able answer to v. 26
28-30
(J).
purpose explained in
It is clear
from
30
but the
shows
art.
in J,
not in E; while
"i3
27b .*
33.
The inauguration
(J
cf.
MT
For the
is probably right, with freqve. sense of pf. given above.
0pedrwv, ut
11418.
T*O]
following- TDtn (instead of TOW), see Dri. T.
De. thinks this one of the
28. |N* TJ JUUL (which also omits TIN) JNS.
sup.
<&
TOV
31. jnt? TN3] (Or 4>peap o/moyxou, but in
constr. (num. in gen. after sing, noun) has been supposed by
considered distinctive of E.
8pKov.
The
4>.
(cf.
MTN
nnp, 23
2
).
33.
Aram.
* 32b
would be a natural conclusion to E s narrative (cf. 22 ), but for
the fact that that source never speaks of a Philistine occupation of Gerar.
The last three vv., however, seem to have been altered by a compiler.
It is probable that J gave an explanation of the name of the well, con
necting
it
so 3P
(JSTIH
jntn Kva).
XXI. 27-34
26 25 ).
32 7
Among
must
rests
name
in
connexion
El
Beersheba.
with
on the incorrect as
Abraham
see i6 13 ).
On
terpolation.
see after 26 33
is
some 28 miles
the
SW
31ff>
lff>
"
"
xvii. (1901),
Joel
247
and Amos*
ff.
Gautier,
(1901), p. 239
ib. xviii.
f.
49 ff.
Trumbull,
Dri.
ET,
ET,
viii.
vii.
The only
incident in
(1896), 567
f.
89.
RJE
).
Abraham
ised as a
trial
of his faith
is
13
12
6
*?nN, Ass. aslu\ \ Sa. 22 3i
t, in both cases prob
[in i Ch. io
The word seems to have been strange to
ably denoting a sacred tree.
Vns. (5 apovpav, Aq. oevopwva., 2. (jivreiav,
netnus, etc. The substitution
of rniyN proposed by Sta. (v.s.) is uncalled for, though see EB, 4892 f.
nj>N]
?^] MX D^iy-x
34
is
wanting
in
&
(ed.
Ginsburger).
328
as a sacrifice at the
command
(E)
The
of God.
story,
which
is
shows how
fully the
author realises
The
1 14- 19
.
original narrative consists of vv.
5
* 3 s. 9. 12
D
E
to
:
cf.
nriy
r6s[n],
belongs
Source.
in
14
,
lff>
by night,
Comp.
On
In spite of m.v
the revelation
15 18
see below.
Ho. Gu.
Di.
Abraham s
1-8.
fice.
"
this
I.
what was
in his heart
"
(Dt. 8
i6 4 2o20
i.e.,
tested him, to
"know
an anthropomorphic
),
re
cf.
Ex.
Dt. 8 16 13* 33 8 etc.
This
presentation
sentence governs the narrative and prepares the reader for
:
a good ending.
have been
futile.
The prevalent Jewish and Christian tradition puts the scene on the
1
Temple mount at Jerusalem (nnVsn in, 2 Ch. 3 rb Mciptoi/ 6pos, Jos. Ant.
But (a) the attestation of the name is so late and unre
\. 224, cf. 226).
;
liable that
it is
use of
it
rests on
ancient name for the Temple hill, it is not credible that it was extended
to the land in which it was, and still less that the hill itself should be
in the region named after it.
described as one of the mountains
There is reason to suspect that the name of a land may have been modi
14
fied (either in accordance with a fanciful etymology [v. ], or on the
1
authority of 2 Ch. 3 ) in order that the chief sanctuary of later times
in nrw] I5 1
I.
admit that
this
HDJ D nVxni]
The
reluctance of grammarians to
after time determina
and apod,
sent.,
tion, is intelligible
cl.
but
is
it
difficult,
Dri. T.
78
(3).
O.TIDK]
repeated
in
that
is
6wTa<rias,
impossible,
ffi
^/ nio
cf.
U vtstonis),
rty v^ijX^v
".
as used
(cf.
2. .vion]
in
though a
i2 6 ).
&
14
(cf.
has
Aq.
from
nNY.Dn,
real derivation
xxii. i-8
329
variant of
inf.])
.TYID
and
(2)
that
it
520
a corruption of onbq
is
But both these names are too local and restricted to suit
and the distance is perhaps too great. Of the attempts
which would be a
to recover the original name, the simplest is
16
If the legend be
natural designation of Palestine in E f see on io
19
[3T ]) (We.).
the context ;
"PSfJ
X
.
very ancient, there is no certainty that the place was in the Holy Land
at all.
Any extensive mountainous region, well known at the time, and
with a lingering tradition of human sacrifice, would satisfy the condi
tions.
Hence, Che. s suggestion that the land of Musri is to be read
On Gu. s
(EB, 3200; Wi. GI, ii. 44), is not devoid of plausibility.
solution, see below.
conflict in
).
The
off\
We
indicated
are
left to
6.
"The
worship
peculiar.
it
3.
).
That
means
So Nu. 22 22
The determination is
two slaves with whom a person of import
.
atrnN]
the
place, see
my
son
lently
*
rl
See
BDB,
the
But
Here
ZDPV,
it
is
this
vi.
EV
cf.
37
3i
7.
"J3
33.1]
Yes,
198,
was
doubtful
Vn. reads
rare, chiefly in
am
tanv, T^KVOV ;
when he says
for that
s.v.
a.
of
vii.
133.
Jewish
if
is
tradition.
Q^l?
in 2
]>Q-
Ch
1
3 also.
J5,
33O
(E)
6>s
as 4i
The
I2 13 33 21 ],
[Dt.
14
9-14.
look out
lit.
33
w.
describe
(=l"}y,
"iBjf,
moment Abraham
the extreme
from heaven.
II
BHE?)
hand
certainly from E;
is
be a redactional accommodation to
is
v.i.
in
!"6ty
At
II, 12.
stayed by a voice
1
nifT
v. 15 (cf.
must therefore
The
inf.).
<
18
now 1 know, etc.] Thus early was the truth
that
the essence of sacrifice is the moral disposition
taught
13. The substitution of the ram for the human
).
(Ps. 5i
i6 10
18f>
command, Abraham re
mysterious presence that it was provided
cognising by
for
this
God
purpose.
I4a. The naming of the place is
by
the
an essential feature of
legend, and must therefore be
iTiiT
HOT
E.
alludes to v. 8
but that any
assigned to
sanctuary actually bore this name is scarcely probable. In
victim takes place without express
its
nV
words
"inn
no sense appropriate to
yield
njrT
the
context.
MT
220,
(Str.), or (b)
seen
cf.
9.
~\~\y]
wood on
the altar,
Ki. iS 33
Nu.
23*,
NH
ZATW,
a ram behind
so v. 15
13. in* SN]
mrr] jg D rtSg
AXI <->, //^. and Heb.
Str. (C, 2. in temp, sense).
II.
[certain]
(Ho. Gu.).
jafttK,
2.
ev
ram
which
may
paraphrase of
is
(np5^2),
be
nichtssagend>
in*o
<S)
tv
Aq.
interesting
but
is
MSS
have nnx
preferable to
-poa] ffi iv
(ptcp.) for pf.
IS infer vcpres.
14.
t,
K,
MT
<pvrf
The
0-i>x"ewj
And
XXII. 9-19
seen
case the saying would be ntfv m,v ( 14a ), and 14b would
All these are ob
it was used in the Temple mount.
in this
merely mean
33 *
that
rise
nnb
to
in
v.
wnrr
D rrVg n$n!
for he said,
"To-day, in
this
v.
as follows
in? D vn TEN
God
mountain,
TJ^N
provideth."
15.
15-19. Renewal of the promises: Conclusion.
occasion seemed to a Jehovistic red. to demand an
ampler reward than the sparing of Isaac hence a supple
The
revelation
mentary
Ex. 32 13
cf.
swear]
appended.
(WW)
JE
(also R ), elsewhere
is
16.
By
Is.
45
myself I
23
22 5
Jer.
nin
f.
DtO] lit. murmur of Yahwe, an expression for
the prophetic inspiration, whose significance must have been
forgotten before it could be put in the mouth of the Angel.
49
13
Even P (Nu.
i4
28
)
is
more discriminating
phrase.
17. occupy the gate of their
possession of their cities ((
TroAets)
;
seed
65
16
,
Jer. 4
Beersheba
17
2
,
is
Ps. 72 f.
the close of
See on i2
enemies]
cf.
24.
s narrative,
i.e.,
18.
take
by thy
Dt. 2Q 18 Is.
19. The return to
So 26*;
3
use of the
in his
cf.
continuing
v. 14 .
The
difficult
question of the
meaning
of this incident
is
approached
from two sides, (i) Those who regard it as a literal occurrence in the
life of a man of eminent piety, holding views of truth in advance of
his age, are undoubtedly able to give it an interpretation charged
with deep religious significance.
Familiar with the rite of childsacrifice amongst the surrounding heathen, the patriarch is conceived
(o^ for
cty),
in that place,
worship. So it
before the Lord.
is
Dominiis videbit,
16 end]
2 Sa.
a 6.
Add
12
|ED as v.
so
&U.
18.
i& N npy]
332
(E)
demanded by
the Being to
(cf.
D rf^f
NT
12
;
and ^N
[rum]
13
N"i!],
From
viz.
nN~j
D tf^gi
these indications he
kind
is
found
in
leoud (nin
itself
XXII. 20-24.
ff.).
(J,R).
there
The
2 - 23
(
and
illegitimate
xxii. 20-24
333
24
(Guthe, GVI,
5).
The
cf.
(see
p.
regard to
the
nn
22f>
23a
Moreover, with the excision of the gloss
(v.i.), the only point
up.
and even the gloss does not
of direct contact with ch. 24 disappears
;
the
Bazu
of
trict
Esarhaddon
of
s inscr.
(KIB,
ZDMG,
ii.
130
an unidentified
f.),
unknown
^iDp]
see
dis
Praetorius,
?
1903, 780.
(-rrar^pa ^Lvpwv) is possibly a gloss (Gu.),
but the classification of the powerful Aramaeans (see on io22 ) as a
minor branch of the Nahorites is none the less surprising see p. 334
The eponym of the nnips. But whether by these the
below. 22.
well-known Chaldaeans of S Babylonia are meant is a difficult question.
2
Probability seems in favour of the theory that here, as in 2 Ki. 24 Jb.
D"ig
"i^f]
17
Bh^>9
2>6
GVI,
468
i.
ff.,
pend.
G-K.
in
h, 147
<?.
^ 9= 7raAAaAc/s
(see Sta.
<
GENEALOGY OF NAHOR
334
&
(j)
8
nrnt?, i Ch. i8 ), a city
Tubihi
TA
of
No. 127,
Aram-Zobah,
and Pap. Anast., near Kadesh on the Orontes (but see Miiller, AE,
by
in 2 Sa. 8
(MX
na?
||
of
173,
oni (Taa/A,
396).
Fact/*,
etc.)]
unknown.
B>nn
(Toxos, Baas,
etc.)]
13"-
6f>
of the
Upper Jordan.
To
and
theory of
He
J,
Nahor
fits
in
city of
nomadic Aramaean tribes who had not crossed the Euphrates, but
roamed the deserts where Aramaeans first appear in history (see
J s representation is partly due to a misunderstanding of the
p. 206).
name Aramaean, which led him to transfer the kinsfolk of Abraham to
the region round Harran, which was known as the chief seat of
Aramaean culture. The genealogy is therefore an authentic document
of great antiquity, which has fortunately been preserved by a Yahwistic
It may be
editor in spite of its inconsistency with the main narrative.
added that the Palestinian view-point will explain the subordinate
It can hardly be denied that
position assigned to the name Aram.
to
still
is,
commend
itself.
(P).
On
Hittites, the
owner of the
field
19 - 20
xxiii.
Code
of
i,
it is
though
interest
was
335
not easy to determine
29ff>
affairs
The death
I, 2.
name
of Sarah.
2.
^2*1] not
v.i.
20;
I.
DB,
After
omission
453
iii.
vm
if.).
it is
advisable to insert
(Ba. Kit.
the addition of the gloss
end (wanting
in
Hebron
i4
jm* nnp
2.
().
15
(Jos.
Ju.
10
),
tv ?r6\ei
(<Br
cf.
$f-
rrvy
28
).
*iy
\>n
The
at the
A/a/36/c)]
though seemingly
in
contention
(v.
is
mahar
used
in the later,
and
p&n,
weigh silver,
which does appear to be characteristic of the older contracts but since
this phrase survived in Heb. till the latest times (Zee. n 12 Est. 3 9 ), it is
plain that nothing can be inferred from it.
Sayce has not strengthened
his case by the arguments in ET, 1907, 418 ff.
see Dri. 230, and
Addenda 1 XXXVII f.
(v?]N3
?}>).
336
(?)
The negotia
3-7. The request for a burying-place.
and while they
tions fall into three well-defined stages
;
East
in such matters,
they cover a real reluctance of the Hittites to give Abraham
a legal title to land by purchase (Gu.). To his first request
they respond with alacrity the best of their sepulchres is at
his disposal.
3.
16 20
).
(2 Sa. I2
-
is
the only
S of Canaan
(cf.
document
26s4 36 2 )
in
occupation of the land, and that this assumption would best explain the
but constant occurrence of the name in the lists of conquered peoples
all
(see p. 284).
case
distinct stock, having- nothing but the name in common with either the
conventional Hittites of the enumerations or the great empire of
Syria.
ff.
4.
(in
(unless Neh.
shows) than the mistake of a copyist (see Moore, Jud. 25). Jewish
Midrash gave several explanations of the numeral amongst others
from the 4 patriarchs buried there Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, and Adam
P. R, Eliezer> 20, 36; Ra.) the last being inferred from Dixn
(Ber. R.
:
The
addition of
poy VN
.ux
(ffi
t<rriv
iv
/coiXw/iari)
11
13
21
i5
IBD means
.
to wail
see Mic.
8
.
4.
n^in] lEz.
nsyvrr
pN3
IJH Nin.
Ac
-ib*<j?
xxin. 3-is
between
distinction
"13
and SC in
(rd.
is
v,
^yp^"
337
obscure
6.
(v.i.).
if
v.i.)].
<a
>
nobility straight
withhold, etc.]
and
gift,
close.
(footnote).
in
34
Ch. 2i 22
24
.
(cf.
t|
N\
24
)-
The purchase
13-16.
tactful persistency,
of the
Abraham
field.
seizes on
Ephron
expression
The
last is the
to v. 6
and read
either
riS
11
(as v.
in all four
so
jux(5r),
5-
cases
or
13 - 15
).
(as
13
On
).
?*?
= vby, G-K.
rta:]
25"
^]
(&
om.
13.
15.
I give it
G-K. io6m.
mistaking the idiom. 14. ^ TOR]?] as 9
yap) does not render fjx, but the yap is odd.
For
(Si
?,
&&) (? 5) read
(0^xt>
22
Kupie, dicrjKoa
^,
338
(p)
(JK
it is
to disparage.
16.
money that
Abraham immediately
Ephron pretends
pays the sum asked, and clenches the bargain. current with
the merchant} The precious metals circulated in ingots,
391
iii.
in
weighing
important trans
420;
iii.
ZA
f.).f
all
periods;
cf. e.g.
KIB,
iv. 7, 17,
The
better
-JINI]
nay (2 Ki.
riNi
((&).
I2 5 ) is corrupt (rd.
30
possession, as Lv. 25
but
nonsense
is
ffTrrj\al({}
;
reading en
the
17.
19
(P).
<
n^ which (if
supposing that the name double cave was applied to
ifl
as in 19 ^ in front of, perhaps to
JS ?] JUUL
around.
ia
difficulty of
the district
(&).
ds ty iv ry StTrXy
n^BDDa -UK]
in quo erat spelunca duplex suggests a
it were better attested) would remove the
"
27"-
The
T)-TJ;,
"?y
of.
The peasants will often say, when a person asks the price of any
this answer
thing which they have for sale, Receive it as a present
having become a common form of speech, they know that advantage
and when desired again to name the price, they
will not be taken of it
"
"
xxiii. i6-xxiv.
339
75
iii.
ff.
197
ff.
f.
PFS,
1882, 197-214
Warren, DB,
P s peculiar
The motive
the emphasis with which the Priestly jurists asserted the legal claim of
the Jewish community to the traditional burying-place of its ancestors.
So Gu. 1 251
Students
XXI V.
CH.
Abraham on
OT,gg:
f.
(J,
[E?]).
amongst
his
Mesopotamian
relatives
1
f
"
9
).
The
servant
whose
his
is
10 49
divinely appointed bride for Isaac (
).
Having
obtained the consent of the relatives, and of the maiden her
the
50 ~ 61
self
her
),
62 ~ 67
(
).
The chapter
is
Book of Gen.
34O
to follow
him
39
5t
),
is
met by Abraham
in
two ways
40
and on the
),
by the confident assurance that this will not happen (
other by absolving him from his oath if his mission should miscarry
M
41
In 29f Laban twice goes out to the man at the well (
)
).
(
7>
m m
II
23b
of the father s
in
the servant
speaks of the mothers house,
M 55 with the brother and mother
and
with
Laban
Bethuel, in
negotiates
of the bride ; in 51 the request is at once agreed to by the relatives with
:
decision
out regard to
herself
in
59
in 61a
to
left
is
II
1.
3. 7.
12.
21.
40. 42.
35.
56
iT|iTj
s on.x ps)
I2 11 ); yr,
21. 40. 42.
56
16
mViDi !HN,
(see
2.
on 4 1 )
3.
23)
(I2
v
12
pn>
D D 3 N3,
with
(see
and
j^pS p^
suff.
.
(^20)
on i8 n )
42 -
onnj D
;
49
ptcp.
17
see lg 2)
(
10
-,
K>
rwnDMB,
;
DIO,
2.
KJj
a g-a nS t
16
(26
15 - 45
;
cf.
n fcm,
34i
consistent with the supposition that
is
everything
Abraham
residence
"
14b
happened before or after the departure of the servant. Except in
14b
if his master were still alive (cf.
65
27. 37. 42. 44b. 48. 5i. 54.
in
on
the
other
he
seems
to
be
hand,
56).
aware,
There is here a slight
before meeting Isaac, that Abraham is no more.
diversity of representation, which may be due to the composition of
Gu. supposes that in the document to which 14b a- 36b and 65
sources.
,
12<
/3-
belong
(J
41
after
(Hup. We.
Di.
llb )
suppose that 25
while others (KS. Ho. Gu.) find a more
originally preceded ch. 24
suitable pi ice for 25 s (with or without llb ) between 24 1 and 24 2
See,
1 6
below.
further, on 25
critics
al.)
The
I-p.
His
life
as recorded
the oldest
2.
(i.e.
default of an heir,
and
2f>
(i5
),
interests
lff>
2i)
etc.]
The
reference
life-giving
parallel cited
*
under the
2
(
By Jewish
writers
approaches
;
by Spurrell
"One
under him
other
two."
34 2
(]E)
it
oath.
3-
eartti\
an expression
for the
phrase
The motive
he may fail to
woman may refuse to
that
find
Harran
The suggestion
elicits
7. God of
send his Angel] cf. Ex. 23 20 23 33 2 Nu. 2O 1G
here an invisible presence, almost a personi
last
v.i.
heaven]
The Angel
is
God
of
fication
providence
in i6 7ff -.
On the fidelity of
10-14. The servant at the well.
the picture to Eastern life, see Thomson, LB, i. 261.
10. ten
61
her
attendants
to
home
the
bride
and
bring
).
(
camels]
But
"such
now be undertaken
7
4
At the end
add
4. o] JUUL DX 3.
(as v. ) so v.
33
9
19
Jb. 39 (Sir. 6 ).- 7.
always with neg., exc. Is. i
2
D DBTi T^K] appears only in late books (Jon. i 9 2Ch. 36 = Ezr. i
Neh.
The words
N ^,^ -^g i s frequent in Aram, parts of Ezr. and Dn.).
2 4. 20
are wanting in one Heb. MS (see Kit.), and may be deleted as a gloss.
Otherwise we must add with (5 pun nWi (cf. 3 ).
intsu new] probably
8. TinK] (Hr + e/s
interpolated by a later hand (Di.); see p. 284 above.
1
"33
3.
D^pas
?]
v. 7
(J
5.
I<radff
<F
,13$]
-23
4f>
"^
10.
Unless
UBTI
xS (but
JUA irKTi)]
we admit a
<&).
&
there
is
no trace of a dual
in
it
is
doubtful
if
xxiv. 3-is
343
On Aram Naharaim,
Nahor
the city of
29
12-14.
).
illustrated
is
The servant
36ff
by Ju. 6 -,
three cases.
in all
spontaneous
offer
to
draw
for the
s experience be typical) be un
(if Thomson
case
the
mark
of a kind and obliging dis
any
camels would
in
usual,
13. the
position.
15-27.
to
daughters
to
draw water]
cf.
Sa.
The
Bethuel,
etc.]
15.
cf.
all
insertion of
-
MVAG,
1908,
2, p.
20flr>
(see p. 333).
Cf.,
however, Bosse,
8f.
ZATW,
88
and
c,
no need
The
There would in
Chaboras, Balih,
302
-*>.
TraiArwvrcu
v.
44
.
G-K.
15.
Trlvov<rou.
Contr. 20 16 2i
35 p.
After DID rd.
allot ; so only
adjudicate, here
17
and thereby
f (E), Lv. i 9 t (P).
nai]
J-in?n] decide,
25
37 - 42
3i
nVg; (cf.
G-K.
107
c.
.ux&F
ins.
iaHx
after
344
Taking no
6.
down
to
Jn. 4
the water
11
.
(jE)
ct. Ex. 2 16
frequently reached by steps
(njTlPIl),
writer
The
over
the scene, with
20.
Ip,
lingers
is
22.
maiden.
R&>
Read
the scene.
28-32. Laban s hospitality is inspired by the selfish
greed for which that worthy was noted in tradition. 28.
her mother s house cannot mean merely the female side of the
53 55
family (Di.), for Laban belongs to it, and
imply that the
father (whether Bethuel or Nahor) is not the head of the
-
45
131^
of
v.
18 end]
).
19
.
(5r-fu>s
well (3038 ,
41
niw so De.),
Ex. 2 16 ). 21. nx/wc] not wondering
30
of N/ nyt?) as Is. 4i 10
Constr. before prep.:
(by-form
gazing
G-K. 130 a. 22. i^pffD] JUU. + .TBK ^y ntri, a necessary addition (cf. 47 ).
on accordingly is here a nose-jewel (Is. 3 21 Pr. n 22 ), in
Ex. 32^ *
26
=
The
of
two re
shekel
(E) an earring.
%
(Ex.
38
).
23-25.
theory
yp3]
*.
censions derives some little support from the repeated V^N nDNni of
M
one
A mere rearrangement such as Ba. proposes (
) only cures
*
cf.
(</
but
35"*,
M>
23a>
a4<
23b<
elsewhere
is
always
1436, 135^,
a mistake
28.
for
W?N]
%>
*).
&
p].
?.
27.
3JN
]]] implies
TIN]
Point n
perhaps DN
? (Ba.) or
(sing.) with
Vns.
<J1CLO|
(wrongly).
G-K.
1165; Dav.
"9
suff.
(Kit.);
than
(G-K.
if
not
MT n*n3.
1
100
(a).
31.
vrj?]
cleared away,
xxiv. 16-48
into a stable.
it
.
32.
345
man
in (v.i.)
and ungirt
saddles."^
A recapitulation of
33-49. The servant s narrative.
the story up to this point, with intentional variations of
(& frequently ac
language, and with some abridgment.
commodates the
text
to
but
before,
its
16
2
i3
36b.
readings need not be considered. 35. Cf. i2
has given him all that he had] This is the only material
.
25
On the
Sopherim (see i8 ). 41. nta (bis) for nyttP, v
connexion of oath and curse, see We. Heid? \^2.i. 45-47.
15 ~ 25
the daughter of {Bethuel the
Greatly abbreviated from
8
22
12
nephew (2g
Rebekah was
Brother,
brother]
15 24
Bethuel be interpolated in 15 24 47 ,
actually first cousin to Isaac, and such mai-
15
but
if
"nx
fits in
M
33. bty i]
Kre and
&&
MT
of 5O26
JUUL
(Db"o),
&
<*
&<f>
eaur^s (connate
*
"
The camel
?)
is
U de humero
18
(cf.
).
chill if
the
saddle were taken away imprudently and on no account can the camel
It is then taken into the house, part
stay out of doors in bad weather.
of which is turned into a stable" (Baldensperger, PEFS, 1904, 130).
;
346
50-61.
of her relatives.
blessing"
Nu. 24
13
etc.
50ff>
53<
12
Ex. 22 16
(KM2
The
93, 96)
reluctance to part with
:
cf.
Rebekah
On
tion of refined feeling (Gu.).
servant s eagerness to be gone arises
"rtfeW
his old
master
Rebekah
is
still
alive.
IN
&V,
56.
z>.z.
The
be noble.
(#
missible.
(cf.
29
14
).
(Ols.
xS we may
Ba.).
TjSri]
JUJL
srin IN
ovr
>
probably 3rd
Vor>
>
oof-*
a month
XXIV. 49-62
347
their sister]
cf.
variants.
parallel to
her nurse
in
(K.S.), see
on
62
.
her maidens]
59
.
Rebekah.
62.
Now
is
hardly intelligible.
The most probable sense is that during the servant s absence
Isaac had removed to Beer-lahai-roi, and that near that well
.
The
form of the
sent.,
and partly
mo
60. flN
afljjjp, a word of P.
59- nnpjo] ffi TO. vTrdpxovTa avrfy
tional vocative, not subj. to unhx (soror nostra es, U).
^q] with
is
apposi-
abnormal
17
VK3ff] jux V3 K, as 22
q).
cannot be inf. const, with jp the French il vint darriver
(Hupf. 29) has no analogy in Heb. idiom. Nor can it readily be sup
65
De. v.s.) for the direction in which
;
posed equivalent to N
(i Ki. 8
AJU. and
Isaac took his walk is an utterly irrelevant circumstance.
(oid
TT}S fyijjLiov) read "moa, from which a fairly suitable text (^7? or sp) could
be obtained (cf. Di. and Ho. s.\ Gu. s N UD (as ace. of direction) has
no parallel except the very remote one of D nNi2D, Ezk. 2y 3 (of the situa
tion of Tyre).
Other suggestions are to delete the word as an uncorrected lapse of the pen to read ^^il5p with omission of the following nN^i
(G-K.
63
62. Niap]
u/>p
348
(jE)
81b
and went further and ( 62a ) came to Lahairoi.
) took Rebekah
(
Gu. (operating- with two sources) considers 62 the immediate sequel to
61a
in the document where Abraham s death preceded the servant s
departure, so that nothing- remained to be chronicled but Isaac s removal
This solution is attractive,
to Lahairoi (reads Ntop, to the entrance of).
and could perhaps be carried through independently of his division of
sources.
For even if the death followed the departure, it might very
well have been recorded in the early part of the ch. (after 10 ).
then
of respect
observed
still
in the
East (LB,
762
i.
Seetzen,
Sa. 25 23
65. It is my master]
Apparently the servant is aware, before meeting Isaac, that
Abraham is dead. The putting on of the veil (cf. nubere
Reisen,
iii.
190)
cf.
Jos. i5
18
ME
own
marriage ceremony
(Lag. Procksch)
1
K1 n ?
"inn]
(5i
(here
Ba.).
refer to
= muse,
289 above. 63. rpt}6] O.TT. \ey. commonly identified with rp^
so (5r (dSoXeax^crcu), Aq. (6/J.i\TJ(rai), ~Z. (\a\rjffai),
talk, etc.
complain,
J
so Tu. De.),
J5 (ad meditandum
(rmW? Ra.) Di. KS. al. think
the sense of mourning (for his father) most probable but? lEz. ( to
walk among the shrubs ) and Bottcher ( to gather brushwood ) derive
p.
nxrn^x
15
is thought to rest on a reading cuff?
& n
).
No. (Beitr. z. sem. Spr.
Ges.
al.), but is rather a conjecture.
(adopted by
= stroll* (point
43 f.) suggests a connexion with Ar. saha
14 19
jux i^n.
D Soanof jux is wrong (v.s.).6$. njWi] 37 19 t
t (J)
*]yxn] 38
On the art. cf. G-K. 126 s. After Lagarde s brilliant note (Sem. 23 ff.),
it can scarcely be doubted that the word denotes a large double square
dari\dev S4.niv nSin]
wrapper or shawl, of any material. 67. ,1*3*1]
a
G-K.
art. with const, is violently ungrammatical
127^ For i2N
nio
read V3N
(Kit.) v.s.
from
ir P
(2i
niB>)).
xxiv. 63-xxv.
naturally suggest itself after J s
349
XXV.
i-6.
The Arabian
tribes with
whom
(J ?
R?).
the Israelites
acknow
ledged a looser kinship than with the Ishmaelites or Edomites are here represented as the offspring of Abraham by a
second marriage
(cf.
Ch.
32f>
).
The names Midian, Sheba, Dedan (see below) show that these
Keturean peoples must be sought in N Arabia, and in the tract of
18
The fact that in
country partly assigned to the Ishmaelites in v.
24
Midianitcs are classed as Ishmaelites (cf. Gn. 37 25ffl ) points to
Ju. 8
some confusion between the two groups, which in the absence of a
Yahwistic genealogy of Ishmael it is impossible altogether to clear up.
We. (Comp.* 29 ) has dropped a hint that Keturah may be but a tradi
tional variant of Hagar * Ho. conjectures that the names in 2 4 are
taken from J s lost Ishmaelite genealogy and Kent (SOT, i. 101) thinks
Keturah was originally the wife of Ishmael.
it not improbable that
Glaser (ii. 450) considers the Ketureans remains of the ancient Minsean
people, and not essentially different from the Ishmaelites and Edomites.
18
below.
See, further, on v.
.
"
.45
(a)
io 29 9 19 )
24,
So Jewish interpreters &J, Ber. R., Jer. Qu., Ra. (but not IEz.).
The mere transposition of 25 1 6 before ch. 24 (Hupf. We. al.) does
not fully meet the difficulty, there being, in fact, no suitable place for a
second marriage of Abraham anywhere in the original J (Ho.).
:
350
(j,
R)
32
6
Keturah, called a concubine in i Ch. i
(cf. v.
is
here
a
the
death
of
Sarah
being presupposed.
wife,
below),
I.
in the
suggestion that
2.
pPl
(Tjefipdv,
Zofj-Ppdv, etc.)
Za/3/m/z,
is
with nst
(J5
vr^1)>
"107
25
J en 2 5
is
verv doubtful.
On
Jtfj?;
Iedi>,
le/crav,
Mey. INS, 3f.) and after the time of the Judges they practically
As to their occupations, we sometimes find
disappear from history.
them described as peaceful shepherds, sometimes as merchants [Gn.
6
28 36
Is. 6o ], sometimes as roving warriors, delighting to raid the
37
more settled districts" (No.). p$y and nis? have been identified by Frd.
Delitzsch (ZKF, ii. 91 f., Par. 297 f.) and Glaser (ii. 445 f.) with Yasbuk
and S&fyu of Ass. monuments (KIB, i. 159, 33, 99, 101), both regions of
northern Syria. Del. has since abandoned the latter identification (Hiob,
7
As they are there
1
5 f and J^] see on io
3.
39) for phonetic reasons.
bracketed under nip^n, so here under f^p;, a name otherwise unknown.
The equation with j^p; (io 25ff- ), proposed by Tu. and accepted by Mey.
Since the Sabaeans are here still in the
(318), is phonologically difficult.
N, it would seem that this genealogy goes farther back than that of the
Yoktanite Arabs in ch. io. Between Sheba and Dedan, (5r ins. Qat/j.dv
= K,p\i, v. 15 ). 3b. The sons of Dedan are wanting in i Ch., and are prob
(
ably interpolated here (note the pi.), ffir has in addition Payoi^X (cf.
13
1U
36 ) KCU Na/35ei7\ (cf. v. ). DI^N] certainly not the Assyrians (IJ N), but
some obscure N Arabian tribe, possibly the I^NN mentioned on two
(see
"
xxv. i-;
35 T
Minsean
AHT,
inscrs. along-
248
252
f.,
f.,
AA,
j?
4"
Glas.
ii.
449).
See on 24 36
6. The exodus of the Bne Kedem (com
a
the concubines] apparently Hagar and
posed by
redactor).
Keturah, though neither bears that opprobrious epithet in
5.
in i6 3
Gen.
and
his
so as not to be a burden
Cf. Ju. ii 2 .
upon him.
eastward
to the
npnp
and
But
Dnj3
OT
in
Dnj5
is
52
ff.;
(cf.
7 lla
in
(P).
P.
8
7
o n ?^,
the chron
jna, n^io n^sy?, vsySx qp^.,
;
phrases V.n ^y p;,
7
the reminiscences of ch. 23, and the backward reference in 4931 .
ology
llb
belongs to J.
1
5 end]
.uxffiJS
+ ij?.
O.VTQV.
6.
?:/ ? (see
on 22
4
)
is
used of a nns^
in
35
s2
.
DEATH OF ABRAHAM
352
(?)
gathered
to his
who
Abraham) were
and Ishmael] The
(like
Isaac
Iia.
Ub
5
(like v. ) has been torn from its context in J, where it may have
stood after 24! 25, or (more probably) after the notice of Abraham s
death (cf. 24 62 ). Meyer (INS, 253, 323) makes the improbable conjecture
that the statement referred originally to Ishmael, and formed, along- with
18
the conclusion of ch. 16.
v.
,
XXV.
12-18.
(P).
20
cf. the promise of i7 )
princes (EN^iD
16
and peoples (ntes, ) that is to say, they are the assumed
eponymous ancestors of 12 tribes which are here treated as
represent at once
forming a
political
In the geography of
name
of Ishmael.
ate between the Arabian Cushites on the S(io7 ), the Edomites, Moabites,
22f
i.e., roughly speak
etc., on the W, and the Aramaeans on the N (ro
-)
;
In J they extend
ing, the Syro- Arabian desert north of Gebel Shammar.
The Ishmaelites have left very little
to the border of Egypt (v. 18 ).
mark in history. From the fact that they are not mentioned in Eg. or
Ass. records, Meyer infers that their flourishing period was from the
In
the latest possible traces
1 2th to the Qth cent. B.C. (INS, 324).
17
of Ishmael as a people are in the time of David (cf. 2 Sa. i7 25 i Ch. 2
80
27 ), though the name occurs sporadically as that of an individual or
OT
clan in
much
Ezr. IOM ).
In Gn. 37 25ff
8ff
24
Ju. 8 ,
-,
2 Ki. 25**,
it is
Ch. S
possible that
38
9",
Ch.
Ishmaelites
19"
is
23!,
syno
-npi n
The
possibly the Nabatcei and Cedrei of Pliny, v. 65 (cf. vi. 157, etc.).
references do not enable us to locate them with precision, but they must
8.
nD
yiri] v.
*pm] so
25"
17
35
35
29
see on 6 17
yatsn] juu.(5r better D D jnan, as 3$**.
88
Nu. 2o 24 26 27 13 3 2 Dt. 32 60 f(all P). 10.
1
49-
xxv. 8-i8
353
28"
&
nzpx
-
8
.
is
determine.
have followed 25, the reference being not to the Ishmaelites but to the
12
But even 18a
Kefcureans and that the second half is a gloss from i6
nb for we have seen that the Ketureans
is not consistent with
are found
E and SE of Palestine, and Shur is certainly not eastward from where
.
23
GENEALOGY OF ISHMAEL
354
Abraham
(?)
dwelt.
J fixes the
Gof
see on i67 ).
but
it
Hommel s
restoration n^D
on
iiB N), is
brilliant
XXV. iQ-XXXVI.
legends which cluster round the name of this patriarch fall into four
main groups (see Gu. 257 ff.).
A. Jacob and Esau :
19 28
2. The trans
i. The birth and youth of Esau and Jacob (25
).
29 3:
ference of the birthright (25
Jacob
).
3.
procures his father s blessing
by a fraud (27).
B. Jacob
and Laban
1 14
2. His marriage to Leah
Jacob s meeting with Rachel (29
).
and Rachel (29 15 30 ). 3. The births of Jacob s children (2981 -3o 24 ). 4.
28 43
Jacob s bargain with Laban (3O
).
5. The flight from Laban and the
1
1
Treaty of Gilead (3i ~32 ).
C. Jacob s return to Canaan (loose and fragmentary)
4 22
2. The meeting of
i. Jacob s measures for appeasing Esau (32
).*
the brothers (33 1 17 ).* 3. The sack of Shechem (34). 4. The visit to
1 15
Bethel, etc. (35
5. The birth of Benjamin and death of Rachel
).
"
i.
"
(3518-20).
6.
Reuben
s incest (35
21f<
)-
23
wrestling at Peniel (32
18 20
"
(33
)-
5-
The second
- 83
).
The purchase of a
4.
visit to
Bethel
lot
at
Shechem
1 - 16
(35
)-
The
19>
Mb.
22b-26. 27-29
Even here,
^l^pyfr 33^^ 356*.
35*^
however, the redactor has allowed himself a freedom which he hardly
29
30
HISTORY OF JACOB
356
represented by homogeneous sections (like chs. 16. i8f. [J], 20. 22 [E])
they are so closely and continuously blended that their separation is
always difficult and occasionally impossible, while no lengthy context
can be wholly assigned to the one or to the other. These phenomena
are not due to a deliberate change of method on the part of the redactors,
but rather to the material with which they had to deal. The J and E
recensions of the life of Jacob were so much alike, and so complete, that
;
they ran easily into a single compound narrative whose strands are
naturally often hard to unravel and of so closely knit a texture that P s
skeleton narrative had to be broken up here and there in order to fit
into the connexion.
To trace the growth of so complex a legend as that of Jacob is a
tempting but perhaps hopeless undertaking. It may be surmised that
the Jacob-Esau (A) and Jacob-Laban (B) stories arose independently
and existed separately, the first in the south of Judah, and the second
The amalgamation of the two cycles gave the idea
east of the Jordan.
of Jacob s flight to Aram and return to Canaan and into this frame
work were fitted various cult-legends which had presumably been
preserved at the sanctuaries to which they refer. As the story passed
from mouth to mouth, it was enriched by romantic incidents like the
meeting of Jacob and Rachel at the well, or the reconciliation of Jacob
and Esau and before it came to be written down by J and E, the
history of Jacob as a whole must have assumed a fixed form in Israelite
;
tradition.
is
more doubtful.
As regards the
nations of Israel and Edom and similarly at the end of ch. 31, Jacob
and Laban appear as representatives of Israelites and Aramaeans. It
has been supposed that the ethnographic motive, which comes to the
;
may extract from the legends a kernel of ancient tribal history. Thus,
according to Steuernagel, Jacob (or Ya akob-el) was a Hebrew tribe
which, being overpowered by the Edomites, sought refuge among the
Aramaeans, and afterwards, reinforced by the absorption of an Aramaean
clan (Rachel), returned and settled in Canaan the events being placed
:
xxv.
357
between the Exodus from Egypt and the conquest of Palestine (Einiv.
There are indeed few parts of the patriarchal
cf. Ben. 286).
38 ff., 56 if.
history where this kind of interpretation yields more plausible results
and it is quite possible that the above construction contains elements of
At the same time, the method is one that requires to be applied
truth.
:
with very great caution. In the first place, it is not certain that Jacob,
Esau, and Laban were originally personifications of Israel, Edom, and
Aram respectively they may be real historic individuals or they may
be mythical heroes round whose names a rich growth of legend had
gathered before they were identified with particular peoples. In the
second place, even if they were personified tribes, the narrative must
necessarily contain many features which belong to the personifications,
and have no ethnological significance whatever. If, e.g., one set of
legends describes Israel s relations with Edom in the south and another
its relations with the Aramaeans in the east, it was necessary that the
ideal ancestor of Israel should be represented as journeying from the
one place to the other but we have no right to conclude that a similar
migration was actually performed by the nation of Israel. And there
are many incidents even in this group of narratives which cannot
As
naturally be understood of dealings between one tribe and another.
a general rule, the ethnographic interpretation must be confined to
those incidents where it is either indicated by the terms of the narrative,
or else confirmed by external evidence.
:
XXV.
19-34.
teristics,
shows
Vv.
19>
20
note rnVw
rr?Ni,
To P must
The
23
-^
21 bis
n, n
22
^,^
23)
21Wj
stylistic criteria (mrv,
21 ~ 28
24 26
to 3 8 27ff-
35&
to
it
cisive,
and the
l
linguistic indications
36] ; \DV top jrty,
We Comp*
-
in ay 36 .
*>).
Isaac s marriage.
19, 20.
JE)
assign
(p,
follows
(3120.24)
n ^ e.
is
confirmed by 28 2
Aram Naharaim
for
in J (24 10 )
see
Paddan
"Aram]
(28
6 7
On
fT.
3i
18
33
18
MeoroTrora/uas) is P s equivalent
and in all probability denotes
;
(v.i.).
Yahwe}
Cf.
n
19. prur
(of
Gen.
No
loff
-.
miraculous intervention
the birth of
It
is
or) of
on pp. 40 f.,
alogy.
Sa.
looks as
had handled
the editor
if
words
pri*:
-j|
in
his
document somewhat
12
Ar. faddan = yoke of oxen"; hence (in
20. ps] Syr.
(cf. v. ).
similar
Ar.) a definite measure of land (jugerum cf. Lane, 2353 b).
sense has been claimed for Ass. padanu on the authority of II R. 62,
On this view DIN B would be equivalent to niijf
33 a, b (Del. Par. 135).
j^,
D-IN=
field
of Aram in Ho. i2 13
Ordinarily, padanu
means way
(Del.
Hwb,
515 f
hence
it
<f
"
xxv.
suggested
9 -2 5
359
is
22.
piety is so tantalisingly meagre.
pregnancy the children crushed one another} (v.i.) in
everyday
During
family
Comp. the story of Akrisios and Proitus (Apol. BibL ii. 2. i ff.), sons
of Abas, king of Argos, who Kara yaffrpbs ptv In fores tffTaffiaov irpbs
The sequel presents a certainparallelism to the history of
dXX^Xovs.
Esau and Jacob, which has a bearing on the question whether there is
an element of mythology behind the ethnological interpretation of the
Another parallel is the Polynesian
biblical narrative (see pp. 455 f.).
myth of the twins Tangaroa and Kongo (Che. TJ3I 356).
t
dismay
to] be so,
why
then
am I
?]
v.i.
to
inquire of Yahwe}
23. The oracle is
38
27 ~ 30
,
OiD iN
des Opfers, die Begriffe liegen nahe bei einander (We. 142). 22.
41* 44
tffKtpraiv (the same word as Lk. I
), perhaps confusing pi,
"
run,
2. 3iird\aiov.
correctly, Aq. ffvvedXdffO-rjcrav
d OVTUS fioi /xAXet ytve<r0ai, tva rl /j,oi TOVTO; But the
11
merely emphasises the intern (G-K. 136 c), and the latter part of the
1 Vo \
sentence seems incomplete: 15 quid necesse fuit concipere?
1
<Br
More
&
pi
(GGA,
Graetz supplies
1901, 697)
changes
.11.1
DJN to .vrw,
while Gu.
Frankenberg
njx (Ps. 91),
Hex. only 27^ (J). Tjtt]
(cf.
27^)
makes
it
with
34 -
27
red-haired
of the
((Sr irvppdK7]s,
word with
the
U rufus
name
so Ges. Tu.
V^y creates
al.).
a suspicion that
The
it
incongruity
be either
may
360
Edom
("W)
It
is
JE)
30
is
finds
Esau
(p,
name
explanation of the
Jacob.
Their manner of
27, 28.
life.
Esau becomes a
27.
man
skilled in
stupid
(also
(Dri.).
Ou<ro>os,
or
etymology.
*
Mey.
ZATW,
of
ZATW,
vi.
xxi. 6off.
Ramses
MVAG,
At end of v.,
II.,
and
(J5
adds
INS,
251
an improvement
Pe/3<?/c/ca,
f.,
281
f.
Miiller,
(defectively written) in
AE,
by
162
in style.
f.
Luther,
Miiller in
one of Ramses
in.
a
:
list
see
1907,
i.
27.
Homm. AHT,
96,
is
doubtful),
XXV. 26-30
different
documents.
is
occupation
doubtless some
Jacob, on
life
pastoral
and game is
Edomite country (Buhl, Edomiter^
ethnographic significance
$6 1
8
here
ethically blameless man
(Jb. i
etc.),
describes the orderly well-disposed man (Scotice, douce ),
where
an
-,
supposed by
The superi
29-34. Esau parts with the birthright.
Israel
to
Edom
is
of
popularly explained by a typical
ority
familiar
to
the
incident,
pastoral tribes bordering on the
desert,
to
At such
the shepherd s tent to beg for a morsel of food.
times the man of the field is at the mercy of the tent*
dweller
immoral
and
in
hunters.
being
VB^>
29. TIJ
sumptuously.
na (common
The
in Ass.).
30.
Ja
J^n
(#TT.
NH
lit.
The emendation
362
may
"
to secure
the long-coveted
birthright, i.e. the superior
status which properly belonged to the first-born son.
The rare term .rib? denotes the advantages and rights usually
enjoyed by the eldest son, including such things as (a) natural vigour
IK rrtpN-i), creating a pre
of body and character (Gn. 493 Dt. 2i 17
sumption of success in life, (b) a position of honour as head of the
8
family (Gn. 27^ 49 ), and (c) a double share of the inheritance (Dt.
2i 16ff-).
By a legal fiction this status was conceived as transferable
from the actual first-born to another son who had proved himself more
worthy of the dignity (i Ch. 5 ). When applied to tribes or nations,
it expresses superiority in political might or material prosperity
and
this is the whole content of the notion in the narrative before us.
The
idea of spiritual privilege, or a mystic connexion (such as is suggested
:
||
lf>
Heb. i2 16ft ) between the birthright and the blessing of ch. 27, is
foreign to the spirit of the ancient legends, which owe their origin to
astiological reflexion on the historic relations of Israel and Edom.
in
The passage
(Bibl. Arch.
46
Esau
32.
man
7|>n
sooner or later
(lEz. Di.
darkish brown
(DB,
iii.
The
95a).
if Esau was
was incapable
of appreciating.
CINH after Ar. iddm = seasoning or condiment for bread* (cf.
so Boysen (cited in Schleusner2 i. 969), T. D. Anderson (ap. Di.).
This is better than (Dri. al.) to make the change in both places. (Sr (rov
the
first
v. 84 ):
e^/iaros TOV Trvppov TovTov) and ~E (de coctione hacrufa) seem to differentiate
51
16
22 s (BDB, 400 b).
i Sa. 2
i Ki. i
the words.
31. DVs]= first of all, as
,
XXV. 3I-XXVI.
XXVI.
CH.
Isaac
and the
363
Philistines
R, P).
(},
20
ch.
1-6
The introductory
f.).
cf.
2O lf -)
Rebekah
7~
is
||
34f
(
-)
23 ~ 33
(
||
2i 22
- 34
).
The
notice of
Esau
an excerpt from P.
is
dactional
2a/3*>.
41
(24
m.v
M
31
Some critics find traces of E in lf
(24 ).
The relation of the passage to other strata
ipn:-!,
are dubious.
nj>*,
but these
of the J
hand, the
-,
On the one
is very difficult to determine.
extremely close parallelism to ch. 20 f. suggests that it is a secondary
compilation based on JE as a composite work, with the name of Isaac
But it is impossible to imagine a
substituted for that of Abraham.
and several considerations favour the
motive for such an operation
h
theory that ch. 26 is a continuation of the source distinguished as J in
document
with the name of Isaac (whether Abraham or Isaac was the original
hero of these legends we cannot well ascertain). (2) The language
c& 3 *op,
on the whole confirms this view (cf. ^P^n, p nyn,
KVI, and
all the phrases of 25a ).
(3) The ideal of the patriarchal character
h
agrees with that which we find in J (magnanimity, peaceableness, etc.).
In any case, it is to be observed that the ch. stands out of its proper
order.
The Rebekah of
is plainly not the mother of two grown-up
7ff<
is
tions, the
;
ISAAC AT GERAR
364
Beer Lahai-roi, 25 11
(j)
On
and bless
3a.
ful
-
28f
thee\ a
12ff<
husbandry
24<
),
-),
Abraham.
la
I2 10 .
JE
y (D.VDK
irita) is a redactional gloss (RJ or
), pointing- back to
2a b
ui TUT^N) is obviously inconsistent with 3a , and is best ex
/3
(
la
Di. Gu.
y (KS. Ho.).
plained as a gloss from the same hand as
consider it a variant from a parallel narrative of E (cf. I^N IDK nt^N
with 22 2 ), to which Di. quite unnecessarily assigns also la and 8 ; but the
al.
"
many
Rebekah
7-1 1.
13
2o2 ),
(as i2
honour compromised.
Isaac
7, 8.
a play on the
else construed with riN.
on
),
and the
Isaac.
9, 10.
Abimelech
2O 9
It
is
vb.
nowhere
is
rebuke of Isaac,
thou mightest have brought
latter s self-exculpation.
Cf.
guili\
The
name
timid
it is
unmotived.
i2 10ff 20, 26 7
-
11
4
The nearest analogies to this
(5r Jub. read sing.
3. msnNn] so v.
2
use of pi. (which is rare and mostly late) are i Ch. I3 2 Ch. n 23 =
8
The
districts (of Palestine).
SNH] see ig
4a.
comparison with the
18
17
note esp.
stars, as 15 22
4b, 5 almost verbally identical with 22
;
the
uncommon
ns^K spy.
5b
is
made up
7.
raipon
t?jN]
cf.
29
16
22
a very rare
Ju. ig .
real inf. (dicere, not dicendo).
38",
word as a
~)>vb]
io6/>.
and question
Should
wx
room] cons.
juxffi istf.
be
pf.
3 -i6
XXVI.
365
In
i2
10ff<
(J
the leading
features
heroine,
the
patriarch s fear for his life, his stratagem, the plagues on the heathen
monarch, his rebuke of the patriarch, and the rewards heaped on the
are combined in a strong and convincing situation, in which
latter
natural significance.
In ch. 20 (E),
the main preserved though a tendency to
soften the harsher aspects of the incident appears in God s communica
tion to Abimelech, in the statement that no actual harm had come to
in its full
is in
men
only the
beautiful wife
critical
It is,
ff.
tion
allusions
Isaac s
in
which leads to
Philistines,
on
18
See
15.
below.
13-16. Gu. thinks the vv. are a pendant to the Rebekah incident, corre
14
16
sponding to the gifts of the heathen king (i2 2o ) and the expulsion of
Abraham
indeed,
it
20
(i2
interrupting
wrongly
(cf. "W=
It is
).
might
fairly
the
more natural
continuity
of the
main
narrative.
NH 11^=
ip,
measure
).
13.
Siai
li"?n
iS
i]
G-K.
12.
onyr]
measure or value
Aram, and NH esp.
113 u.
ISAAC AT GERAR
366
(j)
See on 2i 25f -.
found.
21. Sitnah
(*
W. Sutnet er-Ruhaibeh^
the
possibly to be sought in
close to Ruhaibeh, though v. 22
hostility
is
Rehoboth
in the
room
plausibly identified
is
with er-
Ruhaibeh,
of Beersheba (a description in Palmer,
ii.
382
SW
f.).
an ancient
The theophany
23-25.
at Beersheba.
23.
went up]
reads
18
18.
DiDnD
i]
DB>D
"
and the naming of the place are separate things which were evidently
18
b
33
kept distinct in J (2i ). 25. ns i] synonymous with n&n in Nu. 2i
elsewhere only used of a grave (50) or pit (Ex. 2I 33 etc.).
;
367
XXVI. 17-33
The
Ahuzzath
an
in
from
an
official title common
Egypt
early period, and
18
65
cf.
amongst the Ptolemies and Seleucids (i Mac. 2 io
26-33.
(v.i.)
adviser,
26.
or
vizier,
2 Sa. i6 16f -,
See vv. 14
Ki. 45
16
.
rp-13 refers
to the symbolic
Sib ah
(v.i.)
is
njDP,
oath
(as
place.
It is possible to recognise in these imperfectly preserved legends a
reflexion of historic or pre-historic relations between nomadic tribes of
the
of Gerar.
Israel)
and the
wells
was disputed by
settled population
the two
26. nin] (for the ending, see Dri. Sam. 107) has sometimes been
mistaken for the noun meaning possession (i7 8 ), taken in the sense
of a body holding- together (see Ra. ad loc.} so 2T imom njro, company
of his friends ; Jer. collegium amicorum ejus Gr.-Ven. Karox n re roil
;
<f>t\ov
2 Sa. 3 8 , Pr.
JHD]
(Field).
12
s6
t)>
here.
28. irnira] need not be deleted ((BiJSU, al.).
s4
10
7
2 6f
Jos. 22 , Ju. ii , 2 Sa. 2i , Jer. 25, Ezk. io
-f)
.
is always two-sided, and is here resolved into the commoner pa*
p?,
7
Hence in the first case us means all the parties
exactly as 2 Sa. 2i .
the vvpfayuybs of
(Hi
foa
88
"
"
to the covenant, in
29.
nfe
im]
On
the
&
fldw/>].
<>
U Abundantiam, 5
of sibilants, one
pertinently asks
menfuin, quod
is
:
]vofri
(n^a;?-,
Ezk. i6
In spite of the
interchange
4<J
).
aquam
-non (cf.
(Hi)
invenissent ?
DE ] ffi^ pr.
N"]J5.
368
and the covenant becomes a general treaty of peace and amity, which
In E there
also have had historic importance for a later period.
is no mention of contested wells at all, nor even a hint that Abraham
had dug- the well of Beersheba while J h seems expressly to bar any
connexion between the covenant and the discovery of the well.
of,
may
34,
Esau
35.
Hittite
wives
In
(P).
Esau
P,
is
29
represented as still living with Isaac at Mamre (35 ).
3
It is possible, however,
see on 23
Hittite for Canaanite
that in the case of Basemath the true text was Hivvite (so
*
On
XXVI I.
How Jacob
1-45.
Blessing (]E).
is
to be
prosperity.
fine
ethical
"J"
We
The presence
of a dual narrative
rendered probable by
is
In
the following duplicates (see We. Comp* 34-36) (a) s*.**\\ *&-*.
TOK i of w and 34 (Esau s
same
as
the
to
the
recalled
we
are
stage
(iD*n)
a* a7a
s 1 23
38
here
(b)
cry) carries us forward to the same point as
i
commences two sections which must be alternative, since
again
both lead up to the blessing (irmm). (c) A less obvious doublet may
:
II
"iDN
be discovered
in
"
15
13 - 16
II
in the
Esau
is
disguised by the
s clothes.
30a
(d)
II
**P.
(e)
4Baa
(to IDD).
The language
is
xxvii. 1-5
umerated, however, the stylistic criteria are hard to trace and in the
attempt to disentangle them almost everything- hangs on the word nirr
in OT
As to (b), 9*Jsa is certainly J, and 21 23 consequently E ; it will
follow that in (c) I5 belongs to J and n 13 1S to E.
With regard to (a), it
is almost impossible to decide which is J s variant and which E s.
Gu.
33 38
to E, on the somewhat subtle ground that in J (^ 27 ) Isaac
assigns
is ignorant who it is that has personated Esau, whereas in E ( 88 **) he
knows very well that it is Jacob (so OH. SOT). Most critics have
taken the opposite view, but without any decisive positive reason. See
Gu. p. 270 f. Pro. 19 f. It is not worth while to push the precarious
analysis further anything else of importance may be reserved for the
;
notes.
his
his
of 25 23
I. Blindness is spoken of as a frequent concomitant
of old age (cf. 48 10 i Sa. 3 2 i Ki. i 4 4 EC. i2 3 ct. Dt. 3 47 ).
3. thy quiver (v.i.) and thy bow] the latter, the hunter s
.
weapon
(Is.
19t
24
2 Ki. I3 15 ).
cf.
25 31
As
4.
that
my
soul
may
bless
often in
2
lff
-,
OT
if
24f
loff -
(48
5<D
2 Ki. 131^).
5.
-,
listening}
cf.
Ki.
i8 10
The
religious notion
v.
pnani]
ui iDN i)
),
and
is
was induced
(cf.
Sa.
I2
only here, from *J nSn, hang, is a more suitable
3. ^n] (JM. in^n)
designation of the quiver (ffilJW lEz.) than of the sword (2TRa.).
122 /) = piece of game
nyy Keth. may here be noun of unity (G-K.
11
<&
read.
24
370
Rebekah s stratagem.
6-17.
heard
son (25 2S )
The mother
jealousy
and ingenuity
is
illustrate the
quick-witted womanhood.
consciousness of Yahwe s
1
probably belong to
(see
Hebrew
7-
Rebekah s
making"
more apparent Jacob obeys her without a
The objection shows
a hairy man] see 25 25
word.
still
II.
On me
34f>
tinuity.
to his
Rebekah
17.
own
s part
being
now
ended, Jacob
is
left
resources.
5
8.
6. nan] cf. to?, v. ; the addition of J9j?n ((5r) is unnecessary.
p| and
ui T^NJ2
be variants ace. to Di. ? yo^ is characteristic of E, and
then
12. ynyno (
^ joy of J.
yyn)]), properly a stammerer (cf. Ar. tdtad]
may
Dav.
(2
27).
HI TDN
Ch.
36") ;
18.
lb
<&JJ
XXVII. 6-27
37
and so he
blessed him
(so Gu.).
The
20.
24-27
section,
we have
seen,
is
18 19a-
composite (perhaps
_ j) m t^ primary documents
.
the interview
was
- ffl -
28
=E
19b ||
less complicated,
and the movement quicker, than it now appears but since neither has
been preserved intact, we cannot tell how long Isaac s hesitation and
Jacob s suspense lasted in each case. In J as it stands, it would seem
that Isaac s suspicions are first aroused by the promptness of the sup
posed hunter s return, and perhaps only finally allayed by the smell of
Esau s garments. In E it is the voice which almost betrays Jacob,
and the feel of his arms which saves him from detection. For details,
:
cal
Its nearest
Jacob, but with the future greatness of Israel.
22ff
13ff
are
the
on
Gn.
analogies
blessings
Joseph,
49 -, Dt. 33
and it is not improbable that its Elohistic elements (v.t.)
-
originated in N. Israel.
27b
(J).
cf.
The
documents, in Dri. T.
75.
once to state briefly the issue of the
whole, and afterwards, as though forgetting that he had anticipated,
proceed to annex the particulars by the same means (\ cons.). Ew. and
Hitz. applied the same principle to several other passages (see id.)
but
the explanation seems to me not very natural.
24. Jinx] juu. nrmn.
25.
"
33
TXD] (&
& ?|TS!?
27b-29-
The
but see
v.
31
.
27b
depends on such considerations as these m.T
points decisively to J
29a *
D .TJKM
less certainly, to E, which is confirmed by PTJII }JT (cf. 37 ).
and 29b because of the
(to D DN ?) is J because of the last word (25)
***P (from mn) is E (cf. w )
KS. and Ho.
resemblance to i2 3
(so Gu.).
29a
29a *
differ first in treating 29a b as wholly
to E and
*, thus assigning
a
to J (thus far Pro. agrees with them)
then in the inference that ^ is J
:
||
28b is E.
The metrical structure
and, lastly, in the reflex inference that
27b
is irregular.
Parallelism appears in 28a and in ^ throughout.
falls
into three trimeters
but 29 (also J) can only be scanned in tetrameters.
;
In
ii.
trimeters
79, 316.
27b.
TIB ] jux
(ungrammatically)
See Sievers,
N"?D
mrn.
The
i.
405, 577,
K"?D,
how-
372
Dt. 33 23 (v.t.).2S (E). fat places of the earth} for the image
1
cf. Is. 5 28 1 Nu. i3 20
Heaven and earth conspire to give
"
him of
with
2
their
22
2paa
etc.).
reference
(2
Sa.
At
all
best"
and must]
corn
(Gu.).
often combined
oil
(J).
J>eoples
nations]
is
cf.
25
13
Ho.
23
The
subdued by David
8
2pa/3 (E) resembles a tribal blessing (cf. 49 ).
events the mention of brethren (pi.) shows that the im
8).
mediate situation
30-40.
and
Esau
3
forgotten.
2pb (J). Cf. i2
sues in vain for a blessing.
is
Both
30.
bring out
being
address (jussives) is if anything
a little more deferential than Jacob s (v. 19 ). 33. Who, then,
is he.
?] The words express but a momentary un
detected
(v.i.).
3lb. Esau
whom
,
see above).
and blessed he shall be] Not that Isaac
in
the
acquiesces
ruling of Providence, and refuses to
withdraw the blessing but that such an oracle once uttered
of (Gu.
now
nature irrevocable.
is in its
same words
in
38
Here
J s
me
34. bless
the
too] parallel to
narrative breaks
35
and
off,
(E)
^y
^>p,
the final
mrr (Kin) is
in
OT
NH
(see next
JUA
form of
rrn (cf.
*JDB>D]
rrin
cl.).
Is.
28.
29. inntr
f,
and
i]
= rvo]
K;q)
(ace.
to Ex. 3 14 ) in the
surprising.
after 49*.
2^
assign this to
(juss.).
33.
J,
*?3C]
to E.
inf.
abs.).
rather
.T,T 11*13 DJ
K]
np;
The
<&)
xxvii. 28-40
me ?
makes a blessing
All that
29a^ 28b
37. Cf.
(E).
nrna.
political
wealth
373
34a .
corresponding to
wept]
Those
of Esau, the
almost like the cry of some
"
tears
"
Bible
draws
forth
what
is
v. 29
dwelling be;
Edom
jection of
to Israel,
20ff
or even Ahaz (i6 6 ).
40b. The prosaic
(2 Ki. 8
-),
form suggests that this may be a later addition dating from
Joram
Edom
common
The
Kal
territory of
to the
figure
is
judXi<rra
20
5
Jer. 2
5 28
Edom
is
2<
717)6?
lovdata.
Modern
however, speak of
travellers,
it
as
rendering- above,
and
is
<*)
of
JN,
see
retain,
G-K.
135
e.
in N ^M]
(5r
**
om., but
/cardi/i/x^i/ros
3
^y n;n] cf. Dt. 8 ,
MSS
8t
I<raa:
(pn^ DTI).
Ju.
40.
u 37
ZDMG,
Comp. Josephus on
Trpbs TO.
re w/u6raTot
the Idumseans
KivfuJLO/TO.
<f>ove\jiv
Kal
/ieTa/SoXcus
fivres (ib.
310).
x a ?P ov KT^Cf. Diod.
ii.
(&./>
48.
iv.
6vos atei re
231),
and
ISAAC
374
CHARGE TO JACOB
(P)
fertile (Robinson, BR, ii. 154; Palmer, Des. of Ex. ii. 430 f.
Buhl accordingly thinks the curse refers
Buhl, Edomiter, 15 f.).
of the Arabah and this is perhaps better
only to the barren plateau
extremely
cf.
than (with No. Dri.) to assimilate the terms of the blessing- and the
curse.
It is probable that J s narrative contained a form of the curse on
39f39
is doubtful.
is certainly
Esau, but whether any part is preserved in
from the same source as 2S (E) with regard to 40a the question stands
;
Esau
purpose of
f.,
317.
Ba.
revenge.
Esau
41.
42.
i
24
,
Thy
brother
is
going
to take
44,
he forget] reckoning on Esau s wellknown instability, and at the same time making light of the
bereaved of you both\ The writer has in
trial of separation.
45.
a few days
till
XXVII. 46-XXVIII.
9.
Isaac s Charge
to
Jacob
in
(P).
Jacob
The romantic
ct.
44 f. DHHK] as 29 , Dn. n
awn N ty and Ditrij; are obviously doublets, though there are
Gn. ii
no data for assigning either to its proper source. (Gr runs both together
43. -jS-ma]
($r
+ et s
20
TT\V lA.effOTrorafj.iav.
20
"IB
u>s
6v/j.6v
T. a.8.
<rov.
XXVII. 4I-XXVIII. 9
375
Marks of P
abundant
s style are
*,
jw?
ntf
8
*?N,
(J
an amplification of 26 35
Rebekah an initiative more in the
46
is
supplied by
from ch. 27 to 28
modelled on 24 3
37
2.
4
rfStj,
^?n
5
;
2- 5-
V?-]NH,
3, 2 4
cry*
pg,
3 - 37
3
)
n<sy
"?n,7,
spirit of
to
affinity
2 5 19f
4-
th e blessing
(Hi")
XXVIII.
(v.i.).
6- 8
nija,
is
(JJS
in
6f>
XXVIII.
10-22.
).
It is
(Di.), in
by De.
MT
al.)
34f>
seems to correspond to J s In thee shall all nations, etc. (i2 etc.), and
probably expresses some sort of Messianic outlook. J. IDN ^NI] perhaps
a gloss suggested by 27 43f (Di. al.). 9. WyD^-W] JUA om. nVqp] J5
see on
(cf. SP)
-
36".
376
11ft
Analysis. The section consists of a complete Elohistic narrative (
with a Yahwistic insertion ( 13 16 ).
For E, cf. D\n"?N, 12 17 2
ajtf?,
),
22
the dream, 12 the tithe, 22 and the retrospective references in 3i 13
17 22
is.
35
s- 7
For
13
J, nirr
<**)
16
;
3?}
13
to i2 3
>
i3
18f-
26 24 32 13
To J belong-, further, 10 (nnn), and (if genuine) 21b ,
is
the
latter
more probably interpolated. 19a breaks the con
though
nexion of 18 and M , and may be taken from J 19b is an explanatory
i8 18 22 15ff
19a
16
INS, 236
17
to
Jacob s dream.
10-12
(E).
the
i.e.)
place]
The
here).
on
v. 17 ).
is difficult
Its
En.
(cf.
Ixi.
i).
11
v.
The
13-16
(J).
The
promise.
in 26 24 )
is
II.
257.
11.
The promise
13
.
13>
15
12>
partly a re-
),
Sa. I9
1S>
in relating
16
XXVIIT. lo-i;
newal of the blessing- of
later amplification of the
Abraham
).
latter is not
improbably a
13.
The
14
(
377
(v.z.) y
his
fathers.
is
Yahwe
a stand
cf. v. 16
the
paradox of the early religion of Israel
land whereon thou liest\ a description peculiarly appropriate
to the solitary and homeless fugitive who had not where to
:
ing-
14ff
22 17f 26*- 24 32 13
14. Comp. i3
lay his head.
the note on i2 3
16. Yahwe is in this place, etc.}
-
On
14b
see
The under
tion,
more
case
in
Ex. 3
forcibly represented in
17
(v.
).
the only
It is
(cf.
).
awaking
16
(
is
18
).
Only a
Israelite could
The
we
(as
first
see from v. 22 )
We
dream: yf
means of ascent
to the dwelling-place
2
(<)
(5iH<S
f")Nn,
/AT?
0o/3oD.
(& psi
Ex.
12
,
Is.
14.
54
etc.
15. ^aa]
<fyc/xos
TT}S
6a\d<ra-rjs,
break through
after 32 13 4i 49
[bounds],
cf.
nnsi]
3O
30 **,
378
The Egyptian
character, which we cannot now trace to their origin.
theology also knew of a ladder by which the soul after death mounted
up to the gate of heaven (Erman, Hdbk. 96). Whether it has any
connexion with the sillu, or decorated arch over a palace gate, depicted
in ATLO 2 13, remains doubtful.
That the image was suggested by
physical features of the locality a stony hillside rising up in terraces
towards heaven seems a fanciful explanation to one who has not visited
but the descriptions given of the singular freak of nature which
the spot
occurs near the summit of the slope to the north of Beitin
huge stones
piled one upon another to make columns nine or ten feet or more in height
,
("
.")lend
some
Early Hebrew
Story, noff.).
20-22
in the
(E).
neighbourhood.
The vow
Jacob s vow.
in
OT
"consists
18.
D] ( thing set up, Ar. nusb, Ph. na*D) is the technical name
of the sacred monolith which was apparently an adjunct of every fully
n^>
"
1
[cf. Lv. 26 ]) ; and J s significant silence
It is only at a
is probably an earlier indication of the same tendency.
very li*te period that we find the word used once more without offence
,
(Is.
19^).
2974
ff.
G-K.
71.
19.
nSiKi]
i6 21f
Moore in EB,
RS?, 204 ff., 456 f.
879 ff. pin] On this, the usual form, see
19
strong adversative, found in Pent, only 48 ,
iii.
xxvin. 18-22
essentially of a
379
in the
the stone
Am.
to the tithe
(cf.
i4
pre-Deuteronomic references
20
).
In its present setting- the above narrative forms the transition link
between the Jacob-Esau and the Jacob- Laban cycle of leg-ends. In sub
stance it is, we can hardly doubt, a modification of the cultus-legend of
Bethel (now Beitln, situated on an eminence about 10 miles N of Jeru
salem, a little E of the road to Nabulus), the founding- of which was
ascribed to the patriarch Jacob. The concrete features which point to
a local origin the erection of the mazzebah, the ladder, the gate of
heaven, and the institution of the tithe are all indeed peculiar to the
account of E, which obviously stands nearer to the sources of the native
tradition than the stereotyped form of the theophany given by J.
From
E we learn that the immemorial sanctity of Bethel was concentrated in
the sacred stone which was itself the original Beth- el, i.e. the residence
of a g-od or spirit. This belief appears to g-o back to the primitive stone-
(<&\
Eg",
Pflicht."
380
JACOB
MARRIAGE
worship of which traces are very widely diffused over the surface of the
The characteristic rite of anointing- the stone, originally perhaps
a sacrifice to the indwelling numen, was familiar to classical writers.!
The most instructive parallel is the fact mentioned by Pausanias (x. 24,
6), that on a small stone in the sanctuary of Delphi oil was poured every
day we may conjecture that a similar practice was kept up at Bethel
globe.*
long after its original significance was forgotten. Though the monolith
of Bethel is not elsewhere explicitly referred to in OT, we may assume
XXIX.
Jacob
1-30.
Daughters
(JE, P)-
),
in the
in this section
viz.
21
J?S 2
204
ff.,
232
f.
ii.
160
ff.
The wide
curious develop
logical parallels see KIB, i. 44 f., ii. 113, 151, 261.
ment of the ancient belief appears in the name BcdriAos, ~BaiTu\iov, Betulus,
applied to small stones (aerolites?), supposed to be self-moving and
spirit
logical Institute
of America,
vii.
(1903),
No.
2, p.
198
ff.
15 3
The first, a purely idyllic scene reminding
).
n ~ 33 and Ex. 2 15 ~ 22 forms a
pleasing introduction to
24
and Rachel
us of
"
legends.*
in the trial of
astuteness which
Fragments of P
and probably also in Wb
Analysis.
vv. 24
29
sure to ensue.
is
s narrative
The separation
of J and
in
uncertain
on account of the close parallelism of the two documents and the absence
of material differences of representation to support or correct the literary
Most subsequent critics agree with Di. that v. 1 belongs to E
analysis.
-
is
2
13
2 14
14
23
to J
cf. nxnpV pi,
(i8 24") ; "ai Dsy,
(see the notes), and
(a ).
Rachel appears to be introduced for the first time hence Di.
In
:
16f>
regards
where
are matra,
15
Ball
"
all
meeting"
from
30
Jacob s
1-14.
(or
and
"vyyv
nearly.
15b
15
19
excluding, however,
v. 26 ,
characteristic expressions of
ui inn nfl , 17 .
So Gu. Pro.
onwards
to J.
with Rachel.
i.
Harran (aS 10
presumed that
29*)
this third
Now the D^P ^3 are
everywhere else the tribes of the Syro-Arabian desert, and
21ff
3i
certainly suggests that Laban s home was not so
distant from Canaan as Harran (see on 24 lof [city of Nahor]).
is in J,
journey
and
to be
in P,
The
The
om.
can only
*
33
The custom
referred
to
of
by
mean and
2P thinks
it
the conversation
the stone
was great
it
is
13
(v.
).
JACOB
382
Robinson,
Ex. ii. 319
BR
f.
i.
cf.
MARRIAGE
(JE)
also Diod.
graphy of E
(v.
in
accordance with
7>
Ex. 2 16
cf.
The
trait is in
still
is
characteristic of
and my
Laban
2
27
(cf.
24
29ff
-).
14.
my
2 Sa. 5
It is an
Ju. 9
i9
flesh} as 37
absurd suggestion that the exclamation is called forth by the
recital of Jacob s dealings with Esau, in which Laban recog
bone
13f>
3.
is
6
ptcp. n$3 in v.
original
cerning-,
see
G-K.
ton njn]
in impf.
(5r
ra
7r/3<5/3ara
14. D
D snn]
IO.
?J l]
with
a whole month
xxix. 3-25
3^3
An
l6-l8a.
which Rachel
The manner
explanatory parenthesis.
is
introduced, as
if for
the
first
to
time,
is
On
(Di. al.).
in
thought
the
~!>
East.
price
service instead.
Arabs, and
Syria,
i.
is still
297
The
Ip.
f.).
first
cousin has
the ancient
f.
still
Burck.
a prior
He
i4
10
),
15.
an]
see on 27^.
rrpfco] 3i
E (3i , Ex. 2 ).
(3O
-) and
characteristic of E (v. 18 42 13 16
28 - 82f
7 - 41
(E),
Ru.
2 12
f; -n ^
is
common
to J
^iJ
16.
(KM**, 254
Haupt,
nn
f.).
GGN,
vm]
ffiA
JACOB
384
MARRIAGE
(jE)
Laban no doubt
tion to giving a
and prevails
lf
in certain countries
(Lane,
201
i.
is
natural,
ci.Jub. xxviii.,
i8 17 ).
Ju.
i5
-,
Sa.
i.e.,
success
is
for the
moment complete
KM
<2
~,
that Jacob attaches himself to Laban s family but it does not follow
that he did not set up a house of his own.
His remaining with Laban
was due to his inability to pay the mohar otherwise than in the way of
;
XXIX.
A
Israel
i-XXX.
24.
difficult section,
is
represented
s Children (JE).
the
see
v.
29
.
female
in the fictitious
s^
its
26.
.Yvysm] distinctive of J
see
v.
it is
remark
1B
.
27.
f.
s. pf.
XXIX. 26-31
able that, with hardly an exception, they are based on the
rivalry between Jacob s two wives. (The names are bestowed
with certainty.
to
significance
whose
a solid basis
is
ZATW,
in Palestine (Sta.
for the
grouping of
112
f.).
The
ZATW,
xxi.
36
ff.
cf.
509
f.,
ff.)
"
nrt?>
("inr? ,
in
20. 23f.
is.
may
cf<
i6)
be from
The hand
of
dearly appears
in
17 *- 18 - 20a
/3-
22b o.
(22a
signed to J,
numeration of the sons
17b - 19 20a
(
21
y).
is
interpolated.
nNW
is
15ff>
marked family
religion of
JACOB
386
Sa.
Israel (i
2ff
CHILDREN
32.
-).
(JE)
it
is
is
s>
name
divine
?3.
gant
for even a
n
[
]^"J
but that
Heb. etymologist.
33.
too extrava
is
cord
is
word meaning
So in 49 8
35.
praise
(rniil:
XXX.
scene,
sister
children
Its origin is
&
*^o5 Jos. Po^Xos. The origin of
Pov^rjv, etc.
name has given rise to an extraordinary number of conjectures (see
Hogg, EB, 4091 ff.). We seem driven to the conclusion that the original
form (that on which the etymology is based: v.s.) was ^31K1. In that
form the name has been connected with Ar. ri bdl, lion, or wolf, in
32. pl*q]
the
f>w]
A
-i
We. s conjecture that this is the gentilic
.uxd&LS nN-i;
tK\r)0rj.
?]
of nx? is widely accepted (Sta. Rob.-Sm. No. Mey. al.)
Homm., on
the other hand, compares S Arab, laviu
priest, Levi being the
1
<
priestly tribe
3-
n^?]
(of
to be connected with
XXIX. 32-XXX.
II
387
child.
)}
judge ) is very probably correct, the form being an
abbreviated theophorous name (cf. Abi-dan^ Ass. Asshur"
(\/
veritable
God
(Ba.) with
bout"
my
"
tribe like
With luck!
tively:
an earlier time
it
(v.i.}.
It is
was current
in the
nn2ts>
thetical
Naphtal (from
mean
n|u [Jos.
11
i7
f,
if
height
cf.
^-13
fr.
D^a),
sense.
II. 1:13] So Keth.,
Both here and v. 12
gives a much fuller text.
Feliciter.
But Qre t^ K3 is ancient, being presupposed
By rvxy,
by S (-r-ii ]Z1) and &J. These Vns. render Good fortune comes
10.
(53r
(so
Ra)
is
388
N3,
")K
W$K
happiness, and
possible that the name
In
my
(women) count
me
It is
is historically related to
happy.
the Canaanite goddess Aserah (Ba. Ho.), as Gad is to the
Aramaean deity. Aser appears in Eg. monuments as the
*
NW
name of a district in
Palestine
Ramses n. (Miiller, AE, 236 ff.).
The
14-24.
later children.
The
14-16.
incident of the
love-apples
the writer (J),
significance.
The
is
story
and
fruit
in
to tell
how
consequence became
Tuch
18
The
).
episode
is
he shall
lie
agricultural
field (cf.
Ex. 2i 10 ). 16.
withheld from Leah her conjugal rights
/ have hired thee
Obviously an anticipation of
"^f)]
(""^W,
pW?^
It is
jnyi<]
io6n).
pf. of confidence (G-K.
13. -IPN is &tr. Xe7.
to be noted that pfs. greatly preponderate in E s etymologies, and impfs.
the two exceptions (29 ) may be only apparent, and due
in those of J
32f<
&
^ ., &OJ pnvn
/*^a fj.avdpay6pov,
(Ca. 7 t)]
]
be
of
to
the
root
the
The sing, is
Ar.
yabruh, explained
plant).
(
and very probably
nn, from the same */ as TH, lover, and D l n, love
associated with the love-god mn (MeSa, 1. 12). Cheyne plausibly
suggests (379) that this deity was worshipped by the Reubenites hence
14. D loro
14
v>n.
%>
Reuben
(inf.)]
is
Dri. T.
nftfco.
Wi
on i9
(pf.
vh]
(&
ija.
n$!? f
&
nvb
-i ?.
nnp^i
f.)
33
.
15.
XXX. 13-24
389
18. E s interpretation of
J s lost etymology of Issachar.
of
which
course,
is,
&?,
independent of the story of the
B*tf
man
mandrakes. The name is resolved either into
"O
"OB>
of hire, or into
the
"OP
"
another son
XXX.
(JE).
now
his wives, is
in
nnr?>,
14f<
"or,
*?
s.v.).
(Ju.
28
).
21 end]
traction of SN-TIDV,
+ m^D noym
35
(as 29
though the YSp r of the
<5r
).
list
24.
of
^pV]
Probably a con
Thothmes
III.
(No. 78)
39O
who,
in his
which he
price for
men
with their
15ff -
and correspondingly
demands so reasonable
when he discovers how completely he has been
deceived by Jacob s apparent moderation. The story, as Gu.
reminds us, was originally told to shepherds, who would
nephew
mortified (3i 2 )
In the earlier
Sources.
and E
Here
position of J
25
:
w.
26b
26a
5 - 81
(8
several duplicates
I 31a
TDN i in
and
;
show
the
com
29 31
*
are from J (m,T,
jn K?D,
each narrative being- nearly complete (cf. Di. Gu. Pro.). In
32-36
ft j s q u ite possible, in
spite of the scepticism of Di. and others, to
distinguish two conceptions of Jacob s reward (We. Camp.* 40 ff.). (a)
In the first, Jacob is that very day to take out from Laban s flock all
32
abnormally coloured animals that is to be his hire ( ). On the morrow
if he find in it
(or in time to come), Laban may inspect Jacob s flock
83
any normally coloured animals, Jacob is at once convicted of fraud ( ).
This account belongs to E (cf. n;^, **, with 28 ), though it is doubtful if to
the same stratum of E as 3i 7 12
(b) In the other, Laban himself
and
29a
*>
from E,
"
separates the flocks, leaving the normally coloured sheep and goats in
Jacob s keeping, and removing the others to a distance of three days
3M
32a
Thus Jacob
[from
-).
journey, under the charge of his sons (
The narrative must have
receives for the present nothing at all ( Sl J).
gone on to explain that his hire was to consist of any variegated animals
36b
appearing in the normally coloured flock now left in his charge ( )
Laban s precautions aim at securing that these shall be few or none.
S7is the
Hence we obtain for J ***& ****, and for E sa^b. as. SH
"icn]
and
is
(5r
has
less
many
variations.
with Jacob
g-Iossen,
13 f
Muller,
MVAG,
1907,!.
23,
and JBL,
1909, 31).
Y kb
RandBut
xxx. 25-32
Jacob proposes to provide
25-31-
preliminary parley, in
26
an understanding.
to
for his
own
house.
feel their
way
etc.\
WTO
5 - 15
Ki. 20 33 )
and (found
cf.
44
tion.
is
a flock, the Syrian sheep being nearly all white (Ca. 4 2 66 Dn.
lb
9
In E, Jacob
7 ) and the goats black or brown (Ca. 4 ).
asks
this
small
share
as
his
payment. 32. and it
simply
,
shall be
my
my
hire
The rendering
hire]
(in future),
is
and of
be
26. nfvnRi] Not necessarily a gloss ; the children might fairly be con
sidered included in Jacob s wages.
l^an] r rrj a-y
27. On tfru, v. 44*.
Arm.
efcriSv,
30
(
).
28. fflrF
om.
IE>K
which
(cf.
with
"3D
Is.
4i
i8 u etc.).
Jb.
31. TD?N]
Che.).
((&& pr.
TDin,
nx]
[off]
the
cf.
manner
the
in
wherever he went
unnecessary to emend ^33 (<S2T,
must be deleted on account of its awkward
It
i)
smoothing over
prick
is
position.
32. nnyN, non]
To
sources) many construe the latter as inf. abs. ( removing ) but the only
natural rendering is impve. (cf. 85 ). (& has impve. both times.
DMJ;
rwr^a]
tv rots apv6.ffi.v KO.I irav 5i6.pa.vTOV Kal \evKbv tv rats
(5r irav irpbfiaTov
;
<f>ai&v
16
Jos. 9, the only places
suggests smaller spots than B (cf. Ezk. i6
where the
occurs outside this pass.). mn] only in this chap. = black
,
>J
392
my
(JE)
righteousness shall
so transparently fair
were automatically convicted of theft
n
iHV>
is
unimpeachable conduct,
here
35>
motive
in
he wishes to reduce to a
three days journey is obvious
minimum the chance that any such animals should hence
;
or
3
9
).
38? 39-
Removing
lfi
33. 3 njy]
ac-
glosses, J s
Is.
for,
/j,i<r66s
31 11-13.
18
37. run ? (Ho 4 t)] the white tree ; according to some, populus alba
(Di. al.), but very probably sty rax officinalis (Ar. lubna?, so called from its
exuding a wz7-like gum), (Ges. De. Dri. al.). i^ t] -Aram. NjiS, almond
1
1)]
ffir
<J>alvero
38
and
ff.
The
"?po
text of J, as sifted
continuity.
It is
Aram. B.T = fn
The words TViftvh
runnel, from
n|3r,
24
20
f-
and must
(see No.
ZA,
xii. 187).
XXX. 33-42
count reads
And he placed
the runnels
came
to drink.
speckled,
393
had peeled
in
We. Cbmp.*
41).
And
(these)
his device only in the case of the sturdy animals, letting the
freely.
The
difference corresponds to a
The consequence
Jacob
stock
is
XXXI. i-XXXII.
\.
that
is
s delicate.
friendly Parting
(J,
E).
).
JKSPI
TUV pd(3dwv
tv&TTiov
[/cat]
\6bvT<j)v
26 ~ 43
),
38b
(
OLVTUV
Iva
at Mt. Gilead
flight
22 - 25
),
cos tut
es rb
on a secret
t\0w<nv
rb.
S9
47 k.
rnprn] On the unusual pref. of 3 f. pi., see G-K.
doublet to the last three words of w
icm] ib. 69/5 juu. naom.
/3ara.
ra
3ga
40.
irpbis
He
Laban
s flock,
is
(*?:><!)
U,&<Zr
in the
spring
Pliny,
HN
viii.
187
).
FLIGHT
JACOB
394
(JE)
Sources.
is
7- 9-
DV^N,
"
4l
16
;
ivjtyc,
(cf.
29
15
)
D jb,
41
of Laban,
17 54
35
(cf.
extract from P.
1-16.
of
Laban
self in
Preparations for
13
(v.
58
accompany him comp. the question to Rebekah in 24
26 29
But to repeat the
6. Ye yourselves know, etc.] Cf. 3o
the
last
six
after
the
work
of
years implies
protestation
on
s
and
rather
hardihood
suggests that
Jacob part
great
to
sample of Laban
s tergiversations,
and
their frustration
pleasure
In the text
Jacob
-).
[Jer.])
made
w. 10
13
commanded to depart
MJ K]
2.
32
is
7.
jux DJ
But, as
in
asks,
which
"
How
6. run*]
qWn.
into
TI^K]
).
K (sov. B ).
rjSnm] .ox
13
nvr (so
D jb
41
(
t)
from
9.
-nit] ffi
9 - 16a
).
HJD,
-V-rny.
count,
Dm*]
3K (i);
xxxi. i-i6
395
/ am
13.
God of
the
vow
is (in
20 22
his
"
(aS
14-16. Jacob s
his wives are
Ex. 2I 35 ).
(cf.
it
similar
change
GGN,
mahr appears
1893, 434
in
16. is ours
f.).
135 o.
13. Wrr:i Wn] The art. with constr. violates a well known
syntax (G-K.
I27/) and it is doubtful if the anomaly be rightly
explained by supposing the ellipsis of ^N or n^x. The original text may
have been Vxip S [oipn?
nx-ijrt]
(so [but without SNJTII] ffi, adopted
It is the
see on n 28
by Ba.) or SKIV^O
(J, Kit.). irnViD
KO.I &ro/icu /ierd
(5r adds
only occurrence of D in E.
15. nvnj]
VON D:] see on 27 s3
16.
juaffir^U J?.
(5r + /cai rijv
The hand
17-25. A complete analysis of the w. cannot be effected.
G-K.
rule of
"?Nn
?]^>N
p]
]"?Nn
<rov.
in 19b (D
cf. 3
56cu>.
"i^y]
24
20
II
is
recognised
M
(Q
n
cf.
M>
42
S-JPI,
35
2ff
-),
(?
its
"
above) but is otherwise attractive. Mey. (235 if.) gets rid of the geo
graphical difficulty by distinguishing two strata in E, of which the
18
later had been accommodated to the representation of J.
(from
;
396
FLIGHT
JACOB
(JE)
apparently looks
heiresses.
17-25.
The
s (33 13b ).
with Laban
and
flight
The
18.
pursuit.
his
rest of the v. is
from P
(cf.
i2 6
27
to
12ff
2ff
23
portant festival in ancient Israel (38 -, i Sa. 25 -, 2 Sa. I3 ).
With Rachel s theft of the teraphim (the household idol
v.t.), cf.
28
(
Virg. Aen.
2 Sa. i5 6 f)
at this point
f.
11
gence (Ho. 4 )
(only here and
f., Hi.
ii.
cf.
24
)]
eKAei/fe
The emphasising
That
hard to explain.
is
of
it
is
Aramaan
the
Laban
s nationality
the correction
E2
is
37
46 54
a proof that
),
tribal
The
18.
(5r
Ti>ives~\
om. the
god
3"),
Aramaeans.
*?y
N ?)
is
and poet.
fin.
vb.
(ib.
(Ps.
2O.
ff.)
ug 136
BDB,
115 b).
wegen Mangels
specification of the preceding,
should expect Tjn
not a suitable rendering.
We
him
that,
etc.
AJU.
has vta
ij/.
22.
?]
<JR
T<
fl^,
in not telling
xxxi. 17-28
350 miles as the crow
(c.
flies) is
397
much
too great to be
home
is
11
Angel of God, as v. ) warns Laban in
a dream to take heed to his words when he encounters
50
2 Sa. I3 22
Jacob. good or dad] anything whatever (24
Laban did not interpret .the prohibition literally ( 29 ).
etc.).
The idea suggested being that
25. in the mountain
.]
Jacob and Laban encamped each on a different mountain,
we must suppose the name to have been omitted. The
God
24.
(not the
insertion
of
io
17
(see
see p. 402
(v.
is
On
88).
f.
The
26-43.
The
49
Mizpah
Ball,
altercation.
flight, (b)
on Jacob s part, (cf) the hardships of his 20 years service, and (e) the
attempts to defraud him of his hire. Of these, b, c, and e certainly
belong to E a and d more probably to J. In detail, the w. that can
be confidently assigned to E are ^ (n|? 3j3, as 20 ), 28 (continuation of 26 ),
;
24
39
(cf.
30 - 32 35
41
ten times
(D snn),
),
26<
(<
28
note also D
24 - 29
42
(cf.
),
w>
42
.-rVg,
nncy,
and
8S
43
E is interrupted by d
(the natural answer to
these clauses are accordingly assigned to J along with 88
26 )- 31b
27
of
The
to ***).
narrative
analysis (which
is
28 - 31a- 32 35 -
>-
37 -
(because of
The sequence
36a
27
<>):
),
"
40
(a parallel
81a b
86a
but we miss something after 31 to account
complete (^
)
for Jacob s exasperation in 36
We may suppose (with Gu.) that Laban
had accused Jacob of stealing his flocks, and that 38 40 is a reply to
this charge.
Procksch s division is slightly different.
-
38 - 40
demonstration
28
f
in
in J his desire to
mirth
_ 2y
usually
K ^j
reject
or
abandon
).
27. with
^i, which
27
(
is
<3r
B>BJ]
JACOB
398
is
FLIGHT
(JE)
OT.
2p. It is in
my power
do
9ff
44 -. 33-35. The search for the teraphim is described with
a touch of humour, pointed with sarcasm at a prevalent form
of idolatry. 34. Rachel had hidden the idol in the cameT slitter
ii.
85
Doughty, Ar. Des. i. 437,
304; BDB, 1124), in which she was apparently resting
=
within the tent, on account of her condition.
35.
T 7)~n
;
ii.
D*B 33 rnfc
(i8
D^
n
,
Women
J).
in
this
were pro
condition
of
fine
as a witness
thee\
beyond
75
1
1
32
The
n; ^hsKJ Mic. 2 , Pr. f, Sir. 5 (Dt. 2S , Neh. 5).
certain ( be within one s power ), but the expression is very
The current explanations (both represented in the Vns.) are:
is
obscure.
That
subj.
made
29.
meaning(i)
22 12 ).
(Ex.
VN
is
*?K
the
word
for
God
n; gen.
my hand
(2)
That T is
a God.
for
is
The first depends on a singular sense of Sx and for the second SxS T ?
would have been more natural. A third view has recently been pro
pounded by Brockelmann (ZATW, xxvi. 29 ff.), who renders it belongs
to the God of my hand, a survival of a primitive belief in special deities
<(
B"
ii.
127).
D3Dy, DD 3N]
members
juixffir
have
of the body
sing-, suff.
30.
(cf.
T3K]
Tylor, Prim.
(Sr
+ cl7reX0etV*
The
"iran
so (3r.
The cl. *^ disagrees
ovdtv.
33. J2 ?] juA + Bam (rd. e sm)
with what follows, and may be a gloss. (Sr reduces the discrepancy by
2
omissions, and a complete rearrangement of clauses. --36. n^ ] Rd. noi
or
for njNtsnx, cf. G-K.
with Heb. MSS .ux(& &. 39. On
74
83
avr<t
<
n:en{<
XXXI. 29-43
399
80
missing.
40. heat by day and frost by nighi\ Jer. 36
Under the clear skies of the East the extreme heat of the
.
day
is
HG,
meant origin
and worshipped by Isaac ( 53 t). That pnyi
the
local
the
terror
Isaac,
deity of Beersheba
ally
inspired by
is
hazardous
a
INS,
speculation.
254
43.
f.),
(Meyer,
Laban maintains his right, but speedily adopts a more
44
The
pathetic tone, leading on to the pacific proposal of
means
what
kind
what
shall
I
do
to
last
?]
question
ness can I show them? (Gu. Dri.); not how can I do
them harm ? (Di. and most).
"ina
The
44-54.
treaty of Gilead.
51<
46>
*",
||
44<
=E<
Pro. practically agrees, with the important difference that the parts of
n?
;n nr
0333 is probably an archaic technical phrase, pre
serving an old case-ending (G-K.
go/).
40. On the syntax, see G-K.
1
75 oo.
*?
38
143 a.
41. These twenty years] The repetition (v. ) would, as Di.
says, not be surprising in animated speech and is not of itself evidence
of a change of source.
But Jacob s oratory is more dignified if re
;
2^
(Gu.)
(&
om.
"n^K.
TREATY OF GILEAD
400
49a a
nason mm in 51 nason mjn and ronn naso.Tnw in B2 on these ./.
Nearly all are retained by (5r, where, however, the confusion is increased
-b
49 5Ua
47 5L
by a complete change in the order of clauses
w.
47>
52a<
50b
:
"")
And now
**
Laban), come,
and thou
nant,
a witness between
for
And
46
speaker is
cove
and it shall be
(the
us
let
rheT
make a
me and
thee.
Laban) [Jacob],
Gather
stones and they took stones, and
made a cairn, and they ate there
said
(i.e.
his
to
brethren,
upon the
called
it
called
it
tween
[49a
And Laban
when we
another.
50
If
48
GaFed.~\
is
he called
fore
45
This cairn
said,
47
cairn.
a an( j
name
its
Mizpah, for he
there
51
said].
And Laban
this cairn
ad 1
Gil
will not
53a
intent.
The God
of
Abraham
father].
23ff
44. Cf. 2i
which
is fern.,
26 28fl
and
is
The
subj.
of njrn cannot be
else.
There must be a lacuna before
where we must suppose that some material object
48
J) was mentioned.
45 (E). And
(probably the cairn cf.
he took a stone\ Since it is Laban who explains the meaning
hence
of the stone ( 49 ), it must have been he who set it up
a witness of something
TiTl,
3j?l
is
44b. The omitted words (v.s.) might be S: n^jyi or some such expres
To the end of the v. (3r appends elirev 5
sion (Ols. Di. Ba. Gu. al.).
:
Ta/c.
r)fj.u>i>
t/j.ou
xal
XXXI. 44-49
set it
subj.
may
lith
4 01
.
46
(J).
And
he
i>3
The
Di.).
of Gilead
?3 was
originally the mountain range
Laban and Jacob being conceived as giants
itself,
pronunciation of
said]
ffov
The
v. 50 ).
(fr.
18
Jos. io ,
49
"li^a.
And
(E).
46. in,Ti]
<&
rep5".i.
^] From
*J
roll
(stones,
29*,
On
assumes (contrary
the
the patriarchal
narratives) that the Nahorites spoke a different dialect from the
It may be added that the Aram, phrase
ancestors of the Hebrews.
(3) it
to
implication
of
all
shows the glossator to have taken ny.Sa as const, and gen., whereas the
the heap is witness (see Nestle,
latter in 48b is more probably a sent.
MM,
io
f.).
The
by Ar. gal ad
actual
name
lj^[D]
is
Nip p ty] so
2^- (all J),
30
49. n^rn] .ux nnsoni, which We. thinks the original name of
25 (J ?).
the place, afterwards changed to nsson because of the evil associations
He instances the transcription of (5r MacrcrT/^xx,
of the word mazzebah.
as combining the consonants of the new name with the vowels of the old
hard,
firm.
48.
ID
\<f-
is
26
TREATY OF GILEAD
402
On
watch-post.
purport of the covenant,
that he will not maltreat
Mizpah means
5- The
53b
Jacob swears ( )
Laban s daughters, nor even marry other wives besides them.
The latter stipulation has a parallel in a late Babylonian
according- to E.
The
idea
iv.
187,
than that of
less primitive
is
sanction
a>
might.
53b, 54.
Fear of
Laban and
.
37
(v.
this
imply
necessarily
his
in
ceremony?
2O 13 ),
though
See
Isaac]
v. 42 .
in
feast in E.
his brethren]
54.
own
it
The
not
fellow-clansmen
).
(see
(Gu.).
The Scene of the Treaty. The name Gil ad (often with art.) in OT is
sometimes applied to the whole region E of the Jordan (Jos. 22 9 etc.),
but more properly denotes the mountain range
in) extending from
("U^flO
HDN
[<2
ns^en
N-JQ
the
v. is
TO>
6 pacrts,
which
T)J/
rightly ascribed to E.
I
+ mbn(so v. 52 ). WT -,B K]
is
most commonly used of
throw,
Once it means to
piling up stones.
51.
.TV,
mson]
<5r
&
Bbjp%
D.T:IK
viStf]
(5r
and Heb.
53a
.
MSS
XXXII.
om.,
I.
juu.
3n
D.T-QN
1^1]
&
N,
i
7)J>
xxxi. 50-53
the
Yarmuk
33
two parts
Belka,
Gil ad
still
objections to this view are (i) that Jacob, coming from the N, has not
yet crossed the Jabbok, which is identified with the Zerka and (2) that
the frontier between Israel and the Aramaeans (of Damascus) could not
;
have been so far S. These reasons have prevailed with most modern
and led them to seek a site somewhere in the N or NE of
6. Aglun. But the assumption that Laban represents the Aramaeans of
Damascus is gratuitous, and has no foundation in either J or E (see the
next note). The argument from the direction of Jacob s march applies
only to J, and must not be too rigorously pressed because the treaty
of Gilead and the crossing of the Jabbok belong to different cycles of
authorities,
and the desire to finish off Jacob s dealings with Laban before
proceeding to his encounter with Esau might very naturally occasion
a departure from strict geographical consistency.* The site of Mizpah
has to be investigated separately, since we cannot be certain that J
tradition,
seems
Mahne
becomes
(p. 408),
404
situation reflected
c.
is
We.
Prol. s 320
two highly organised states like Israel and Damascus and it exhibits
no trace of the intense national animosity which was generated during
;
in the
of the
eastern desert (see p. 334), acquires a new interest. Considering the
tenacity with which such legends cling to a locality, there is no diffi
culty in supposing that in this case the tradition goes back to some
prehistoric settlement of territorial claims between Hebrews and
migratory Aramaeans.
It
is
true that
Meyer s theory
is
based on
XXXII.
2-3 3
JacoUs Measures for propitiating Esau ;
His Wrestling with the Deity at Peniel (J, E).
.
Mahanaim
), Jacob sends
a humble message announcing his arrival to Esau, but
-
is advancing to
~
meet him with 400 men ( 4 7 ). He divides his company into
two bands, and invokes God s help in prayer ( 8 ~ 14a ) then
prepares a present for Esau, and sends it on in advance
14b ~22
Having thus done all that human foresight could
(
).
;
daybreak
blesses
him
and
changes
name
his
to
Israel
m-33\
Sources.
n
[ 2 8 ])
4 14a
Vv. 2
and
14b 22
(crn^N
DN^D, 3 y:$
"
of
23-33
>\
xxxn. 2-6
2,
3.
The legend
of
45
Mahanaim.
2.
angels
met
(cf.
14
),
of heaven
8 9
-
(ct.
).
On
its
site, v.i.
<&
measures (J).
4-i4a. Jacob s precautionary
4.
Isaac s death and Esau s settlement in the country after
wards occupied by his descendants are here assumed to
have already taken place
otherwise P (s6 6 ).
5, 6. We
note the extreme servility of Jacob s language
my lord
:
2.
irape/ui^f3\r]Kv?av,
5 J^B]
etc.).
3. D jnD]
city
8
capital of Ish-bosheth (2 Sa. 2 ), and David s headquarters during
the revolt of Absalom (2 Sa. i7 24 27 ), the centre of a fiscal district under
-
5.
jncxn]
cf.
i8 28ff
406
at the
own
8, p. Jacob s first
territory is a difficulty (see p. 415).
is to divide his company into two camps, in the
resource
hope that one might escape while the other was being
8
captured. The arrangement is perhaps adverted to in 33
10
10-13. Jacob s prayer, consisting of an invocation ( ),
12
ll
thanksgiving ( ), petition ( ), and appeal to the divine
13
faithfulness ( ), is a classic model of OT devotion (Gu.);
though the element of confession, so prominent in later
12. mother with
supplications, is significantly absent.
14
6
22
A
Hos.
io
cf.
Dt.
popular saying,
(or on) children]
the mother conceived as bending over the children to
.
them
protect
(Tu.).
We
22
Mahanaim
We.
(v. ).
may suppose (with
etymology, based on the two camps
explicit
z.e.,
at
Gu.) that an
8*
(vv.
n
),
pre
y v 10-13
narrative, akin to i3
out loss of continuity,
"
i4b-22.
492.
The
it
is
present for
Esau
(E).
14.
a present] Not
8.
G-K.
That
an etymology of Mahanaim, and that J located the incident
The name is
there, cannot reasonably be doubted (as by Ho.).
8
obviously regarded as a dual (in contrast to v. ), showing that the
67 p.
this implies
which
is
is
demanded by
pf.)
see
G-K.
XXXII. 7-24
tribute
11
2 Ki. 8
8f>
series of surprises.
common
in
with
19b
camps
repetition of
Jacob lays stress on this point, because the effect would
obviously be weakened if a garrulous servant were to let
two
the
of v.
2ia.
in J.
8f>
out the secret that other presents were to follow. 2lb. Let
cover (or wipe clean ) his face, the
kirn] lit.
same figure, though in different language, as 2o 16
On
me pacify
OTJC
see
381
his presence
25
19
Est.
cf.
Ua
43
3- 5
44
23
is
46)
see hisface]
26
see on 33 10
We. (Comp*
i28f.
iv.
The phrase
14
i
.
to Penti el (Gu.)
cf.
DB,
Ex. io 28
"133,
obtain access to
2 Sa. i4 24 28
-
22. spent
renders
in
The Yabbok
57
3
nmo] see on 4
f.
20
Jb.
32
see
G-K.
64/1
).
i]
npjr]
fflr
17.
nn
+ rw
juu.
(Est.
14
t)] \/
be wide
nn,
The
24.
now almost
univers-
(i
Sa. i6 23 ,
\og(c), 60
91;,
20. is
21.
93?).
On
18.
is
2 Ki.
camp (runea)]
Mahaneh
(i.e.
convey an allusion
to
thought
32
b,
Trpwry.
&J +
D^sb]
(G-K.
74 h,
KI.
culties.
II
II
II
name
xt
"
n"?N
"^
408
ally,
and no doubt
(JE)
Nahr ez-Zerka
f
ET,
xiii.
459.
The passage
=E
25a
that after sending the others
J is consistent with the statement of
,
across he himself was left alone.
On any view the action is somewhat
The
159),
and
it is
NH
priNnn,
pan,
clasp
25.
make
26
distinct from
pnN i] A vb. used only here and v.
oneself dusty, and very probably a modification of
(De. Di.).
26. ypm]
^ U.T,
lit.
be rent
away
(cf.
Jer.
68)
49
XXXII. 24-29
ft".);
AE,
163
27. Let
me go, for
the
dawn
is
Comp. Plautus,
breaking}
his adversary,
fast
till
he has
memory
crowning struggle of
of this
tion of
true
Baal contends
which bears
merely
cf.
in Ju.
thou hast
life.
strives
(z;.z.),
is
a similar transforma
63 2
Such a name
is
blessing,
nation
refer
i Jin*
his
= God
it.
29.
^NI ^]
gave way
StfJJDB",
God
God
),
all
conjectural.
some such
has been
suggested) a war-cry which passed into a proper name (see Steuernagel,
Eimv. 61). The vb. msy, however, only occurs in connexion with this
name nn^ and
incident (Ho. I2 4 5 where read
.l), and in the personal
If it be the Heb. equivalent of Ar. Sariya,
its real meaning is uncertain.
or
Dri. argues that it must mean
persevere rather than
persist
Some take
strive (DB, ii. 530), which hardly yields a suitable idea.
it as a by-form of vib, either in a denominative sense ( rule, from ifc
prince), or in its assumed primary significance shine forth (Ass. sardru
Some doubt has even been thrown on the
see Vollers, AKW, ix. 184).
traditional Heb. pronunciation by the form Ysir r, found on an inscr. of
Merneptah (Steindorff, ZATW, xvi. 330 ff.), with which we may compare
meaning as
strives
or
Let
strive
originally
(it
"itf
4IO
DB,
v. 640).
18
"
33",
ET,
457 ff., and Gen. 300 ff. 32. limping- on
his thigh\ in consequence of the injury he had received ( 26b ).
That he bore the hurt to his death, as a memorial of the
see Dri.
xiii.
OT
dependent on
Sir--lai( =
^vrxr>)
nnw]
Mffxv<ray t
Aq.
7} pi-
S.
as,
probably
from the
1
(R&, 38O ) ;* and
SBOT Chronicles,
(see Kittel,
(5r
life
is
it
p. 58).
^/>w,
Comp.
also
"
2.55 A^],
The formal
RN m.
31.
WJB]
(Sr
read SKUB as v. 3a
and nom.
mentions a Phoenician pro
na>}
5>
= tetanus-nerve), and by
()
to have connected
(Gr.-Venet, rb vevpov rb ^TriXeX^a/i^ov !).
Spanapplies, according to De., to the
nader, d. h. die innere Ader des sogen. Hinterviertels mit Einschluss
der ausseren und der Verastelungen beider."
(5r
"
thigh socket
common
it."
XXXII. 30-33
We.
3
(fieid. i68 ) calls attention to
4 11
a trace of
it
in ancient
For primitive
Arabia.
419 ff.,
n^an T3 is uncertain
ii.
(v.i.).
its
religion, in process of
accommodation
We
and
its
24ff>
and
sought to
kill
him.
and
the
out
cites
surface.
(2)
Like
unless
we assume,
refers to
J
and E
ritual
To these writers the main interest lies in the origin of the name
and the blessing bestowed on the nation in the person of its
ancestor.
(4) A still more refined interpretation is found, it seems to
4
In the womb he overreached his brother; and in his
me, in Ho. i2 5
he
with God. He strove (1^1) with the Angel and pre
strove
prime
vailed he wept and made supplication to him.
The substitution of the
Angel of Yahwe for the divine Being Himself shows increasing sensitive
ness to anthropomorphism and the last line appears to mark an advance
in the spiritualising of the incident, the subject being not the Angel (as
Gu. and others hold), but Jacob, whose prevailing thus becomes that
of importunate prayer.
We may note in a word Steuernagel s ethno-
certain.
Israel,
p.
410 above.
412
of the Jacob
and Rachel
CH. XXXIII.
tribes (Einw. 61
f.).
March
Sources.
Vv. 1
17
J, in spite
5b 10
fact that the only divine name which occurs is DTI^N, in
vv. we must recognise the hand of E (cf. also 6b with 48 9
-
and
of the
In these
lob
with
21
The
32 ) and, for all that appears, E s influence may extend further.
chief indications, however, both material and linguistic, point to J as the
8
8
7
leading source the 400 men (32 ), the camp in v. (32 ), and the ex
;
The docu
;
nxnp ? pi,
jn NSO,
p-^jPS,
pressions
ments are so deftly interwoven that it is scarcely possible to detect a
flaw in the continuity of the narrative. 18 20 are probably from E, except
18ft
/3, which is taken from P (see on the vv. below).
l-
1-7.
2>
ninsB>,
The meeting.
10
8 - 10 - 15
I, 2.
Jacob
s fears
revive at sight
xxxni.
i-ii
413
7
400 men (32 ). He marshals his children (not the
whole company, as 32 8f -, though the motive is the same)
under their mothers, and in the reverse order of his affection
for them.
3. passed on before them\ having previously been in
of the
the rear.
"
of
my
Lord,
ff.
pass.).
(38
my
fall
Sun, I
It does
not
"
Lu. i5 20
An
their little
terror in the
camp.
The
8-II.
present.
cavalcade
14ff>
18f>
8f>
29
14
The
46 ) fell on his neck is immediately followed by wept.
cf.
word should probably be inserted (with (5r) after inpnm (so
10
C.Ti^.
48 ). IDITI] The sing, would be better, unless we add with
of which one or other
inpsn inpnm im rum *?y Ss seem to be variants
(45
29" ;
(ffir
||
me
be due to E.
(with)
them
5-
(G.-K,
.
2>iJ]
to procure
but
a blessing
^CrFS
read better
nxjn] see
G-K.
414
(jfi)
face of God\ with the feelings of joy and reverence with which
one engages in the worship of God. For the flattering com
parison of a superior to the Deity, cf. i Sa. 29, 2 Sa. I4 17
28
It is possible that the phrase here contains a reminis
ig
cence of the meaning of PSnfel in 32 31 (We. Di. al.), the
.
common
on
2^
cf.
The
INS,
the
278).
1
12-17.
parting
rid of his
brother
lit.
i.e.
company.
vjf fife]
condition imposes
their
Hebron.
Ps. 78
mSy] */
7>
y,
^"rxtf<rw
geographical glosses
is
^"
not apparent.
*?n:nn,
Hithp.
aw.
is
but
Xe-y.,
is
Pi.
40"
15"),
v.
continues
le
(J).
yw]
xxxiii.
older people
it
1
through their territory. Meyer (387 ) is disposed to find a recollection
of a time when Edom had a powerful empire extending far north on
the E of the Jordan, where they may have rendered assistance to Israel
in the Midianite war (ib. 382), though they were unable ultimately to
maintain their position. If there be any truth in either of these specula
tions (which must remain extremely doubtful), it is evident that chrono
f.
precede 25, 27 and the attempt to
a whole) ethnographically must be abandoned.
logically 32
18-20.
Jordan
not recorded
is
2
it than Peniel (Jos.
nap was E of the Jordan, but nearer to
4 6 8
The site is unknown (see Smith, HG, 585 ; Buhl,
%
Ju. 8
).
The modern Ain es-Sakut (9 m.
206, 260; Dri. ET, xiii. 458 a, n. i).
see on
I3*
GP
wrong
21
Still, in view of Di ?^ (cf. 28
43^), and oW in Jb.
be reasonably supposed that it had that sense.
Jub.
a view which though it derives some plausi
3JJ5 take D^s? as a nont. pr.
Salim about 4 m. E of
bility from the fact that there is still a village
Nabulus (Robinson, BR, ii. 275, 279), implies a sense not consonant
sound
it
of a person.
may
<&
JACOB AT SHECHEM
416
from Esau,
(E, P)
S of the Jabbok,
little
in safety
(&<?
after
)]
his escape
D^
(Jn. 4
in Jos.
12
ip.
).
2^
The pur
in the
account
called
it
El,
God of
cf.
Israel}
stone
the
being
For
Israel
builds
1
confederacy of Israelitish tribes (cf. i Ki. I2 ). We cannot therefore
conclude with Di. that the v. refers back to 32 29 , and comes from the
same document.
with usage there being- no case of a village described as a city
We. (Comp. i 3I6 ) emends D?;?
of the neighbouring town (De.).
Procksch accepts the
Shechem the city of (the man) Shechem.
emendation, but regards the words as a conflation of variants from two
sources (p. 34).
distinguishes the name of the city (SLKlfjiwv, see on
17
i2 6 ) from that of the man (Si^A1 v. 19 34
).
19. ntrspp
}m] as 26
11
3
a
coin
or
but
the
weight ;
etymology is
(Jos. 24 -, Jb. 42 f)] apparently
obscure.
(ErU^ render lamb ; and it was thought that light had been
thrown on this traditional explanation by the Aramaic Assuan papyri,
where BO 3 (lamb) is used of a coin (of the value of 10 shekels ?) (so SayceCowley, Aram. Pap. disc, at Assouan, p. 23). But Lidzbarski (Deutsche
Lzg., 1906, 3210 ff. ) holds that the word there should be read &~v (found
on a Persian weight: PSBA, 1888, 4640: .). 20. Read naso for nuiD,
;
<&
1>ffl
1:1
and consequently ~^ for ? (We. al.).
N^TI] (S KGU eVe/caX^o-aro rbv
18
which
6ebv laparjX.
Except the clause DIN pSD 1N33 2 NU it?N in v.
is evidently from P, the whole section 18 20 may safely be assigned
1
to E.
xxxni. 19-xxxiv.
CH.
Two
XXXIV.
princeling",
love with
falls in
I.
native
4T7
Dinah, the daughter of Leah, abducts her, and keeps her in his
house ( 1 s * cf. 26). He asks her in
her, he appeals
toHamor to arrange
n<
plies
it
all
Jacob
was
).
13>
conclusion
30 - 81
justify
20 24
operation
).
The
to the gate
persuades his people
).
Hamor proceeds
15 - 18
19
(
).
is lost.
be rescued by force, 26
& 8 - 10
but in
alone,
(II.)
.
own
his
cause,
(c)
(b)
"
12
(I.)
before the people of the city are consulted, 20 24 (II.). (d) Simeon and
Levi alone avenge the outrage, and are alone held responsible for the
*
first
||
girl
I.
me
**
And
ab
clave to Dinah
And he loved
I.
2b
.
and
6
the girl
and 7 seem
but the indications are conflicting,
",
4i8
consequences,
aw
30f -
(I.)
but
all
**-*
city,
(II.).
Sources.
If style alone
sack of the
6-
KBD,
I3>
**
10
inw,
nai ^D D2
Von,
15 -
"
pjp
and now,
23
;
1:1 *?3,
"?3
24
Ty
(6/s)
comp. the list in Kue. Ges. Abh. 269 f. These are so
striking that Di. and Dri. assign the narrative unhesitatingly to P, and
all admit that it has undergone a Priestly redaction (Corn, calls attention
vy
to
to
a considerable lapse of time since ch. 33. (2) A bloody encounter with
the natives of the land is contrary to the peaceful ideal of patriarchal
life consistently maintained by J and (hardly less consistently) by E.
(3)
We
time
(p. 414).
their flocks at
12ff<
22
Moreover, the incident is irreconcilable with 48
(5)
(E).
2
Horite
be
the
true
in
v.
we
a tradition
have
here
Finally,
reading
differing from any of the Pent, documents.
These objections are urged with great force by Meyer, who also
shows that in Gen. there are sporadic traces of a divergent tradition
ponent?
if
which ignored the Exodus, and traced the conquest and division of the
land directly to Jacob and his sons (chs. 38. 48- 2 ).
To this (older)
The first recension must have taken literary
tradition he assigns ch. 34.
shape within the Yahwistic school, and the second may have been
current in Elohistic circles but neither found a place in the main docu
ment of the school to which it belonged, and its insertion here was an
;
Tx
_J
]?x
3a.
2b*. 3b a .
1.
2a.
2b*.
Sb.
4. 5?. C. 7?.
<
2
Comp. We. Comp. 45 f., 3146.; Kue. ThT, 1880, 257 ff. ( = Ges.
AbhandL 2556.), Ond. i. 315^; Corn. ZATW, xi. 1-15 Mey. INS, 412 ff.;
;
1-12.
sought
I.
Dinah
in
pan
ff.
Ho. 213
is
ff.
Gu. 326
ff.
Stra. 126
f.
Pro. 35
f.
marriage.
2.
"inn]
ffir
nnn.
Confusion of
the
and
n is
xxxiv. i-i4
HSrite
21
spoke to (lit. over) the heart] 5o (E).
not
to
woo
cf.
Ho.
comfort,
21 24
6
2
2
i
etc.
8
4. Comp.
3
Ju. i 4
3.
(v.i.).
phrase means
Is.
40
2
,
to
2 13
Ru.
4!9
The
2 16 ,
5.
11
kept silence] took no steps to redress the injury (2 Sa. iQ ).
in
a
scandalous
folly
standing phrase for
Israel]
7. wrought
cf.
crimes of the kind here indicated (Dt. 22 21 Ju. 2o6 10
-
Ju. i9
23f
2 Sa. i3
-,
12ff>
);
though
in Israel
is
an anachronism.
offence.
2 3 12 )*
Almost verbally
p.
IJ
I2
Shechem
with Dt. 7 3
identical
s offer relates
>
only to his
Ask me
Jos.
(cf.
own
private
affair.
53
distinguished in 24
The answer.
common
but
(5r
(J
),
good
MT
also because the only other place where (5r has nn for
a passage somewhat similar to this (see Mey. INS, 331).
confirmation of
clans (36 20ff -), and
"in
that animal
N B j]
he-ass.
is
and
Jos. g
7
,
a slight
the Horite
It is
1
Hamor means
and
faith,
a favourite word of P
20
6
16
nN 32V (v. 7 35 22 etc.)] The Mass, always point the n in
23 25
ly
see 24 14
this phrase as not. ace.
3.
5. N?e] in the sexual sense
VVi is. 27^ Ezfc. jge. 11. ic 22 n t; otherwise very frequent in P.
7. Dyoc :;]
cf.
"jjn]
(Dt. f, Jos. 23
io 15
jnDl
ino] (&
Ps. 9i ]4 t
ct.
3
psi, v.
On
]a
,
21",
b.
21ff<
alliance
27
(47
Nu. 32 30
Jos. 22
9<
19
).
TT]v (pepv/jv.
420
the compact
The
condition accepted.
19. the
most honoured
attachment to Dinah.
his
21-23.
naturally says nothing of the personal matter, but
dwells on the advantages the clan will derive from union
fice,
Hamor
with them
The men
ter??is
and by adopting
spacious enough
circumcision they will obtain a great accession to their
wealth.
25-31.
third day]
the land
is
The vengeance
when
of the Hebrews.
the inflammation
is
said, in
S.
and Z.,
25. on the
the case of
the brothers of
Si/yuecbv
Kal Aeui
ol
(cf.
Or
is
Ae/cts KT\.
an intelligent anticipa
K
this the original text ?
rbiy iS }&
for
or (G-K.
mm
10<
XXXIV. 15-31
ii 25 ).
2 Sa.
(cf.
4 21
the exploit.
irnterunt super occisos cceteri filii Jacob.
That is
sense
intended
the
the
redactor.
But, to say
by
perhaps
of
egressis,
26
30, 31 (continuing
Jacob
ology of Nu. 3i
(P).
).
rebukes Simeon and Levi, not for their treachery and cruelty,
but for their recklessness in exposing the whole tribe to the
vengeance of the Canaanites. lam few in number] it is the
-
tribal,
sion here.
incident of the
Hebrew
possession of the city. Jacob, in like manner, stands for the Israelites,
who are nomads ranging- the country round Shechem, and on friendly
terms with its inhabitants. Whether Dinah was a weak Hebrew clan
threatened with absorption by the Hamorites is not so certain it is
more natural to suppose that a literal outrage of the kind described was
;
the cause of the racial quarrel which ensued.* There are two historic
events which seem to stand in some connexion with the narrative the
Hebrew conquest of Shechem, and the dissolution of Simeon and Levi
8 - 19
18
neither
etc.), or (rarely) fatally wounded (La. 2
etc.)
(Nu. i9 3i
D 3K3, v. 25
Gu. suggests D^h, sick
sense being suitable here.
29.
athnach to int? ( ^ msy) and omit before n (cf. juxrS).
ttjri u^] Remove
;
)|
rvi-l]rrt11
n3y]
= Ar.
Vmt
ft
a&ira,
n*"!.
|A
be turbid,
>;
(J
in
TT)
Tr6\6l KO.I
Heb.
18
20
17f
i Ki. i8
strong word cf. Jos. 6 7
numerable, and therefore few Dt. 4^
,
A singularly apposite
Bennett
(p.
318
f.)
foa
make
lit.
12DD no]
33",
Jer.
44
tv TCUS Ol/^CUS.
J8
men
lit.
TjV
turbid
undo,
30.
of number,
etc.
parallel
ii.
114.
is
quoted by
JACOB IN CANAAN
422
J,
(E,
P)
that
it
On
to that time.
the
assumed by
universally
the result of
The one
any particular action of these two tribes (see pp. 516 f.).
which stands out with some degree of evidence
point, indeed,
CH.
XXXV.facob
in
Canaan
(E, J, P).
Isaac,
27 ~ 29
.
The P
Sources.
viz.
fa *
13
16 -
>>-*
-.
links are 2Q 24
28b 29
-
3o
4a- 9b - 22a
18a
3i
/3y
33
18a
/3.
The
xxxv.
natural position of 35 22b
423
i-s
26
is between 3o 22a and 3i 18 (see v. 26 )
and this
6
adopted by We. (Prol. 327) but perhaps a still better
2
A more thorough readjustment is
position would be in 37 (see p. 443).
1 9
24.a8b.2
ll-lSa. IB
4a. 9b. 21*
-22b-26
18a
/3y 8b
29
3Q
356*.
3
3I
proposed by Gu. 28
10 27 29
1Sa 3
This division of the Bethel-theophany into two, one on
35
33
transposition
is
"
"
the
way
to
attractive,
To E belong2
23
Jos. 2 4
) ;
on 9ff-.
2-
Mesopotamia and the other after the return (as in E), is very
and relieves some critical difficulties, as shown in the notes
(cf.
6b - 8 14
-
cf.
3 7
D nVxfn], !
;
in v. 1 to 2 8 20ff-.
-
<?,
mso,
*>
-*>
14
naan vito,
20
cf. the retro
in the main, though perhaps with J variants (misD,
;
7
22a
The only purely Yahwistic section is
spective reference in 48 ).
21>
(^Nisr bis).
I.
14.
Jacob
is
to Bethel there
is
and
ft.
It
(24
[E]), point,
it
would appear,
the
same
to the
tree
by Joshua
memory
of a great
4.
I2 6
and
in false
worship
24ff
Ju. 8
-).
cf.
The burial
some traditional meaning which we cannot now
tree has
explain.
a terror of God] a
5-
Ex. 23 27
Sa. i4 15
Ch. i4 13
TTO.VI.K.OV
Sci/xa
(De.)
cf.
etc.
I.
^xn 3]
I2 6 ).
3.
s.
els
<&
nsyyNl]
5.
iyo
1]
(Gr
(5r
n?jm.
a7ru\e<rei>
ai
rA
a>s
(cf.
r-fjs
3py] (S Icrpa^X.
28"
<rr]ju,epov
JACOB IN CANAAN
424
probable that
stratum of E.
(E,
P)
J,
makes
Jacob to
it
highly
OT
Baal-Gad,
etc.,
is
extended to
not above
is
to him]
suspicion.
pi. vb. together with the use of the art. suggests that
the sentence preserves a more polytheistic version of the
The
12
one in which the angels of God
Bethel-legend than 28
were spoken of as simply B rOK.
8, 14. The death and
*
burial of Deborah.
S of Bethel.
tree of weeping}
But
v.i.
a mazz&bah\ So
v. 20 at
14.
connected with
this v. is
but
ments came to be regarded as simple grave-stones
were doubtless originally objects of worship, as the next
;
clause indicates.
was
poured out a
libation on
it\
The
libation
6a. nn ?] See
1
on 2819
The
cl. is
poured
oil]
an amalgam of P and E.
28 18
7.
mpof>]
om.
fiW]
The text is perhaps confirmed by D .~3
see on I2 6
mm] weeping.
5
But though D 33 might
(weepers), Ju. 2 which may be the same place.
23flr
7
plausibly be regarded as a corruption of c fo? (2 Sa. 5 -, Ps. 84 ), it is
sacred tree of the baka-trees is an
difficult to think that nm is so
improbable combination (see v. Gall, CSt. 103).
(Sr
7-6
faofta.
TOV rbirov.
^tMva
"?*<]
&F<S
^Kn
8.
a.
napm]
<5r
~ny]
9.
(5r
tv
The
14.
v.
Aovfa.
^NIB"
inx] jju.(&
IDP nx Knp
i.
12.
D n^K.
Tiro]
10.
(Hr
simplifies by omit
a schol. in Field).
nyntso (so
(Horn.
//. xxiii.
196,
xxxv. 6-i5
The notice of Deborah is
59
accompanied Rebekah (24 )
in
is
425
How
4f>
HN,
v.
74 (De. Gu.).
s parallel to
15-
The
28 loff -.
II, 12.
ation,
15.
19
place, as 28
v. 15 .
and no
ritual
As a
Bethel depends solely on the words inN Dipon, which can easily be
15
The suggestion that the v. continues 8 is due
excised, as a gloss from
to Cornill (ZATW, xi. i$ff. ), and seems the most satisfactory solution
is
13 15
of the problem.
is the only other instance of the word
TJDJ] 2 Ki. i6
before Jeremiah, though the vb. appears in 2 Sa. 23 16 Ho. 9*.
In Jer.,
Ezk. (2o 28 ), and II Isa. it is an accompaniment of heathenish worship ; its
-
17
legalisation for the worship of the temple appears in Ezk. 45 and P.
Its mention here is a proof of the great antiquity of the notice (Corn. I.e.).
JACOB IN CANAAN
426
o-m
psD
!
spot
i"?
6a
superfluous after we have read ( ) that he had reached a
10 u
(3) That two consecutive w. (
) should commence with
unnatural even in P (so KS.). (4) The self-disclosure of the
a.
f>
TDO
P)
is
( )
33
J,
(E,
is
The one
Gu.
is
to
known
v. 20 ).
woman by
dying
24
(3O
).
With her
18.
breath
last
The pathos
calls
him Bin-
sympathy with
ZATW,
iii.
clause, that
is
Bethlehem^
20. See on v. 14
is
a gloss (see
ff.).
n
JTJCS-, which is always
Ephrath and the better known clan-name c
connected with Bethlehem. It is unnecessary to assume a divergence
of ancient tradition regarding the site.
The beautiful verse of Jeremiah
14
shows how vivid and persistent was the hold of these legends on
31
many
l]
(3r
A.Trdpas d
I.
tTrr)ei>
rr\v VKT]VT\V
21
(fr.
),
pn
||
meaning
19>
24
,
Ps. 89 13 etc.),
XXXV. i6-26
427
the conquest of the country (We. Sta. Guthe, al.) Steuern. goes further,
and infers that the rise of Benjamin brought about the dissolution of
But all such speculations are precarious. The name
the Rachel tribe.
:
was
intentionally omitted.
fJ.oi
V atrros 0iA^ecr/ce^,
jji-/iv
7raXAa/a5t
14ff-
Note that in 3o
mother s conjugal
also,
17
5 &KOITIV,
XioWcr/cero yotivuv,
drijudfecr/ce
altv
Trpo/n.iyiji ai,
/*
iV e%#?7peie ytpovra.
An
49"*.
22b-26.
the
list
of Jacob s sons
list
children
are
(P).
JE
two points
The
mothers
and
In
Other
the birth of Benjamin is placed in Mesopotamia.
wise the order of JE is preserved: Leah precedes Rachel;
but Rachel s maid precedes Leah s.- On the position of the
section in the original Code, see pp. 423, 443.
22a. The double accentuation means that 22a was treated by the
Mass, sometimes as a whole v., sometimes as a half; the former for
Wickes, Prose
private, the latter for liturgical reading (Str. 129
Note the gap in the middle of the verse, which (5r fills
Accents, 130).
;
tvavriov avrov.
] The name, instead of
irovnpbv
from this point onwards a fairly reliable criterion of the
document J in Gen. 26. iV] .ux and Heb. MSS n ?
up with
Jacob,
/ecu
Ss*"!^
e<pdvr}
is
EDOMITE GENEALOGIES
428
The death
27-29.
of Isaac
(?*)
In
(P).
JE
Isaac
was
is
seen in Esau
on
Jacob.
s living
32*),
27.
Hebron (see
him and
in
friendship between
,
See i3 18 23 2
Hebron.
Isaac
XXXVI.
CH.
The chapter
Esau
Mount
An
IV.
Two
V.
29.30.
1-5
children,
so?is\
lays
sections
(or eight)
His
II.
I.
to
migration
~
of Esau s descendants, 9 u
~
enumeration of clans or clan-chiefs of Esau, 15 19
;
Horite
III.
lists
list
a genealogy,
40~ 43
The
20 ~ 28
and a
31 ~ 39
Ch.
consists of seven
6- 8
Seir,
clans of Esau,
in
Edomite Genealogies,
and
wives
buried by Esau
is
VII.
of clans,
second list of
list
lists
35 - 54
.
makes
prw]
ffi
25
7
).
(Kit.).
29 end] S
pnan]
^Olf^)
Isaac
we have no data
to determine.
xxxvi. 1-5
429
The argument
rests,
porated
in P,
which 35 29 36 6
rejected as a
it
to J (so most) or
1-5.
genealogies,
following
sections the second and third wives exchange places.
These
marriages and births are said to have taken place in the
,
the Hittite
(b)
Mahalath bath-Yismael,
wives are
&
(c)
sister of
Ngbayoth.
v.
8 19
-
is itself
); but the
instructive.
persistency with
(cf.
359f.)>
Esau Edom (
had taken, as already recorded (26s4 28 9 ). pyast m] juaffi5
But in clan names gender is
deleted by Ho. and Gu. as a gloss.
srp
not always carefully distinguished and the writer probably took njy
In v. 25 Oholibamah is herself one of the sons of Anah.
as fern.
inn]
Rd. nhn, v.s. 5. T] Keth. as v. 14 i Ch. 7 10 Qre wy; as v. 18 i Ch.
two ways
a - 8-
2.
np ? iry]
;
EDOMITE GENEALOGIES
430
(?*)
Ishmaelite elements.
4flr
that
On
9 * 14
makes
2
practically certain that vn in v. is a mistake for nh.
the sons, see below.
It is pointed out by Ho. (187) that both in
and 15 19 the Oholibamah branch holds a somewhat exceptional
v.
it
lists
si
ess likely.
6-8.
Esau s migration
Se
to
ir.
6.
Cf.
2 ~5
i2 5 (3423 ).
to the land of
now
is
ff.).
See on i4 6 27 39f
9-14.
-,
and below on
The genealogy
called e$-$era
and the
v. 20 .
of Esau.
9, 10.
Esau the
followed by moP N1, cf. 25 12f -.
1
It
see
footnote
on
v.
is
strange that
father of Edom]
in
these
Edom
is
never
the
except
glosses
eponymus of the
heading nr6n
KI
35
~\"])v
XXXVI. 6-n
nation, although it appears to have been the name of a god
2 Sa. 6 10 ).
II ff. The total number of the tribes,
(D1K
"13V,
()^
Slip]
EDOMITE GENEALOGIES
43 2
name
(?*)
is
lion,
21<
The
15-19.
tf,
Edom.
clan-chiefs of
Since the
-ZJ.Z.
list is
On
15.
the word
all
~ 14
,
we
thousands
31
,
Nu.
Ju.
32",
20.
33
)
cf.
autochthones are described geographically and ethnologically as sons of Seir the Horite, i.e., a section of the Horite
population settled in Mt. Se ir, Se ir being personified as
the fictitious ancestor of the natives of the country.
f\ht<
m]
2O.
3B"]
lapel?
16.
(5 om.
(5r
Aq.
of their clans.
l8. is?y
sing.
TOI>S
r)/j.iv
24b.
cp. .n]
[i>eiAt]
<&
The word
(see Field)
is
JUUL
E5o>/4.
(6. rbv
utterly obscure.
10
K.n
13J) ;
(Dt. 2 : so 2T
D a
*
and mules
OlX (o:sn ?)
aquce callidce.
]
be right (and it is certainly the most plausible conjecture for sense),
is a fragment of an old well-legend, claiming the proprietorship of
wild-asses
<S
If 5J
24b
Haupt,
in Ball,
SBOT,
118.
30b
Anah
is in
(cf.
Ju.
the style of P.
14ff>
).
vy]
See, further,
<&
xxxvi. is-so
The name nh
tion, identical
is
now
with the
433
ZATW,
i49ff.,
means
The
29f>
(a)
Lotan (Timna).
Sobal.
(b)
Hori,
(c)
Hemam.
Zib 6n.
(^) E/er.
*i
Rian.
i
Cz,
Za Svan [Zu an], Aran.
Bilhan,
Ebal,
Dis"6n
Sgpho,
(OhSlibamah),
Onam.
(e)
[Yajakan.
Hemdan,
Es"ban,
Yithran, K6ran.
The Names. (a) jai^ is plausibly connected with ciV (also a cave30
dweller, I9 ), who may have been originally an ancestral deity wor
in
these
Philologically it is interesting to observe the
regions.
shipped
frequency of the endings -an, -on in this list, pointing to a primitive
nunation, as
constrasted with
Edomite names.
a subdivision of
nn
22
(v.
)]
sporadic
The occurrence
itself is surprising.
Mey. (339) suspects confusion with
another genealogy in which Lotan figured as ancestor of the whole
6
i Ch. 2 , Ps.
Horite race. DD n (i Ch. DDin,
Af/^)] cf. jD n, i Ki.
8g\
as
the
sister
is
the
of
same
introduced
as the
Lotan,
VJDn, strangely
concubine of Eliphaz (v. 12 ) probably interpolated in both places. (b)
Vmsy (2w/3d\)] also a Kalebite tribe settled in Kiryath-Ye arim, incorpor
The name was connected by Rob. Sm.
ated in Judah (i Ch. 2 50 52
<
5",
4"-).
Ar.
ought to be v in Heb. but the
young
perhaps not final in a borrowed name (but see No. ZDMG,
xl. 168; Gray, HPN, 109).
Tw\6v, TwXd/i, etc.)] cf.
pVy (i Ch. ]^y,
40
otherwise unknown. nruoj It cannot be accidental that in
mSy, v.
with Ar.
Sibl,
objection
is
lion.
<&
28
EDOMITE GENEALOGIES
434
2 52
Ch.
6bal.
*?3 y
tribe of Dan (Mey. 340).
(Fai/S^X)] Mey. identifies with the
well-known mountain E of Shechem, originally a Horite settlement (?).
IBB*
DJIX ( ft/Aav, Qvav)]
(i Ch.
Scurfy, Sw^dv, Sco0, etc.)] unknown.
A Yerahmeelite name, i Ch. 2 28 The name of Judah s son pix (Gn.
4ff
38 -) may also be compared. (c) pjosf (Zepeydv)] Possibly a hyaena-
mixed
ae>,
&
26<
tribe
2
^l, NH, yns) (Smith, JO/
(dabu,
falcon (Lv.
14
Dt.
14",
unknown.
n:y]
Jb. 28
cf.
254; Gray,
95).
.TK]
(
pB""i,
JBT
(Arjcruv,
mountain-goat (Dt. i4 ).
prr] Derived from a widely
Aaicri>}v)]=
OT
(Ju.
subdivisions
(Dan
see on
= jy ?t)] unknown.
Manahat
above).
as i Ch.
pyr (JUA
42
(&
jyit,
The
ZovicAu.,
doubt
be identified with the Jjjy;. :? mentioned in Nu. 33
Dt. io6 as
the owners of some wells S of Kadesh.
(^)
(^r P[e]icrwj )] Rd. r l
see on lo 23
or }^H, to avoid concurrence with the f^n of v.
py
25
The
22 21
pN] Perhaps connected with the Yerahmeelite jnk, i Ch. 2
reading DIN (Heb. MSS, fflr5J3T J ) is probably a mistake caused by the
Zaw<v
)]
less to
tribe
is
31f>
jt5"T
25f>
("fis)]
proximity of py.
31-39.
The kings
a king of the
of
is,
This
may mean
monarchy in
over Edom.
ad quern
Edom.
Israelites (v.i.)}
Israel,
The
or before any
natural terminus
ence by David
mark
logy
is
wanting.
kings (Meyer)
is
An
xxxvi. 31-36
settled times
435
finds here
an
men
who married
of other families
the
a dynasty.
principle
royal
(i
may
Ki.
life,
who
regarded as heir-presumptive to
is
The name
Dy"?a,
of the
the soothsayer
first king-
whom
the
8
fighting for Midian (Nu. 3i [P]).
ff.),
(AHT
<&
DE>n
CA<r6/t,
v.
11
.
35.
well-known name
Aramaean
,
deity,
i
Ki.
8ff<
e>n
is
mentioned
in
OS, I37
10
(p. 277), in
EDOMITE GENEALOGIES
part of Mt. Seir. 37. INS?] The name of the first king- of Israel. mam
von] so called to distinguish it from other places of the same name
22
15
(cf. 26 ), is probably the Poufiud of OS, I45
(p. 286), a military post in
Gebalene. The river is, therefore, not the Euphrates (although a place
Rahaba has been discovered on its
side), but some perennial stream
in the N of Edom, defined by the city on its banks (cf. 2 Ki. 5 12 ).
Baal is gracious.
The name of the seventh king is the
38. pn
only existing trace of Baal-worship in Edom. TQ2JJ]
jerboa (Ar.
^>ya]
KM
*ys)>
(5r
i.e.
the mountain in Moab (Nu. 23 s8 etc.).
Why
Hadad II. is named we cannot tell. ^K30nD ( God does
10
is a man s name in Neh. 6
For an? D na it would be better to
But am D (gold-water) is more likely to be the name
p
has
<bbyup,
"liy?,
the wife of
good
read D
((&>).
ant
of Dt.
1
.
The
of Esau.
This second list of
more
features
of
P
s
*Alluphtm presents
style than any other
40-43.
chiefs
preceding
lists
1Q - 39
(
new names,
the
ment preserves a
of
statistical
Edom
It is
to the
subsequent
(Ew. Di. Dri. al.); but there
is
no evidence that
this is
the case.
40.
m!?y=p^y,
v. 23
nrr
ledtp, etc.)]
n^N
to be the seaport
is
probably
see on i46
in;
= pn,
v.
-2fi
41.
n"?K
$[e]iva}v}
supposed
jrs
Nu. 33 42f the Qawuv (Fenon) of OS, 123* (p. 299 cf. p. 123), a village
JJIEJ,
between Petra and Zoar, where were copper mines worked by convicts.
The name (see Seetzen, iii. 17), and the ruins of the mines have been
of Sobek (Meyer, 353 f.). 42. ns^o]
discovered at Fenan, 6 or 7 m.
Ace. to OS, I37 11 (p. 277), Mafiaapd was a very large village in Gebalene,
For the latter, ffi
43. ^NHJD and ovy are unknown.
subject to Petra.
= is*, v. 11 It is probable that in the original text both
has
names were contained, as in an anonymous chronicle edited by Lagarde
;
(<f>iyes,
NNW
Za<wet[>]
(Sept-St.
It
ii.
12),
making
the
number up
to twelve.
40. DnopoS]
DnnWi^.
40
(v.
).
wy
win]
ancK 3]
D.Tiaai
(Jj
see on v.
1
.
ann^a (lo 20
31
).
43.
XXXVI. 37-43
437
wards returned
(5)
to trouble
14ff>
The genealogies
Judaean
tribes.
ir
Edom was drawn into Judah, and had to find a place in the artificial
genealogies which expressed the political unity resulting from the
If
incorporation of diverse ethnological groups in the tribal system.
Meyer be right in holding that the genealogies of the Chronicler reflect
the conditions of the late post-Exilic age, when a wholesale conversion
of Kalebite and Yerahmeelite families to Judaism had taken place (INS,
Entst. d. Jud. 1146., 130 ff.), a comparison with Gn. 36 yields
30of.
of
THE
Book
OT
XXXVII-L.
of Genesis
at once the
is
most
connexion
artistic
Its
is
"
"
^1
438
XXXVII.-L
439
21
5b
25?
of J and E respectively (exceptions are 462 48 8
[5O ]; 46 ). nirr
occurs only in ch. 39 (7 times) elsewhere D rr?K is invariably used, some
times in contexts which would otherwise be naturally assig-ned to J,
though no reason appears why J should depart from his ordinary
28
usage (e.g. 42 ). It may not always be safe to rely on this character
istic when it is not supported by other indications.
Eerdmans, who
rejects in principle the theory of a Yahwistic and an Elohistic document,
is obliged to admit the existence of an Israel-recension and a Jacob-
istic
"
recension,
and makes
analysis.
A comparison
recent critics
is
increases one
The
(J
(J)
;
so
47
30-33
(E),
P*]),
To
(E*).
(J),
28b
34
(JE),
(J),
(J),
E + J), 86 (E)
35
(J)
43
an independent
commonly accepted by
it
Eerdmans, of
^8
2a
^1.
1
48 (E),
(J),
the Jacob-recension (J-R) he assigns 37 2
(P),
(J),
40
41
(J)
42
(J)
(J)>
29 - 31
27b
13 27a
(J [v.
14 26
1 11
*-"
(P),
the basis of
28 34
+ E)
distinction
this
(all
E)
*-*>
>
(J)
45!-"
(E*),
46^ (E*),
Komp d.
(p)
^12.
( p) (]
^la
the usual analysis is roughly indicated by the symbols
does this compare with the generally accepted
within brackets.
6. 7
6-ll
p) 47
Gen. 6571)
p. )f
12
28
(E)>
29-33
(P)
13
(p),
How
critical results?
(i)
No
distinction is recognised
other sources
J-R = J.
But
this
TH E STORY OF JOSEPH
44-O
"Ye
"
45"
7
)
is
To this higher
subordinated the separate scenes and incidents
merge naturally into the main stream of the narrative, each representing
a step in the development of the theme. The style is ample and diffuse,
but never tedious the vivid human interest of the story, enhanced by a
vein of pathos and sentiment rarely found in the patriarchal narratives,
secures the attention and sympathy of the reader from the beginning to
the close. We note, further, a certain freedom in the handling of tradi
tional material, and subordination of the legendary to the ideal element in
working out a
result
unity everything-
is
Luther (INS, 141 ff.), that the original author was J, and that he composed
it as a connecting link between the patriarchal legends and those of the
Exodus, is destitute of probability. The motive suggested is inadequate
to account for the conception of a narrative so rich in concrete detail as
that before us.
Moreover, there is no reason to think that E is depend
ent on J and it is certain that in some points (the leadership of Reuben,
Nor is there much foundation for
e.g.) E follows the older tradition.
Luther s general impression that such a narrative must be the creation
In any case the mastery of technique which is here
of a single mind.
displayed implies a long cultivation of this type of literature (ib. 143)
and the matter of the Joseph-narratives must have passed through many
successive hands before it reached its present perfection of form.
It is impossible to resolve such a composition completely into its
but we may perhaps distinguish
traditional or legendary elements
;
XXXVII.-L
441
broadly the three kinds of material which have been laid under contribu
tion,
(i) The element of tribal history or relationships, though slight
and secondary,
is
clearly recognisable,
affection
implies a hegemony of that tribe in very early times, just as the similar
position accorded to Judah in J reflects the circumstances of a later age.
These are perhaps all the features that can safely be interpreted of real
to
biography, which
events.
may
in
in ancient Israel
a tradition of
Egypt,
Steuernagel
suggestion (Eimv.
story is based on feuds between the tribe Joseph and the other tribes, in
the course of which individual Joscphides were sold as slaves to Egypt,
44 2
(p,
JE)
illustrates the futility of trying to explain the narrative from two points
of view at once.
The tribal and the personal conceptions must be kept
but the
distinct, each may contain a kernel of history of its own kind
union of the two was effected not on the plane of history in either sense,
but during the process of artistic elaboration of the theme. (3) There
1
The prominence
of
it
dreams and
may
which
rather
one of
the most striking features of the narrative. That in this legendary
element there is an admixture of mythical material is very possible but
is
It is not difficult to
of Egyptian influence at the court of Jeroboam I.
suppose that it was appropriated by the Hebrew rhapsodists, and
CH.
XXXVII.
his Brethren s
his
Father through
(P, JE).
As
their
but
).
The chapter
*
is
xxxvu.
i,
443
member
all this
is
Sources.
chapter
may
Vv.
1- 2
start
belong- to
from
25 30
,
signal manifestation of
(v.i.).
s destiny.
clearest.
some
the prelude to
is
Jndah
in the other,
he
is
||
3f>
34f>
out with substantial agreement among-st critics ; and, with some finishingtouches from the hand of Gu. (353 ff.), the result is as follows J = 3 4 13a
-
28ay
(V-Q^ to HOD)
W
31
S2a
a-y*>-
i-n.
The
>
alienation
***>
and
between Joseph
his
I, 2.
The
is
clause
">5^
&ttrvj
is
2.
a njn]
*
216).
444
statement of Joseph
(jE)
in 2a^,
seen that
we want
age
was
his brethren,
fell
cubines.
With this change, Di. s objections to the unity of v. 2 fall to the ground,
and the whole may be safely ascribed to P (note the chronology, the
supplementary V3N ^j, and the phrase njn mi). Short as the fragment
is, it shows that P s account was peculiar in two respects
(i) He
restricts the hostility to the sons of Bilhah and Zilpah, and (2) he traces
:
of J and E.
D*B? n ^?] a
but speculations
2
mythological significance (ATLO
384) have no
support in either passage. 4. could not address him peace-
as to
3.
ntyll.P.
its
nc jn]
JUA 8?jn.
As
D DS
(Ba. Kit.).
&
171
it is
best to restore
:
<f>6povv
al
yap
ruv
23
(
(tunicam polymitam [but cf. v. ]),
(xtrwva iroiKlXov) and
Vns. here support this sense Aq. x- acrTpayaXuv, S. x- X/)i5wr6v,
|A_V25 |i >7on ( with sleeves ), C on NJin 3, etc. In 2 Sa. 13,
Except
all
vii.
(5xU
and
")A*^ \\
the
curiously
\K<sD
mined by
Dan. loo.
On
5
]
>7nn
change
[= tunica
sides
striata]).
Ka/>7ro>r6s,
The
real
talaris
meaning
tunica t
is
deter
see Bevan,
and Aram. D? (Dn. 5 5 M) =D:P?N, Ezk. 47
2
na 5 VOCTI^
Heb. MSS
]
^o.mSrS h?l]
But no other case occurring of nil with
see G-K.
115 c.
NH
4.
sufF.,
(x
vnN
**>.<&
3
could not
ace. of pers. addressed (Nu. 26 is corrupt), Gu. points
(
take his matter peaceably ), Kit. em. ? \h n?^ (the ^ might be omitted:
n^
xxxvn.
Joseph
salute him.
ably] or,
dreams
6,
(E).
445
3-i3
12
represents Jacob s family as agriculturists (see on 26 )
There may be some
in vv. 2 13ff 46 31ff they are shepherds.
;
is
8a.
questionable.
Wilt thou,
s elevation
sages Joseph
Israel collectively.
(v.
is
matter
6b
for J s
(in
and
mind)]
8b
are redactional).
OUT^O-CI/.
bulk
Cf. Lk. 2 19
51
Es
largely in
Joseph - narrative
3ff<
faith in
OT
12-17.
brethren.
see Ex. 2 3
om. by
pi.
5b
etc.).
7. Ins.
(5r.
Ps. i266 f.
the
12,
I3a, I4b J
||
130, I4a
(see the
analysis
<&
12-14
is
shows that
composite.
13b
is
from
shows that
22 7 n 27*
12>
Sine"
1-
(cf.
31").
13a
14a
is
note
is
belong to J
Hence
(3r
an in
omits, and
i
and
"an
not a specifi-
446
(JE)
below).
journey.
Ddthan
local legend
15-n
W ould
it
14b
(J),
and Gu.
mention Shechem at
all,
nor J Dothan.
The
18-30.
Reuben
||
13a
,
continuing
13b
14b
13a
obviously follows
12.
h^] with puncta extraordinaria, because for some reason the text was
19
14. pnan pnyo (23*- )] The words mig-ht be a gloss based on
suspected.
common nominal
(Aram.
The ending p
corresponding to Heb. 3]
termination.
?) locative
G-K. 88c).
sio
l8a and l8ba are obviously doublets
NB,
is
(see
arrangement.
14
,
xxxvii. 14-25
447
narrative
of the pits
21
||
23
is
he
Reuben, on the other hand, has his scheme ready
of
to
the
horror
shed
which
cries
for
blood,
appeals
antique
11
vengeance on the murderer (4 ). this pit] a particular cistern
which Reuben knew to be empty of water ( 24b ).
It is prob
able that one of the numerous pits round Dothan was tradi
:
the
fate of
Joseph (Gu.)
cf.
the
Shechem
Jordan
were much
of the
The
to the coast.
Torr^x]
irunrnN]
(Sr
(J
om.
e /s
Zva
It is
U
1
(Di. al.) to E,
""![
448
for medicinal
7
Is.
act, in
42
22
.
That the
last section is
Whether
popular tales.
common
to J
the incident
is
peculiar to J, or
33.
(v.i.)
an
A slight
has devoured him] Exactly as v. 20 (E).
32
in
would
enable
us
to
take
the
text
words
of
change
(v.i.)
The
as spoken by the sons to Jacob (so Gu.).
34, 35.
grief
evil beast
of Jacob
is
35b
34a<
mourning
34b 35a
-
Lat. ladanum, the gum of a species of cistusMentioned amongst objects of Syrian tribute (ladunu)
by Tiglath-pileser iv. (KAT\ 151). 27. D WDB^] ffi + nWr. The word
24
is apparently used in the general sense of
Bedouin, as Ju. 8
(cf.
i.
is
28b
see on i6 12
joidfcJSU
6 1 etc.)
uiBaJ
prefix
assigned to E
because of i*r:ri, J using TTin in this connexion ( M 39 1
etc.).
29. p]
Gk.
\rjdai>ov,
f.).
43"
<
oux Qf4-
mi inVisn.
KriDn
(cf.
distinctly to J (Di.).
38
25
),
ronap]
G-K.
100
/.
33.
After
(cf.
33,
i8 21 24 21 ) point
ins. K n.
JUA&&
xxxvu.
449
26-36
ff.
6i 3
Is.
cf.
Ps. 35 14
There was
really
in the family.
A similar indifference to
the prevalent tradition in details is seen in the disparity of
3
age between Joseph and his brothers (v. ), and the assump
that
tion
Rachel was
alive
still
10
(
go down
).
Sheol
condition in which
in the
36 (E) resuming
as a
his death,
how deep
his
grief
till
28b
it
left
believed to appear in
the world (Schw. 63 f.).
1
See, further, on 3Q .
CH. XXXVIII.
(J).
and
1-5
Shelah
Er and
).
the husbands of
Onan become
in
succession
Tamar
27 - 30
(
).
The
historical nucleus
leading- families
cf.
*pb
rpip]
35.
ICI,TI]
with
all
&
44
On
n<rw
:nom as
in the
inf.
<rvi>T)x6
Vns.
29
v. 1 )
two
younger branches, Perez and Zerah, ending-
the isolation of
the mixed origin of its
oldest clans Er and Onan ;
facts as these
on
v.
28
.
450
(j)
supremacy of the former and (possibly) the superiority of these two (as
sons of Judah) to the more ancient Shelah (his grandson). See Steuerwhere, however, the ethnological explanation is
nagel, Eimv. 79 f.
;
is reasonable.
It is obvious that the legend
belongs
a cycle of tradition quite independent of the story of Joseph. The
latter knows of no separation of Judah from his brethren, and this record
leaves no room for a reunion. Although P, who had both before him,
represents Judah and his sons as afterwards accompanying Jacob to
12
Egypt (46 ), there can be no doubt that the intention of this passage is
to
to
the story of
Source.
The chapter
is
The following
yr,
26
;
further, the
resemblance of
harsh,
it is
27fp
10
452, 454.
16
may
26
xrnan,
xnan,
(37^) ; p-^jra,
of the children by the mother, 3 5 ; and the
1
Since the sequence of 39 on 37^ would be
;
"
naming
to 25 m
E
probable that ch. 38 was inserted here by RJ (Ho.).
i.
1-5. Judah founds a separate family at Adullam.
went down from his brethren] Since the chapter has no con
is
is
clear that
indicated.
Adullam
it
some place
is
in the
possibly *Id
el-
SW
NE
of Bethlehem and 7
It is
The
marked on the
Judah was a
ful.
i]
ffi
d(f)iKTo
The change
of iy to
*?
(Ba.)
is
ntjj,
unnecessary
turn aside,
9
i Sa.
9 ).
(cf.
is
doubt
xxxvm.
i-io
451
emendation,
inn,
A more permanent
2.
is
is
represented by Judah
Sheva (See on v. 12 ).
with the Canaanites
is
acknowledged
(ct.
34. 24
It is
be a
may
Akzib, an un
14
i
was the
)
(=
44
locality in the Shephelah, Jos. is , Mic.
known
5^- ^n Keztb^
happen
6-1 1.
three
all
there.
Tamar s wrong.
6.
Tamar>
word for
David s family
the Heb.
name
little
in
probability that
it
is
4
21
3
family, Judah chooses a wife for his first-born (24 34 2i ),
as he is also responsible for the carrying out of the levirate
obligation
hand,
2.
is
toy*]
slain
nW]
5.
impossible, and
cf.
N}TJ>,
See on
acipi.
Heb. MSS).
is
Ch. 422
renderings of
5b
topm (.uxCJ
3. JO,TI] Better as vv.
20
.vni]
comp. the gentilic $#, Nu. 26
little better.
Rd. with (Sr torn. :rt:a] JUUL .-aim,
(5r apx.
Nothing- can be made of the strange
.TI
irw]
in
S>
4- 5
v. 12 .
STjXuy*
<&
JULX
and
(cf.
U m/ ,\
29"
3O
9
).
7.
^ ZoOl
m,T 2 ]
<&
Aomg^n
6 0e6s.
8.
03:]
denom. from
husband s brother
D};, the term, techn. for
the levirate institution.
as often as ; G-K.
9. DN rrm]
(sc.
semen)]
nn] only
(5, pr.
in
the sense of
31
again Nu. 2O
which he
in
spoil,
comp.
TfSq,
make
Ex.
3,
ineffective
Nu. 22 13
quo nato
Dt. 25
in relation to
159
(BDB).
14- 18
.
xo.
o.
jnj
nvy
nn?>
for
IB K]
45 2
(j)
II.
His
her.
motive
real
some way
attributes in
Ru.
fear
is
f
Er and
Tamar
to
law
surviving son
for a childless
in thy father s
13
(Lv. 22 ,
widow
8
).
The custom
in primitive times,
and
is still
questioned
of the obligation
is
analogous though not identical case of Boaz and Ruth also reveals the
tendency to escape its operation. See Dri. Deut. 280 ff. (with the
authorities there cited)
also Engert, Ehe- und Familienrecht, 15 ff.
Barton, SO 66 ff.
Judah s belief that Tamar was the cause of the deaths of Er and
Onan (v.s.) may spring from an older form of the legend, in which she
was actually credited with death-dealing power. Stucken and Je.
recognise in this a common mythical motive, the goddess who slays
her lovers, and point to the parallel case of Sara in the Book of Tobit
8
Tamar and Sara ($arratu, a title of Itar) were originally forms of
(3 ).
Istar (ATLO 2 381 f.).
The connexion is possible and if there be any
truth in Barton s speculation that the date-palm was sacred to I Star (SO 1 ,
92, 98, io2ff.), it might furnish an explanation of the name Tamar.
;
Tamar s daring
12-19.
atf,
jt
iB
13
but see Is. 47*.
n^rn, after Lv. 22
propose
a
as in
Ch. 2 3 =
name,
Apparently
compound proper
Tia]
?3>,
xxxvin.
the effect of the
ii-i8
453
Jer.
i6 7
The
is
harlots"
On the sheep- shearing, see
(Gu.).
1
his
is mentioned here because
v.
^i^.Hirah
)
associate} (see
~
of the part he has to play in the story (vv. 20 23 ).
ivent up
intercourse with
10
43
Timnah\ This cannot be the Danite Timnah (Jos. I5 ig
1 2 5
which lies lower than Adullam. Another Timnah
Ju. I4
),
to
S of Hebron
(Jos. i5
57
),
of Bethlehem, though
may be the modern Tibne,
this is only 4 m. from Adullam, and room has to be found
or
it
common
on
for
v. 21 ),
prostitute,
(but
io i6 8
3
and
v.i.
sits,
by the wayside;
cf.
Ezk. i6 25
15.
Tac. Hist.
2,
3,
7.
i)
(Kn-Di.).
ffi,
5
with 2 Sa. n 3 etc.), through an intermediate jn.yvo.
(cf. i Ch. 3
both here and v. 2 (but not i Ch. 2 3 ), gives yitf as the name of Judah s
his shepherd,
husband s
(SrU iny n,
wrongly. 13. en]
1
Smith
161 f.) finds in the Arabic usage a
Sa. 4 19 21 f.
,
trace of baal-polyandry ; the correlative is kanna, "which
usually means the wife of a son or brother, but in the Hamasa is used
12
Read
.
.
to designate one s own wife."
.
14. D?J?II] so Dt. 22 , Jon.
either D$, Niph. (Gu.), or D3nni, Hithp., with jot (as 24 65 ).
nnsn] ,?
wife.
my-i]
father,
distinct
(KM
3".
D<ry
A^
c^ O,
in bivio itineris, and 5EJ take the meaning- to
|A>j5O|
be at the cross-roads (of which there are several on the short way
from Aid el- Ma to Tibne). The sense is good, and it is tempting to
think that these Vns are on the right track, though their rendering has
no support in Heb. usage. If D J y be a proper name it may be identical
? n:ru N ?
with the unknown Dry of Jos. I5 34 in the Shephelah.
Kim] (JJr
1
h ?
run}
N ? Kin], better.
15 end]
ffi
KQ.\
OVK eir^yvia
o.vT-f)v
454
(j)
among
Babylonians (Herod,
195)
Egyptians (Erman, LAE, 228 f.). The cord may have been
used to suspend the seal, as amongst modern town Arabs
(Robinson, BR, i. 36), or may have had magical properties
like those occasionally worn by Arab men (We. Heid.
166).
For
illustrations of ancient
228
20-23.
f.,
Judah
Hebrew
seals,
see Benzinger,
ff.
fails to
20.
It is
of
publicity (v.
23
).
21.
Where
is
that
This
where
is
KAT
ne>np
it is
ATLO
justice.
be
i.-r)iJ.tvov 7)
ou
<r<t>i
/j.ri\ov
r)
poSov
ffK-fjirrpof.
r)
KpLvov
7}
cuerds
rj
i.
20.
tiri<rr}jjiou
xxxvin.
less the
woman
19-28
455
common punishment
in ancient Israel.
of stoning
5
Jn. 8 ), the
By waiting
till
cf.
Hamm.
no).
25.
the last
Ad
tion as public and dramatically complete as possible.
dressing the crowd she says, To the man who owns these
to Judah himself she flings out the challenge,
things, etc.
;
Judah.
"
the tribe
(ef.
Ru. 412 ).
some
25.
TN^]
here.
On
st.
cl.
as gen.
sc
G-K.
constr. with
myth
n6u,
;
Ho.
al.
nsn (as v. 18 ).
e}
25
(note that in 25
(&
+6
eft.
v,
142 e\ Dri. T.
the
first
166
ff.
point
B"K^>.
JOSEPH
456
came out red
The
}.
TEMPTATION
(j)
it.
To
On
33
the etymology,
v.t.
name
the
through his mother s side" (de Isid. et Os. c. 12). The ascendancy of
the Perez clan has been explained by the incorporation of the powerful
families of Caleb and Jerahmeel, i Ch. 2 6 9 (so Sta. GVI, i. 158 f.); but
a more obvious reason is the fact that David s ancestry was traced to
this branch (Ru. 4 18 22 ).
-
CH.
XXXIX.
(J).
36
sold by the Ishmaelites (37
to an Egyptian
Joseph
)
who
finds
him
so
and
successful
that ere
householder,
capable
is
28>
estate
for him,
and
superior,
prison
is
21 23
).
Source.
sprinkling- of
(nso
B",
v.
),
in the
way
here narrated,
<
<re
<&EJ
U<&
XXXVIIT. 29-xxxix. 4
457
charge.
in
3>
8t 2s
somewhat
^jn,
disconcerting- to find that none
of these occur in the central section, 7 20 and (We. Comfi. 2 56) positively
6 19
to E, because of the phrases HNID nsn IND ns\ 6b (cf. 29 17 )
assigns
14
n Qnann N, 7 (cf. is 1 22 20 40 1 48 1 )
and DM ?* ?, 9
These are not
ixn,
Ho. 231), and on the whole the material argument
decisive (see Di. 403
must be held to outweig-h the dubious linguistic evidence that can be
jn NSD,
It is
Procksch (42
side.
gained by the division.
but nothing
1-6.
estate.
father
is
f.)
assigns
7 10
to
E and
11 23
to
work
in the field.
5>
2L 23
).
etc.}
(i) in
"ixD
&"N
to
<&
He whom
Eg. Pedephre=
OT
sense
ZDMG,
is
liii.
and D
Dn. 2 14
D ptfDn
etc.,
(i
2.
116;
KAT
Sinn
<
B"]
sistent with J s
J
niK.
A
Q natsn it?]
dpxindyetpot, a title like ir
649).
8ff
in ch. 40 (E).
Cf. on an, 2 Ki. 25 -, Jer. 39 9ff 4o lff
rtr
7:n]
usage
juu.
(vv.
23
24
21
)
therefore
inserts n^N as y. 8 **
8
.
4a
is
.4.
vrpa] .uxdKF
wholly assigned to
).
rya
E by
45 8
The phrase
attendant.
In
J,
Joseph
peri-t, etc.},
(j)
a variant from
is
is far
position
(mer-pa mer en
TEMPTATION
JOSEPH
(cf. 40*).
4b.
higher, that, namely, of mer-per
or superintendent of the house
with
Joseph
held
[v. ])
ductory to
-.
7-20.
The
7ff
first
a married
woman
pa. 13p;x
1-9.
require j^), but
he is not.
pb. sin against God] The
naturally avoided in conversation with a
All the more striking is the consciousness of
name Yahwe
foreigner.
is
see Ebers,
But the
306 f.
raised about
difficulties
Joseph
13-20.
The woman
revenge.
14.
from insult
mock
(to
An
us).
touch of venom
additional
but
ux&SU
jn
KJJDI
J.
8.
no]
JUUL
,-TDIKD
23
(v.
n*33j
).
10.
rta-K nsjf
Elohistic recension.
8>
MSS
juu($r
Njn
12
(
lc
).
14.
V3,
Neither
(BDB) can be
a
pn^V] see
easily justified.
on 268
15.
*?*]
13.
Ju*<F
xxxix. 4-21
459
Joseph
became a king
ATLO
The term
21>
To
Hamm.
slave (according to
2
indicated (against Je.
388).
is peculiar, and recurs only
(v.i.)
22>
23
4o
129) is not
for prison
5
.
seed for the sowing, and is tempted by his brother s wife, exactly as
Joseph was by his mistress. Furiously indignant "like a panther for
he rejects her advances, out of loyalty to the brother who has
rage
been like a father to him, and expresses horror of the great sin
which she had suggested. Promising silence, he returns to his brother
in the field.
In the evening Anpu comes home to find his wife covered
with self-inflicted wounds, and listens to a tale which is a perfect
parallel to the false accusation against Joseph.
Anpu seeks to murder
his brother
but being at last convinced of his innocence, he slays his
"
LAE,
378 ff. Petrie, Egypt. Tales, ii. 36 if. Volter, Aeg. u. die Bibel, 50 f.
[who takes the story as a whole to be founded on the myth of Set and
It is true that the theme is not exclusively Egyptian (see the
Osiris].)
;
parallels in Lang, Myth, Ritual, and Religion, ii. 303 ff.) but
the fact that the scene of the biblical narrative is in Egypt, and the
numerous
that there
is
21-23.
Joseph
tfi/
axra.
it
extremely probable
in prison.
A
<rov
[(5r
ori]
<Er
KoifJ-ridrjTi
<&&
+ Ksn.
ff.
Dri.
DB,
ii.
768 a,
n.),
JOSEPH IN PRISON
460
(E)
other prisoners.
CH. XL.
(E).
Joseph
appointed to wait on two officers of the court
who have been put under arrest in his master s house f 1 4 ),
is
"
and
finds
5 ~8
He
).
9 - 19
which
for
his
for
14f<
Source.
The main narrative, as summarised above, obviously be
20ffbut
longs to E (see p. 456 f.). Joseph is not a prisoner (as in J 39
the servant of the captain of the guard (cf. $f 4i 12 ) the officers are
not strictly imprisoned, but merely placed in ward (TD&D3) in Potiphar s
house ( 4 7 ) and Joseph was stolen from his native land ( 15a cf. 37 28a ),
not sold by his brethren as 37 28b (J).
Fragments of a parallel narrative
2
b
la b
3a
in J can be detected in
(from n n 3-^K}
(a duplicate of ),
)>
3<
5b
(the officers
(Joseph a prisoner),
l 5b
phraseology note J s npsron, n-jxn,
*
||
imprisoned),
15b
and
In
9 16
-
the
20
-1-
3l
7
5b
D lD,
^Q VQj 3a a 4. 7.
,
J nnon n 3j 3a|3.
connect the main narrative with 37 36 (E). That in J the turn of Joseph s
fortune depended on the successful interpretation of dreams does not
explicitly appear, but may be presumed from the fact that he was
22. 23
1-8.
Pharaoh s
the butler
I.
"
||
14a
(4i
J).
officers in
ZDMG,
liii.
ngf.).
2.
(ATLO
54;
chief of the butlers
cf.
Zimmern,
bakers (E)]
22. Q tety] On
Ex. 3 21 ii 3 i2 36 f) gen. of obj. = favour towards him.
O m. 23. rrn]
n6s. rwy rrn in]
omission of subj., see G-K.
n^i d] (& + tv rats x e P^ v avrov.
!
(fix TrdvTa yap fy 8iCL x ei ph
Dav. 27(6):
128 a, 129/5
I. nsKm
nj3D] On the synt., see G-K.
la
5
2. fjspM is the regular continuation of the time-clause in
cf. v.
(E).
<JRA.ai.
VD
iD]
impurum
st.
XXXIX. 22-XL.
II
461
The
Titles corresponding
the igth dynasty (Erman, LAE, 105).
to those here used are scribe of the sideboard/
superin
tendent of the bakehouse, etc. (Erman, 187). 3a. The
3^>
(])>
22f>
their
character
disclosed.
is
each
5-
io
according
the
5b
significance.
fessional
8.
(J).
no one
such
interpreter,
as
interpretations belong
God] The maxim is quite in accord with Egyptian
sentiment (Herod, ii. 83), but in the mouth of Joseph it
expresses the Hebrew idea that inspiration comes directly
to
On
is
not a nnsfe
D^JK
13
).
Wiedemann,
di-vin.
39
i.
was
De
2g
JTttp (Is.
ff.
etc.
in
//.
ii.
5-34, Od.
iv.
ME
795
5
i.
ff.
330.
Cicero,
While
dream
the
fully
nificance on
its
sig
(4o
etc.).
3.
perhaps
nctroa (cf. v. 4 ),
v. 7 .
G-K.
Ch. 26 19
with nu as ace. of
6. jyi]
be fret
139 h.
f).
8.
K ins]
On
the
&
nni3 Nim] Not when it budded (<), for such a use of ? with
a ptcp. (G-K. 164^-) is dubious even in the Mishnah (JQR, 1908, 697 f.).
2
If the text be retained we must render as if budding (Dri. T. p. I72 ).
10.
462
it
to Pharaoh,
tic
It
realism or phantasy.
The ordinary interpretation is that
the king drank the fresh grape-juice
but as the butler sees
the natural process of the growth of the grapes take place
"
On
two
into
But
also,
in
it
view of the
may
be doubted
if it
it is
is
in 2 Ki. 25 27 , Jer. 52 31 ).
14, 15.
Joseph
Ball
s petition.
emends
Kit. nrns?.
(after
nyj]
<&
KO.I
avrrj
The masc.
f:
0dXXov<ra)
nrnED
torn (cf.
(in this
92") ;
to n
is doubtful (G-K.
91 e) hence it is
better to read nyj as ace. :
it
It is pos
(the vine) went up in blossom.
5
sible that here and Is. i8 nyj means berry-cluster ; see
Derenbourg-,
v. 301 f.
cooked ; Hiph. only here.
Note the
i^ran] lit.
;
ZATW,
apxys
similarly
used metaphorically as here in 4i 13 Dn.
KJP:]
pedestal,
3m3i~DN 3]
<&
/j.vt]<r0ri<rcTai
TT/S
<rov
u7
(5r
dXXd,
iJ.vfj<r6t]ri
CJ.
fj.ov,
U tantum
F&&.
memento mei
13.
}S] lit.
20 - 21 - S8
f.
similarly J5
14.
and
a precative
XL. 12-19
463
an anachronism
pression
is
first,
The meaning
bread]
upon
my
<l
"}
>
See the
head]
Rameses m.
of
however,
is
doubtful
the
picture of
(v.i.).
court-bakery of
in Ebers,
ii.
all
(Gu.)?
Rameses
in.
"
etc.
(Erman, 192).
while the birds kept eating] In real life he would have driven
in the dream
off the birds (cf. I5 11 )
and this is the ominous
circumstance he cannot.
ip. lift thy head from off thee]
red,"
great weight
119
(5).
lowed by
105
b).
mn
N3
(G-K.
niarrp, or run
nnbn rvsp.
mn
16.
nh]
&TT.
\ey.,
of nobility (nrn).
Aq. 3J&2TJ but E
Others (Ra. al.) understand it as a characteristic of the baskets
per
The /3aiVd (of palm-leaves) of 2. seems to
forated (from lin, hole ).
^/ iin,
be white
so virtually
to the
ELEVATION
JOSEPH
464
(JE)
Decapitation
is
22f
-,
2.
further developments.
CH.
XL
I.
Two years after the events of ch. 40, the king of Egypt
has a wonderful double dream, which none of his magicians
The chief butler is naturally re
able to interpret ( 1-8 ).
minded of his own experience, and mentions Joseph, who is
is
forthwith
summoned
37 46
In
scheme, and makes him absolute ruler of Egypt (
).
stores
he
had
the
of
foreshadowed, Joseph
policy
pursuance
subsequent famine
Analysis.
from
la
rest on
and
Aramaic
during the
).
The connexion
9 13
it
47 ~ 57
note c ps sn
(Field).
19.
as Ezk. i6 5
nz>,
rH E
cf.
"a
"
(G-K.
1 1 1
/)
cf.
Dav.
XLI. 1-4
10
with them
in 14b (J)
3- 4
cf.
4O
is
no
sufficient
chapter there
on
465
house
In the
first
Joseph
half of the
15
8
with 4o 8a 16 with 4o8b ). In the second
inN p
insi,
,
there
are
half, however,
slight diversities of expression and representa
tion which show that a parallel narrative (J) has been freely utilised.
33
Thus, in
Joseph recommends the appointment of a single dictator, in
84
851 **
tralised
in b
H*
seems
Further,
and 45b 46b 45a (jna Bis = ns Bis) can hardly be from E, who has employed
Some of these differences may, no
the name for another person (37 36 )doubt, prove to be illusory but taken cumulatively they suffice to prove
-13
35b
pp
"?DN
49
35a - 48
38
).
39
41
be given.
Pro. 43
380 f.
is
46a
f.
from P, and
is
Pharaoh s dreams.
1-8.
50b
2.
a gloss.
is
from
the Nile
(v.i.)}
the
Osiris or
f.,
80
ff.).
seven
cows, etcJ\
According
51, the male ox is the
the
and
sacred
to
of
Nile,
Osiris, the inventor of
symbol
The
i.
Osiris-steer
often appears
21).
agriculture (ib.
to Diod. Sic.
i.
Eg. loan-word
(^iotr,
i.
n
Jb. 8 f)]
** 27
,
but
"n
in
of the ears.
6 23
n^DNni]
(5r
19>
in
7>
4.
~\
<&
30
JOSEPH
466
5~7at the
ELEVATION
(JE)
more
possible,
fantastic
and
east-wind
all the
8.
ff.).
occult
magicians
knowledge
"
nocturnos visus
talia intellegere,
The motive
aperit";
the confutation
cf. Is.
47
12
etc.
9.
office
of the interpreter
to penetrate the
is
imagery of the
convey.
13.
one restored,
the omission of Pharaoh, or to make Joseph the
subj., is
219;
8.
Herod,
oysm]
ii.
New
37).
was perturbed
as Dn. 2 3
D DBin]
(a
Only
word
in
Ex. 7-9
(P),
Eg",
<&
blance of the
cnx, (5
"unx.
cl. (
9b
)
to 40 1
ii. no^mi]
G-K.
492.
it
to be
12. ins
from
ins
i]
J (Gu.).
(5
/cat
XLI. 5-28
467
when thou
a dream
hearest
it
dreams.
thou
15.
Comp. 4o
8
.
fine
dream
This
excited.
is
natural,
drawn upon.
Wl,
for n&OlD,
(~\xr\
22-24-
The
This
i
15.
146,
I4
24
.
what
is
16.
i.
.ox
answered/
read
ruy:.
etc.
cf.
respondebit,
157 a
N? D
&
27b
Dav.
used as
will not be
V),
A^^?
1<JlX|
God one
will
etc.
On
the
J.TNTD]
dried,
suff. cf.
G-K.
a),
or to
),
lit.
l>^3]
Deus
Pharaoh
said to
DB-n]
R.
meant when]
[I
G-K.
hardened.
91/1
19.
The word
mSn]
Sing.
is #TT.
flaccid
(&
93^).
(ib.
om.
23.
OT, and
21. n^^np]
mcos]
Aram.
omitted by
irregular gender of
only
Xe7. in
is
MT
(HrFS.
The
D.rinK] MSS and jux jn
here in this chapter.
26. ma] Om. of art. may be justified on the ground that the numeral
is equivalent to a determinant
126 AT) but MJL rmsn is much to be
(G-K.
.
preferred.
27. nip-in]
empty.
contrast to nxSc ( 22 etc.), partly
The pointing
is
by the
is
fern.
this section.
28-32. The
Pro. assigns
from
difficulty
ni,rnn
it
(JUAJ?).
ui V,T]
omits a prediction
29 31
to J
(||
(cf.
iS 33 24 1S
19
ELEVATION
JOSEPH
468
(JE)
N?1 of
jni3
repeated?
urgent.
32.
dream
If the
is
why was
one,
it
twice
Here Joseph
33-36. Joseph s advice to Pharaoh.
himself
to
mere
in
be
no
proves
expert
reading dreams, but
a man with a large reserve of practical wisdom and states
33-35. There is an apparent discrepancy between
the appointment of a single official ( 33a ) and that of a com
mission of overseers ( 34a )
and again between the fifth
manship.
part
34b
(
from sing,
(B>Dm)
to pi.
we
35a
For attempts
11
etc.).
(l^p" ),
at division
administration
cf.
35.
Ex. i8 10
authority) of Pharaoh]
37-46. Joseph s elevation.
thing- that
2
30
was pleasing
12
to
10
39 (E)
37,
Pharaoh,
the
(i.e.
38
The
(J).
etc., is
13
and
but they are
27
) as characteristic of J
43 44
(i2 43 47
30a 32b
27f 30b 31 32ab
This is on the
not decisive. Gu. limits J to
(||
E).
whole more satisfying, since ms^i and jn;: tfVi appear to be doublets (Di.)
1
4<
""??
)>
<x
against J
is
change
s O
3(ia
ab.
Tpa (with
najr to nns
Characteristic of
j
The
njps),
pn,
Sa*t
pp and
;
p,
-ox
Gu.
analysis
G-K.
To
jyy
i.
make
necessary to
For noon,
21>
AJU.^
have
noe"
37-46. Analysis.
Dam as
41
33
)
(Pro.), or
is
to J
**-
To E we may
44 - 45
delayed to
Whether
**
(Gu.),
it
39
(ju:
commences with
41b
reads like a
XLI. 29-42
469
which
it
was followed up, though it was the former which proved that
Joseph was truly inspired. The statement that the policy
commended itself comes from E in J, Pharaoh improves
;
upon
it
late (cf.
over
4
my
Mayor
The
house]
of the
Ki. 4 6 i6 9
may
dignity
palace"
Is.
it
are comparatively
BTh.
43.
40.
i).
be compared to that of
22 15 etc.
civic office in
T^ate,
The
69).
is
106,
517
of
to such dignities
of
the New Empire (ib.
age
form of investiture is specifically
Syrian
slaves
etc.).
The
42.
his signet-ring\ used in sealing documents (Est.
10
2
given as a token of authority (Est. 3 8 i Mac.
f.).
Egyptian.
12
8 8 ), and
6 15
elevation
-fine linen]
was
carried to
5>
40.
pw
~pS~Vjn] (S fal
T<
<rT6fj.arl
<rov
Jst>
uTra/coiArercu.
The
impf>
meaning"
kiss
<rfi(j.epoj>.
JOSEPH
47
1 1
ff.:
ELEVATION
(JE)
(Erman, 490).
word
to
41
(E).
new name
44.
him
An
The conferring of a
45a. Joseph s marriage.
naturally accompanied promotions like that of
Joseph (Erman,
144).
college there
learning (Herod,
is
ii.
m.
Heliopolis, 7
in
on Ex.
xfflr5>
and
KD^D ?
1
&
(ut genuflecterenf).
NnCOm
VC
renders ].^
31 ND^D ? K3N
1
has
]^1
*ON jn
as subj. of vb.
(U also has clamante prcscone}. The speculations of Egyptologists are
too numerous to mention: see BDB, s.v., or Heyes, 2540. The best
is that of Spiegelberg (OLz. vi. 317 ff.), who considers that it is a call
Attention
to
lit.
(Eg. b r-k
Thy heart to thee ). Frd. Del.
(Parad. 225) suggested a connexion with Ass. abarakku (the title of
a high official), which his father declared to be a neckischer Zufall"
Radical emendations of the text have been proposed by Ball
TDN^]
3 -I?N = Mighty one of Chuenaten
jna) and Che. (jmo
[Amenophis IV. ]:
OLz. iii. 151 f.); these are wholly unsatisfying, and the latter has not
survived the criticisms of Miiller (ib. 325 f.): see 77?7, 467. prui] thus
As continuation of jm in 42a the inf. abs. is grammatically
placing.
correct (G-K.
113^) and though the idiom is infrequent, there is no
reason to suspect the text. 45. nays rgsji] dr tyovdojAQavrjx (transposing
x and D? [see Nestle, ZATW, xxv. 209 ff.]).
The old interpretations
Revealer of secrets (Jos. Ant. ii. 91; J52T OT
follow two lines: (i)
and (2) Saviour of the world (Copt.
Patr.), connecting with Heb. ]sx
Of modern Egyptological
Jer. Qucest.
p-sot-om-ph-eneh, De. Ho.) so
theories the one most in favour seems to be that propounded by
;
"
K"Jea
311
(5i
Krjpv
"
("3
Comp. Heyes,
ff.
XLI. 43-55
On
the other
v.-i.
471
46a
(P).
Pharaoh ]
Joseph
47-57.
47,
49 (E)
||
48
5~5 2
plenty.
47
(P).
measures
He
(J).
(E
cf.
?)
The
causing to forget.
preted quite grammatically as
is
not
to
be
taken
too
as
if
the
narrator
etymology
literally,
meant that Joseph had actually forgotten
(cf.
Ps. 45 11 ).
52
his father s
house
the tribe
of Lieblein
qui donne
de
the Egyptians
celui
defenti [or defenta\-pa-an^ =
njpx] Explained, with some hesita
"
ff.)
la
vie."
as
tion,
1898, 202
(PSBA,
la nourriture
64b
According to
form of
IE
see on 39
It
;
worthy of remark that, except in the case of Asenath, the suggested
Egyptian analogues of these names do not occur, save sporadically,
jns
-BIS]
((5r
is
Herpe^r), etc.)
fuller
"BIB
is
DnsD
is
i"?D
13>
14").
60
"
of JE, and
may
the text
is
probably at
pxix ? (with
A\^n^n
the form
fault.
and waai
:
50.
<&
n^ ]
ffi
has
for
rd
S/xfyyuaro,
ym).
eirra.
try.
J .
")
48. vn
51.
U
E
and
>
WK
3Bg]
O\Z2 and
Pi.
54.
rrn]
<&
oik
%<rai>
so
&
for the
a natural mis-
JOSEPH
472
ELEVATION
(JE)
was
that
in them\
the Hebrew text
Read with
(|J
all
the granaries,
though
57
(v.i.)
State granaries, for the sustenance of the army, the officials and the
were a standing- feature of Egyptian administration (Erman, LAE,
cf. 433 f.), and were naturally drawn upon for the relief of the
107 f.
populace in times of scarcity (ib. 126). The superintendent of the
serfs,
was a high
granaries
or
T ate
(p.
469)
them
to a divine inspiration of
medium
(cf.
that there
"
390
of
13fr<
47
Dri. 346
f.).
Yanhamu, governor
).
It is
"
understanding.
56.
demands a noun
((Er
crn
IS?N]
juu.
am
nn
n& N.
J5
nao"i]
cf.
42
6
.
ui pirn]
& om.
57.
pun
Better msnK.n as
(cf.
).
XLI.
56,
57-XLI1
473
CH.
to
Egypt
to
buy
Food(E,])
One
This
compunction of
excite the
told
how
1 4
we
are
"
famine
In ch. 42
his brethren.
5 17
and how after three days confine
imprisoned as spies (
)
ment they are sent home, leaving Simeon behind them as
;
25>
27f<
Egypt.
Ch. 42 belongs a potiori to E, and 43. 44 to J (We. Comp. z
appears from a comparison
58 ff.).
of 42 29 37 (which, pace Procksch, is an undiluted excerpt from E) with
19 23
3 7
In ch. 42, Joseph secures, by the detention of Simeon,
(J).
43
44
that the brethren shall return under any circumstances, with Benjamin
or without inch. 43 f., on the contrary, he forbids them to return unless
Benjamin is with them" (We.). In J, moreover, the brethren do not
volunteer the information that they have a younger brother, but it is
drawn out of them by searching" questions. It is certain (from doublets
and phraseology) that both J and E are represented in 42 1 14 ; though
the former is so fragmentary that it is difficult to reconstruct a narrative
19ffi
consistent with 43
44
Apparently, the colloquy reproduced in 43
Analysis.
"
"
"
"
3ff<
20 23
44
one
43
II
2t)
17>
19>
16>
33f<
lf5 -
14
SSN,
D^JTD,
BT - 7
la
the
istic
6
VISIT OF
474
10
9b - llb
etc. (cf.
30 -
34
7a
II
lla
8
II
nix-) ?, 9b 1
character
li
);
(E)
13a
II
Hence we
(Gu.).
(43 47
pn nnjrn*
Possibly also
II
5a
38
Sw,
29
(42 44 );
12b
s
, is
J s variant for
may assign to J 2 ** 4b
JIDK *np,
nwp DHN
(except
9*
navi,
"
5>
29>
20f>
as criteria of E
25
mrp,
38
>
(cf.
D ja,
S1 - 33 - 34
19
(cf.
19
oa na pajn,
(cf.
(cf.
).
belongs to
but
J,
its
proper place
is
The journey
1-4.
to Egypt.
1
change of scene
I,
2.
Another
effective
both
in J
and E.
The
Joseph. On
arrival in
5-17.
v.i.
6a,
bowed themselves,
brothers are brought before the viceroy.
9
his
dreams
of
The original
(v. ).
etc.] Reminding Joseph
connexion
5>
in
is
v. 7
from
J.
of
is
uncalled
*?3X Dtro.
3.
for.
n-iB
j;]
(2 Ki. 148-
om.
-on]
ten in number/
2.
<
"
= 2 Ch. 25 17 21 ),
^N oyo (as 43 2 )
D^D]
ace. of condition.
<&
4.
a change of
rd. perhaps
apJT] ffir om.
;
Pro.
5a reads like a new beginning, and Sb is superfluous after
5 6a
are the introduction to P s lost
is probably right in the opinion that
narrative of the visit, a view which is confirmed by the unnecessary
6a
and by the late word. 6. B Vtf] only EC. 7 8 8 IOB
explanation of
30
and
Aram,
I6
portions of Ezr. and Dn. (Kue. Ond. i. p. 318).
[Ezk.
]
The resemblance to ZdAans, the name of the first Hyksos king in Jos.
1
XLII. 1-13
475
(J)
||
(E).
and
them
(Gu.),
is
brethren, the
To
clearly inadequate.
official
is
Joseph
motives defy analysis and it
to read a moral meaning into
;
defenceless spots.
II
(J)
||
etc.]
Their
up by
until
he
is
produced
15f>
).
one
is
not] It is
fine instance of
cont.
9.
Ap.
i.
77,
lit.
TyiJ;]
B"N
VISIT OF
476
(fi)
fate of the
as
which
is
explicitly
avowed
21b
in J
43
(44
30
By
).
was honoured
the life of
as a
god (Diod. i.
Handb.
and
the
his
oath
life
is attested
90 Erman,
36 f.)
by
an
of
the
2oth
The
OT
inscription
by
dynasty.
analogies cited
55
11
Kn.
Sa.
2
Sa.
n
in
are
not
by
ly
point, since they do
(i
)
not differ from the same formula addressed to private persons
;
Sa. 2O 3 25 26 ).
(i
17.
meaningless after
The
v. 16 (see p.
prominence of imprisonment
surmises that a good
of an Egyptian jail.
may
relent,
rather
in the
The second
18-26.
Joseph appears to
is
477).
interview.
After
the inside
three
days
truth.
He now
and
18.
let
proposes to
the rest carry
/ fear God]
the
guardian of
is
2O 3
J"HV)
v. 11 .
G-K.
the
cf.
10
c.
||
nyifl
16.
i~iDNn]
G-K.
aa>.
j;
XLII. 14-27
477
man he
for the
very blood
is
is
interpreter]
in
of
diversity
an
23.
the
in
43
33
.
25.
The
till
yv
15-24
end
35
(
).
ow a
21f>
15f>
19f<
by side by an
26-38.
to
(E).
The
To
return to Canaan.
leave
room
27,
28.
J s
parallel
account
is
irSx 2 ]
cut
rm]
inf.
JUUL
msa.
(as here)
is
>F.
(j)
nnnpK]
trouble
corn-sack
for
upon them.
The
(v.i.).
last
clause,
35
of
(*>*)
Jacob
good
as lost.
3G
foreboding
(v.
36.
that
Me have
this
that
is
is
it
his
children, not their own, that they are throwing away one
after another
to which Reuben s offer to sacrifice his two
:
sons
is
be released
may
The supply
council
is
28.
Il 9
transp.
P r-
run] juu.S
3O-
33.
13nt *
pajn]
-~ 35- On
9i/).
(J).
add
Kin unnecessarily.
r
tv 0uXa/C77
&C
Rd. with
the syntax,
29
(G-K.
3
Di. on 4 1 21
Egypt
at last
Visit to
held, at
is
Benjamin
The second
On E
cf.
G-K.
(=
IClf B^).
n nar,
as
v.
19
111^36.
34.
na^o]
oa
G-K.
juCr^
mow] (551T
for }b, as Pr
stiff.,
see
XLII. 28-xLin.
i,
479
1 14
To their
Joseph and double money in their hand f
).
with
mark
are
received
of
honour
as the
every
surprise they
"
for
abandonment
at
and
his
hospitable
them
sack, and on
trial for
the
15 ~ 34
table
But
).
his silver
cup
homeward
their
accusation of theft.
).
(a)
money
at the
first
halting-place (43
21
),
(b)
8ff>
)>
"
"?rk,
13f>
"
"a/gb.
1-14.
The journey
resolved on.
2.
Jacob speaks
in
seeming
The
rejection of
Reuben
37
sponsorship in 42
25flr
After
original order in J can be recovered by the help of 44 -.
must have been an announcement, in terms similar to 44 26 , of
v. 2 there
480
(j)
the necessity for taking Benjamin with them, to which Jacob replies
with the resolute refusal of 43** (cf. 4429 ). Then follows ( 3ff-) the more
emphatic declaration of Judah, and his explanation of the circumstances
out of which the inexorable demand had arisen (see We. Comp. 2 59 f.).
tion
is
intelligible only
first
7.
etc.\
n"jDT,
sense of the
Kennedy
word,
viz.,
EB,
careful art. in
pistachio-nuts
2io4ff.).
(see
(v.i.)
ZDMG,
(according to Rosen,
1
vi ?:}]
3.
xii.
G-K.
502,
163
not at
Instead of
c.
r\i*.u>v
yu,e#
u.
12.
all).
DDriN, Qfr
&TT.
rnpi]
has
10.
i]/j,u)i>.
Xey.
(&
meaning
-
is
T<
Ges. Hd-wb.
*)AVn
A^ (Aram.
DHMiiller
name
is
p. 983)
15
12. nJB D ^03] cf. r D3 njj^D, v.
(
131
e, q.
see
a^icn]
BDB,
s.v.
See Ba-Del.
XLIII. 3-23
double money
and
481
the money,
etcJ\
double money
unless
desire to
daily
the
ii.
To
slay
and make
ready]
In
was eaten
and kings, although the former had to
70, flesh
i.
simple-minded
them by main
see 23 16
), G-K.
72 bb,
E
phrasing- is peculiar, and suggests that RJ
at the same time insertingmay have added to J the words D jaTNi
DD ? (which (5r om.), to bring- about the desired allusion to Simeon.
79
p.
14.
tu.05:
uti
pathachatum
inx]
The
"inNn.
"inx,
nSar] Pausal
G-K.
29 u.
DM3]
DHN.
<Hr
rriN (v. 29 ).
lDK"|3
rptp]
&
18.
b).
be questioned.
Jos. 7
65
8
,
13
Ju. 6
20.
-
16
?]
8
,
Always followed by
Sa.
26
,
Ki. 3 17
3iN (44 18 ,
26
It is
t).
Ex. 4 10
13
,
Nu.
i2 n ,
commonly derived
3(i
willing ?
23.
emu]
JUA(
DrraK.
482
believe
that
was a supernatural
it
(j)
occurrence,
but
of
At Joseph s
26-34.
table.
mother.
The
one wonders
his
Benjamin,
(full)
that Benjamin had been born since Joseph had been lost.
24
30, 31. For the second time (42 ) Joseph s affection finds
relief in tears, and again he restrains himself, that he may
oldest
surprises
legends.
32-34. The feast brings two more
the arrangement of the brothers in the order of
seniority (see
on 42 24 )
32 affords
24.
26.
jm
W3
ii.
41.
(5r
&"Nn]
i]
34.
om.
On Dagh.
intelligible
The custom
25.
or
lVa
Mappiq
(Gr
of honouring a guest by
more
in N,
see
easily
*?3N
G-K.
(of Joseph).
14^.
nsnx]
(Sr
pr.
27.
B"NH
T)"O
I:JB>
XLIII. 24-XLIV.
321
Od.
f.,
iv.
is
65
illustrated
f.,
xiv. 437.
483
by
2 Sa.
1 1
cf.
Horn.
five times].
is
2<
days week
(ATLO *,
385) connects
Jeremias
which the
with the
it
too
is
explanation
XLIV.
i, 2. This
1-17. The cup in Benjamin s sack.
the brethren s disposition is evidently arranged
final test of
of divination
The
3-5.
(v.
therefore his
is
trap
skilfully
laid
and think
all
exulting in
the
city,
fresh
On
the widely prevalent species of divination referred to (KV\IKOfj-avTela, XcKavofJUJLvrela), cf. August. De civit. Dei, vii. 35
Strabo, XVI. ii.
39 ; lamblichus, De myst. iii. 14. Various methods seem to have been
;
(5r
ins.
IucT77<
Used of
vv. see
runs
G-K.
Ivo. rl
this vb.
142
tnXtyare
from
E>nj,
e,
156 f\ Dav.
/J.QV
141, 41,
TO Kbvdv r6 apyvpovv ;.
serpent,
first
R.
5.
3.
v~i]
The addition in
The derivation
i.
3), is
ffir
of
sup
484
(j)
employed e.g. amongst the Babylonians oil was poured into a vessel
of water, and from its movements omens were deduced according- to a
set of fixed rules of interpretation
see Hunger, Bechenvahrsagung bei
;
den
Babyloniern
i.
An
1-80).
modern
interesting
parallel
quoted by Dri. (358*), and Hunger (4), from the Travels of Norden
I have consulted my cup, and I
(c. 1750), where a Nubian sheikh says
find that you are Franks in disguise, who have come to spy out the land.
is
6-p.
of the
12. beginning
youngesi\ A calculated strain on the
brethren s suspense, and (on the part of the narrator) an
enhancement of the reader s interest cf. i Sa. i6 6ff -. 13.
.
innocence.
he was
(see 43
14-17.
The brethren
still
15
men
how much
before Joseph.
14.
man
in
my
say
knowledge on Joseph
s part.
brethren s
is
No
doubt
does not appear. Not improbably, as Gu. surmises, the motive comes
from an older story, in which the prototype of Joseph actually achieved
his ends by means of occult knowledge.
l6.
xiv.
115.
*pD
.ux
out>
*]DDn.
9.
etc.]
IDN] (&
icdvdv.
not] jux
not
nnr, equally
XLIV. 6-28
485
done to Joseph
is
at the
the crime to which their secret thoughts gravitate (42 21ff -).
17. Judah s proposal that all should remain as slaves is
side,
is
in the
is
perhaps modelled on the style of forensic
which the Hebrews were accustomed in public
OT,
oratory to
assemblies at the city gates (ct. the stilted oration of Tertullus in Ac. 24).
Sincerity and depth of feeling are not more
skilful selection
governor:
(i)
a recital of
Whose
"
comin"
No, not
home
life-long-
(so
<&&
S3 -pD3]
in
27
,
G-K.
and
<&%"&
l6l
in
their
C.
30
).
there s
20.
28.
."
?]
TDKI]
<&
V3N^.
24.
/ta! civa-rc.
486
(E,
j)
as
alienable affection;
XLV.
CH.
The
Sa. iS 1
crisis so
at last reached,
J).
and
In
ness Joseph makes himself known to his brethren f 1 8 ).
a message to his father he discloses his plans for the future,
inviting the whole family to settle in Egypt while the famine
"
9 - 15
is
).
The
invitation
is
The
sources,
analysis
is
E and
J,
impossible.
The main
21
5
35
-5
5t 7 8 9
\ry:j mn,
npjr,
[ji ] ms,
appears both from language (o nW,
25
23
17
s
also
and
norr^y
DDy
DDTyrnN wye,
i,
[ct. J
[42 ] -n,
perhaps
pio,
13
3
271
17 20
with 46 31 ~47 5 (J), where
44 ]), and representation ct. v. with 43 -,
Joseph s kindred are apparently brought under Pharaoh s notice for the
5a
first time.
Indubitable traces of J are found in
(the selling of Joseph),
10
28
these are supported by the ex
(^NIB")
(Goshen, see the notes),
-
4b>
14
13
6a
Thus far in
"iNur^y *?EJ,
win,
3*yj,
)
More subtle and less reliable criteria are ap
plied by Gu. (402 f., 406), and (with very different results) by Pro. (52 f.).
13
But it is very
It is probable that 3 (E) is 4 (J), and (agt. Pro.) 9 (E)
(J).
la
pressions, pDKnn,
(as 43
the main We. and Di.
31
||
||
the
if
waggons
of
19 - S1 - 27
(cf.
46
),
vv. 19
21
,
must
1-8.
The
disclosure.
I, 2.
Joseph
s self-restraint
gives
before Judah
pressing matters
appeal.
too far to say that the dismissal of the attendants is a device
s irresistible
way
31.
I.
ijn]
jrnnn]
juxU<S
+nx(as
v. 30 ).
It is
32.
3]
JUA
ran,
Nu. i2 6 f (E?).
2. onso] (Gr onson-^a.
is no improvement.
yDtri]
3K.
34.
The pointing
*nn]
XLIV. 29-XLV. 9
487
Pharaoh
alive?} The
26f
question is slightly less natural in the context of J (see 43
than in E, where the absence of any mention of Jacob
44
)
(see
is
3.
my father yet
24ff>
since the first visit (42 13 ) might leave room for uncertainty
But since he does not wait for an answer,
in Joseph s mind.
the
15 21
real.
3
4. J s parallel to v. ,
"
Comp. 5o
(also E).
v. 1 (cf.
hini\
probably the
18
immediate continuation of
44
404
(cf.
of
descendants
7-
"!^]
(2 Sa.
i4
7
,
44
Jer.
7
).
see Gu.
in the
remnant, perhaps
n<1
sense
9
escaped remnant, cf. 32 ) is difficult, seeing the
whole family was saved (v.i.}. 8. a father to Pharaoh] Prob
(strictly
ably an honorific
Add. Est. 3 13 8 12 )
title
;
(cf.
Mac.
32
,
That both J
9-15. Joseph s message to his father.
and E recorded the invitation may be regarded as certain,
Eerdmans
apart from nice questions of literary analysis
:
suggestion that,
down
to
Egypt
in J,
"
Ho. Gu. The cl., however, is best regarded as a doublet of the preced
which case MT is preferable. 3. fpv 2 ] (Hi + 6 d5eX<6j vfAuv, $v
A
d-n-edoffde els Aiyvwrov (as v. 4
VJSD] dfr om.
).
4a. (5r om. entirely.
5.
4
03 3 ya irr-^w] (cf. 3i 35 ) is E s variant to nxyrrVx (66 347 J).
n;np] In Ju. 6
12
the word signifies means of subsistence
in 2 Ch. I4
17
perhaps
and so here if the pointing be right. Ba. plausibly
preservation of life
emends ,T.n?, preserver of life (i Sa. 2 6 ). 6. Tspi trin] Ex.
(J ?).
7.
no^s ? nvnn] The want of an obj. after nn is harsh (cf. 47 20 5o 20 ). The
ing-, in
34"
omission of the S (M*.$JX Ols. Ba. al.) improves the grammar, but the sense
remains unsatisfying (v.s.). 8. UN
jm] That the words are used in
their Heb. sense ( father*
lord ) is not to be questioned in spite of
the fact that Brugsch has compared two Egyptian titles, identical in form
ii.
but altogether different in meaning (see Dri.
774 Str. p. 157 f.).
.
DB
488
j)
(E,
We
may
is
near
for, as compared with Canaan, Goshen was certainly
to where Joseph dwelt.
Nevertheless it is best regarded as
in lla
It is
as dwelling in Goshen.
12-15The close of Joseph s speech, followed by his affectionate
embrace, and the free converse of the brethren. 13 and 14
Israelites are represented
(J)
15
(E).
as
This,
ex
already
plained,
is
l6a. Cf. v. 2
29.4
\v\\
47
i. 4. 6.
ffic
27
^ Ex E
in the
natural defences of
Egypt
the
is
at least
(IY<re/i)
is
is
times (Ptol.
whose
etc.
4
(
i9O3),
46.
Spiegelberg, Aufenth.
etc.
52; Miiller
EB,
in
17586.;
and Griffith in BD, ii. 232 f. II. ^a] cf. 5o?a (E). BnirrjB] lest thou
come to want (tit. be dispossessed ) cf. Ju. I4 15 Pr. 2O 13 23 21 3O 9
8t
Tjn] Ex. 22*, Nu. 2O
(J).
17. jyo] aTr. \7. (Aram.); ct. DDJ?,
;
4>
44"
11
48
(E), Ps. 78
f.
18.
310]
best things,
as vv. 20
23
2j
10
,
2 Ki. 8 9
(5
XLV. 10-23
489
general
waggon
( "7JW)
is
it
lob llb
According to
32
)
they brought
they were half-nomads, would
they possessed, which,
be possible without waggons.
implements.
46*-
if
all
21-28.
The
East:
cf.
12f
19
Ju. i4
common mark
2 Ki. 5 5
22f
22. Presents
of courtesy in the
43
34
A munificent
For
TUV ayaduv.
is
emend
crux ni$
nni
awkward
in itself,
uses 3B p (47 6
return
ai
nnto
19.
).
Gu. nvv aflNI the first is best. But it is still difficult to understand the
extreme emphasis laid on this point and a suspicion remains that either
the whole v. (Di.), or the introduction, is due to a scribe who wished to
make it clear that the waggons were not sent without Pharaoh s express
21
authority see on v.
21.
iffyi] The statement is premature, and furnishes an addi
:
VNIE"
onV
only -pi ? ms on ? jm rn^jy
these clauses, the rest being redactional.
leaves to
rixi?]
worked
In
over.
19 21
,
Di.
3
in like manner (Ju. 8 8 ).
(so pointed only here)
pis] (2 Ch. 1 1- f)
= feed. Of the three nouns, 13, on ?, and JITD, (&
*J p?
:
from an Aram.
Cf.
Heyes, Bib.
u.
Aeg.
i.
251.
THE SETTLEMENT
49O
EGYPT
IN
E,
(j,
P)
11
Jacob s modest complimentary present (43 ). corn and
20
bread and sustenance for the journey\ cf. v.
24. Do not
with
excited
the
mutual
a
by
recriminations,
get
way] sc.,
for
caution suggested by 42 22
2528. Jacob s reception of the
his
heart
26.
became
cold, or numb\ unable to take
tidings.
.
action.
28.
From
It
J.
indifferent to
is
The
enough]
9
father s heart
and princely
Joseph
grandeur (
)
the fact that his son lives is sufficient consolation
is
gifts
he
for all
30
46
(cf.
XLVI. i-XLVII.
12.
The Settlement ofJacob and
Family in Egypt (J, E, P).
his
8 ~ 27
to accompany him,
He
persons
).
sends Judah to announce his arrival to Joseph, who proceeds
to
his father
28 - 30
(
).
Having
of the migration
).
Sources.
from P,
47
5 - 6a - 7
& has
expresses only en ?.
dittog. of
>
iO
r lQ-Kj,
|Z P,
vv.,
|;^Q^>>,
imn
24.
"?N]
Disregarding these
1
asses,
juonn N ?
ff.).
quarrel
).
<&
dpytfeade, 3J
Ne irascamini,
agitation,
the
/y/
inactive,
fail,
of numbness
vanish
(BOB)
clamation = enough
in
cf.
OT
Hab.
cf.
Ex.
9
28. an]
(of tor&k), Ps. 38
3 7
28
6
I6
i
2* etc.
Nu.
Dt.
,
Q ,
As an ex
XLV. 24-XLVI.
we have a
28. 29. 34. i. 4.
491
invitation (45
29
17ff>
30
34
1 5
is
hy Ss3,
cyan,
uniyaD, injn,
E)
46
the main from E, as appears from the nig-ht vision, the form of
3
2
2 6a
address, ; Jacob s implied hesitation, (ct. 45 ) the name Jacob,
;
;
"ixix
in
i>8
DM^N,
2
;
"?N,
3.__ia
(^ync")
and possibly
5b
belong- to J.
Comp* 60 f. ; Di.
11
probably E (S^D, as 45 ). See We.
12
7
(who assigns 47 to E instead of P and 47 to
1-7.
is in
E no
is
doubtful,
f.
J).
sheba] There
47
12
clear indication of
sacrifice,
this time
w as Beersheba.
r
the God of
explanation.
Isaac] Isaac is apparently
h
as
the
founder
of
the
regarded
sanctuary, as in ch. 26 (J )
an Elohistic parallel to that tradition may have existed
.
though in
Abraham.
Comp.
i2 lff -,
and 26 2
of Canaan, as this sanctions the leaving of it (Di.)
where, under circumstances similar to Jacob s, Isaac is for
;
jnr 1N3]
(3r
<pptap
"
"fl
492
his
45 J). -for
nation] The words, if genuine, should
follow the immediate grounds of comfort in v. 4
They are
as
an
KS.
Gu.
to
be
expansion
regarded (with
al.)
probably
28
(ct.
of the
same character
in 3i 13 the *El of
4.
will
go
with Jacob in
down with thee\
The
reference
must
be to the
Mesopotamia. bring thee up\
8
8
s
in
burial
Canaan
Exodus (Ex. 3 6 etc.), not to Jacob
So
Bethel
is
29f
5fft
5O ). lay his hand upon thine eyes] i.e., close them
(47
for classical parallels, cf. Horn. //. xi. 453, Od.
after death
-
xi.
ix.
6, 7.
f.,
summary
of the migration
(v.i.).
The
8-27. A list of Jacob s immediate descendants.
passage professes to give the names of those who went down
is in reality a list of the leading
clans of the Israelite tribes, closely corresponding to Nu. 26 5ff -.
These traditionally numbered seventy (cf. the 70 elders,
and
his sons
see on
-).
Egypt
15ay
12b<x
to
When
26f
word
(for
it
embraces Joseph
VH331
15b
DtyHD ),
we
<&
3i
(P).
redundant phraseology.
XLVI. 4-10
493
That the section belongs in general to the Priestly strata of the Pent,
seen from its incompatibility with the narrative (and particularly the
5ff
14ffg
and
chronology) of JE from its correspondence with Nu. 26 -, Ex. 6
is
15 18 22
from literary indications (niD* nSro, 8 [cf.
36] DIN pa, 15
25-27
relation
to
the
main
N
As
its
document
of P,
regards
26^
three views are possible (i) That the list was originally drawn up by
-
25"
-p>
P,
computation
the original
list
lies in
the true
The
text of
la
is identical with Ex. i
except the
which
are
words V331 Spy
obviously interpolated (see intro
ductory note). 8b-l5- The sons of Leah: viz. four sons of
Reuben (v. 9 ), six of Simeon ( 10 ), three of Levi ( n ), five sons
8a.
The heading
To
Leah.
9.
14
Nu. 26 M -.
Exactly as Ex. 6
,
"pan
is
21
the Reubenites occupied Midianite territory (Jos. i3 ).
jn*n] and ma]
1
12
Ex.
10.
6 15 ). Nu. 26 T2ffclans
v.
and
also Judahite
Jos. 7 ).
(see
(=
DESCENDANTS
LIST OF JACOB S
494
for ^KiD
NIDJ
s father in 23 8 .
and
(p)
The name
"ins]
of
Ephron
the son
20f>
3it5"
are glosses.
l6-l8.
sons of
of Asher
17
(
sixteen in all
18
).
differences).
jvs*] Atxffi ps* as Nu.
stands for J1K in Nu. 26 16
a
17. me?
441
-.
The two
(?), does not appear in Nu. 26
and ^H 3^D have been connected with the ffabiri and the
grandsons
(chief) Milkili of the Amarna Tablets (Jast. JBL, xi. 1 20).
16.
I5fir
(As Nu. 26 -, with textual
26 15
pyasx, fflr
p*N]
variant of the following
.
-"
6a<ro^af,
"W
"an
The sons
IQ-22.
21
Benjamin
),
(5r
utoL
2O.
"i
?; }]
of Rachel
in all fourteen.
But the
two of Joseph
rel. cl. |N
(5r is
"iB*x
20
(
and ten of
superfluous.
(fix
1
the Bichrite, in 2 Sa. 2O
in
Nu. 26
"on
is
an Ephraimite.
NI:]
omitted
Nu. 26, is the clan of Ehud (Ju. 3 15 ) and Shimei (2 Sa. i6 s ). For the
two names B *ni ^nx, Nu. 26 38f has DTnN, for D SD, cnst? or DSII?, and for
40
c sn, D2?n (see Gray, HPN, 35).
joyj and TIN are sons of yba in Nu. 26
in
22.
MSS
23-25.
23
w.(&
in spite of ^3),
23.
jn]
So Nu. 26
1
oW]
juj.
Di
26, 27.
The
?^ (as
The
42
,
Ch.
final
where
for
own we
find Dnw.
24.
(as
Nu. 26
48f<
).
13
),
<&
summations.
XLVI. 11-31
495
MT
The
28-30.
direct before
able sense.
28. to
meeting- of Jacob and Joseph.
to Goshen] The Heb. here gives no toler
him
that Judah
was
to guide
him
before
Joseph as
The
in
v.
29ff>
),
which
at an
interval of 17 years.
XLVI. 3I-XLVII.
12.
Joseph obtains Pharaoh s
brethren
to settle in Goshen.
permission
his
He
brethren
for an introduction to
prepares
31-34 (J).
for his
Pharaoh,
herdsmen
s calling
the next
The
There
v.
construction
of superiority
is
is
difficulty.
(
to
meet")
<&.
K\(tvdfjt.<f
is
not in point).
30. TJB] & + 33.
31. van rrrWi] (Er om., perhaps rightly.
THE SETTLEMENT
496
trict
EGYPT
IN
It is
(j,
P)
strictly true, or
of
it
* and
we must
life
likely to
3
),
Some
in the
not quite
be
for every shepherd, etc.
was the Egyptian abhorrence of the class to
If the
clear.
it
genuine,
last
is
appealed to
is
clause
to the
where Pharaoh
Egyptians,
the
statement
that
shepherds were
^)
is
further,
held in
32
probably an interpolation suggested by 43
on 47 3ff
request.
I.
-.
XLVII.
and behold
I-5a, 6b
.
(J).
Goshen]
See,
It is
evident that in
relies
3]
So Eerdmans
al.
34. ]vi]
totality of,
(Sir
as
who draws
XLVI. 32-xLvn. 6
497
34
significance of the number, see on 43
33
)
is
answered
.
3>
4-
The
antici
in
and
forward request for a temporary domicile in Goshen
the point may be simply that as herdsmen they had brought
;
these vv.
As
obviously more original than that of MT.
offers to take any capable
is
members
ents
The breeding
of cattle
ancient Egypt
(ib.
436
was
f.,
108, 143).
ff.).
"
(see
A TLO
2
,
393
Dri. 372).
(JK (v.i.)
it
5a
),
to
6b
It is plain that
continues this conversation
Joseph, etc.
and not that between Pharaoh and the five brethren. 6a.
32
Gn. ig 4 ).
s4
46 ). 5,
land
for
jum + iay.
3. vn]
The overlapping of J and P
1
np ?] (plup.)
6.
(IK.
After
fe
(omitting-
JOSEPH
498
the
Hebrew
AGRARIAN POLICY
11
family to dwell in (see v. ).
7. Joseph intro
an impressive and dignified
saluted on entering (cf. i Sa. i3 10
40
ig ), but recorded, no doubt, with a
blessed], i.e.
2 Ki.
29
,
sense that
p.
i3
"the
few and
25
2 Sa.
evil\
better"
(Heb. 7
7
).
P must have
that
recorded Jacob
sorrow
from
(Erman, LAE,
(Goshen, 20)
The
48).
situation
is still
and named
11
)
of the Delta
uncertain
Naville
was
(see p. 488)
site at Tel er-Retabeh, in the middle of
;
and
of Pithom (Hyksos
Probably from
XLVII.
W.
Tumilat, 8 m.
12.
ff.)
27a
(J).
||
13-27.
Joseph
Agrarian Policy
(J ?).
reads
(5r
6b
;
then
?j\6ov 5
CU fiKovatv ^apail)
eh AtyvrrTOv
/3affi\ef>s
AiyvTrrov
5b 6a
5a
nyiB yean) ; then
(repeated)
that the text of (5 is here the original,
-
l"?D
irp6s
(
= rj3l
7ff
It
Iw<rr70
Ia/ctb/3
Kal
viol
ol
G-K.
120
e.
The
n of
ff
9 15
4
tII. ao D] v., Ex. 22 , i Sa. i5
certainly not preferable (Ba.).
D with the land of Ramses probably rests
The identification of
on a misunderstanding of E s NH 31:0 (see on 45 1S ), and a combination of
-
juu.
is
pn
it
with J
J^-i.
12. *pn]
women
cf.
5O
21
.
XLVII. 7-17
499
Egypt
]5f>
13
15f
DW (Qal), 19 *n, a
nnV,
CSK,
pressions very unusual in Pent.
that
and
It
is
Ho.
Pro.
(251 f.)
(54 f.) are right in think
possible
(Di.).
ing the passage composite but no satisfactory analysis can be effected.
-
That
it
peculiar a character
is
two
the
countries,
15-17-
easily.
See on I2 16
it
The
is
assume
to
this
too
next exhausted.
18-22.
would be rash
live-stock
horses]
their lands and
It
The *J nn ? is Aram. &TT. X?y. ~rmV, languish.
13. n^ni] fjj. xWii.
one of several rare expressions which occur in. this section. 14. D^OS?]
16
12
else
dS + oSi Sm (v. ).
15. DrN] The vb. only here (and v. ) in Pent.
1
is
where poetic
16.
DD*:]
food]
(Is.
JuudRU +
i6 4 29 20
Dn^>.
elsewhere,
if
17.
Ps.
*?n3]
77 t)
Only
&
13SD3 (so v. 1R ).
H 03 }
^co]
here in the sense of sustain [with
*"
it
-"
means
lead
(to
watering-
JOSEPH
5OO
and
AGRARIAN POLICY
noteworthy that
is
it
(as if to
Joseph of the
coming from the
relieve
as
the
first
The MT
he brought them over to the cities appears to
mean that he brought the rural population to the cities
:
The
the famine.
24.
see p. 414.
18. DK 3] may be rendered equally well
but [sondern] (De.
that, if (protasis to INBO N ?), or with
(with
ffi)
Ho.).
19.
unDiN
DJ
urnx
DJ]
(5r
&
i)
pr)/j.<j}0rj,
21.
MT
5J,
(<
XLVII. 18-27
501
fertility
(cf.
On
frequently
Mac. io 30
not
is
and
the severities of
LAE,
122.
The
25.
ment of
is
Israel in
Egypt
11
(v.
).
The system
New Empire (LAE, 102 f.). The same writer thus sums up what
known or surmised of social conditions under the New Empire
The
landed property was partly in the hands of the state, partly in those of
the priesthood it was tilled by peasant-serfs there seem to have been
of the
is
"
no private estates belonging to the nobility, at any rate not under the
The lower orders consisted mostly of serfs and foreign
igth dynasty.
the higher, of officials in the service of the state and of the
The peculiar privileges of the priests (and soldiers)
129).
are attested by Diod. i. 73 f.; Herod, ii. 168 (but cf. ii. 141): the latter
slaves
temples" (ib.
says that every priest and warrior possessed 12 Apovpat of land tax-free.
Of the amount of the land-tax (one fifth) there appears to be no inde
pendent confirmation. The interest of the biblical account is setiological.
land-tenure of
somewhat corresponding
to that of Joseph.
means
increase or
natural construction.
Better omitted with
<&.
A>
5O2
called Yarimuta,
to identify with
tried (but
E,
(j,
P)
El-Amarna Tafeln, p.
of some features in the
graphy of Joseph.
"
past,"
alone"
iii.
134).
exaggeration.
XLVII. 28
XLVIII.
22.
Joseph
E, P).
(J,
by
all
"
29 ~ 33
The
).
first
two may be
6a>
3f<
11<
the indications of J in 47 29
nDNi non,
doubtful
2y
(24
:
49
32
11
)
- 9 - 31
31
;
SNIB",
najroy TOD:?,
30
i;n
ntfi;D
29
QK,
iJi
29
-]T NJ D #,
(24
2 8 22
is more
analysis of 48
treated as a unity and assigned to
The
XLVII. 28-XLVIII.
503
E (Hupf. We. Comp. z 6i f., Dri. al.), but the evidences of double recension
are too numerous to be overlooked. (See Budde, ZATW, iii. 56 ff.)
2a
15 20f
22
and D rr?N, 9
-, and noxn,
Thus, while apy,
point to E, hx~\v\
2b. s. iof. isf. 21
A clue to the analysis is supplied
ancj vj;xrr, 14 point to J.
lob
13
by (a) the double presentation of Manasseh and Ephraim,
(s^ri)
13 14 I7 19
and (b) the obvious intrusion of 15 16 between 14 and 17
hang
15
links on to 12 and 13f presuppose 10a
together and are from J
Taking
,
"
II
21. 22
2b
8-
."
ZUiipyb.
_ 2b
J
somewhat as
(?).
follows
fa Q
j,
1nn \
?)
11<21
28-31.
28
(P).
Jacob
age
Comp. the
(J).
parallel in P,
49
29 ~ 32
.
in
cf.
On
29.
Canaan.
47.
29-31
the form of
oath, see on
47
Ho.
).
conjecture (based on
was
>
The
I, 2.
nioS
mpn]
introduction to
Ki. 2 1
all
30.
of Joseph s
that
nnsen]
follows
two
from
must be taken as
MT, which
is
&
CTlf^Q-K* (=
undoubtedly right
*nt?D)
:
cf.
Heb.
21
.
see 48 2 49 33 .
Sa. i6 4 ig 22
The pi. nDN is more usual in such cases
2
(G-K. 144 (P} we might also point as Niph. TCK.M (Jos. 2 ). At end of
v. add with
npy^N KTI. 2. in] Better ii;i. 2b is usually assigned
I.
-iD*n]
So
&
504
(j,
E,
P)
3-6.
s brief
nf>
own
leading tribe
by P
(cf. v.
20
E)
but
it is
23f
4
1
otherwise Nu. i 10 ).
34 -, Jos. 14* io ly
(see Nu. 26
as Reuben and Simeon] The two oldest are chosen for
6.
Later-born sons of Joseph (none such,
comparison.
28ff -
trouble)
The
upon me
(cf.
~ 20
33
V^]
to
my
sorrow
lit.
as a
13
).
"JN
to J
"?np]
and
is
to
quite
XLVIII. 3-14
imagined
(See Bu.
ZATW)
(in
505
ZATW,
iii.
67
f.)
Bruston
KS.
vii.
Machpelah
(see
on 49 31 ).
E s narrative is resumed.
Observe that Jacob
50
boys (who are quite young children [4i ]), whereas
pb is usually assigned to J, but
(J) he could not see.
8,
p.
sees the
in
10a
for
(J).
~
a continuation of that in 47 29 31 does not appear in either
case something has been omitted.
I0a. See on 27*.
13 f.
The crossing (v.i.) of Jacob s hands has a weird effect the
blind man is guided by a supernatural impulse, which moves
The right hand conveys
unerringly in the line of destiny.
,
Sm]
arbitrary.
<&
IoKt6j8.
17
^n)p
<rov
8. nW D] jux^ + nV.
9.
jux).
On the pausal seghol, see G-K.
(so
TDN
29 q,
28
60
<Kj$
"?3^]
& p
;
506
15, 16.
E,
(j,
The Blessing
P)
The
(E).
three
angel
angels
3i
32 -)
(28
they are not, however, specially
belong to the source E
connected with deliverances from evil and the substitution
;
of
God
for
angel
named in them]
reckoned among
is
14
mistake.
19.
inspiration,
de
A
(
peculiar expression
myriads of Ephraim
The
for
;
thousands of Manasseh
).
20.
And
(is
-).
By
thee
amongst Jews
((
in actual use,
(Str.).
and
is
bless]
The formula
said to be
still
If the
current
words are
original (E), they call attention to the fact that in the bene
diction Ephraim had been named first, and find in that slight
In spite of the philological equivalence, Dri. is justly sceptical
locks.
-naar! ntfjo
om. 15. f]DvnN] ffir DHN]
of so remote an analogy.
3]
30
12b
niyo] (Nu. 22 f) ever
wrongly, the original connexion being with
since I was.
(OrSF from my youth ("nyaD ?). 16. For IK^Dn, JUUL reads
<&
but for all that (cf. 28 19 ). 2O. -p] ffi Daa. TH?;] <5F&
The most natural form would be Hithpa.
on I2 3 ).
see
31?! (Niph.
For inx instead of
22. ION
dE ^iKi/j-a ^aiperov, Aq. &fjiov tva.
yon
On ^ns in the sense of mountain-slope (v.s,),
inx, see G-K.
130
jtai.
19.
D"?IKI]
D3t5>]
see Nu.
34",
14
Jos. 158 [Is. ii
?], etc.
XLVIII. I5-XLIX
507
5o
24
The
(also E).
from
words
to
in
document
16
shoulder]
have had
in
common
24
22. one
[?] 46* so ).
well (like the synonymous
speech the secondary sense of
probably
*)na)
Exodus are
this
all
(i5
With
(see below).
Jos. 24
my sword and
"with
my
bow] Contrast
12
.
M stand
Vv.
21<
is out of harmony with the situation in which the words are assumed
have been uttered. For it is scarcely credible that Jacob should have
referred thus to a conquest which he had subsequently lost, and which
would have to be recovered by force of arms before the bequest could
take effect. But further, the expression above thy brethren naturally
implies that the portions of the other sons had been allotted by Jacob
before his death.
The verse, in short, seems to carry us back to a phase
of the national tradition which ignored the sojourn in Egypt, and repre
sented Jacob as a warlike hero who had effected permanent conquests in
Palestine, and died there after dividing the land amongst his children.
The situation would thus be parallel to the so-called Blessing of Jacob
in ch. 49, which is also independent of, though not quite incompatible with,
but
to
the final recension of the patriarchal history and the migration to Egypt.
For the first statement of this theory, see Meyer, INS, 227, 414 f.
XLIX.
i-28a.
Hebrew
pieces of
*
Attempts to bring the notice into line with the recorded history, by
12
inserting K ? before :nm and "ne-pa (as Jos. 24 ) (Kue.), or by taking
nnp ? as a fut.-pf. (Tu. De. Str. al.), are obviously unsatisfactory.
1
508
and fortunes of
the
first in
render incredible.
bounded
In the
we
first place,
poem
(as
shall
why
15
independence by Issachar ( ), etc., should be dwelt upon to the
exclusion of events of far greater national and religious
importance, such as the Exodus, the mission of Moses, the
interpretation
is
more
natural.
XLIX. I-28A
509
8f.).
following conclusion
dation of the
document whose
Israelite
origin
occupation
of
and which
underwent
Solomon.
The conception
in the
Ultimately the
tribes,
an idea
finely
sug
Jacob.
Literary Parallels. Before proceeding" to consider the more intricate
problems arising out of the passage, it will be useful to compare it with
1
i.
Deborah
The former
is like
tribes in
Gad
for
5IO
literary
less decisively to
8>
9>
name
of the tribe
(Judah, Zebulun?, Dan, Gad, Asher?), and (2) tribal emblems (chiefly
one or
animal) (Judah, Issachar, Dan, Naphtali, Joseph, Benjamin)
other of these can be detected in each oracle except those on Reuben
and Simeon-Levi. It is, of course, not certain that these are character
but the fact that both are
istic of two independent groups of oracles
represented in the sayings on Judah and Dan, while neither appears in
those on Reuben and Simeon-Levi, does confirm the impression of
The decisive consideration,
composition and diversity of origin.
however, is that no single period of history can be found which satisfies
Those on
all the indications of date drawn from the several oracles.
Reuben, Simeon, and Levi refer to events which belong to a remote
past, and were in all probability composed before the Song of Deborah,
while these events were still fresh in the national memory
those on
Issachar, Dan, and Benjamin could hardly have originated after the
while the blessing of Judah clearly
establishment of the monarchy
:
presupposes the existence of the Davidic kingdom, and must have been
written not earlier than the time of David or Solomon. A still later
date is assigned by most critics since We. (Comp? 320) to the blessing
on Joseph, which is generally considered to refer to the kingdom of
North Israel and to the Aramaean wars under the dynasties of Omri
and Jehu. It is argued in the notes below that the passage is
susceptible of a different interpretation from that adopted by the
majority of scholars, and may, in fact, be one of the oldest parts of the
poem. As for the rest of the oracles, their character is such that it
seems quite impossible to decide whether they originated before or after
In any case we hardly get much
the founding of the kingdom.
beyond a broad chronological division into pre-Davidic and post-Davidic
oracles but at the same time that distinction is so clearly marked as
It has been
to exclude absolutely the hypothesis of unity of authorship.
supposed by some writers (Renan, Kue. al.) that the poem consists of
a number of fugitive oracles which had circulated independently among
;
the tribes,
XLIX. I-28A
51
by the
the theory
seen
is
when we observe
9<
5 7
period.
(4) The decastich on Simeon and Levi (vv.
), from the time of
22 - 26
the later Judges.
The
of
(5)
blessing
), a northern poem
Joseph (
(6)
The
five
distichs on Zebulun,
Dan, Gad, Asher, and Naphtali (in that order: vv. 13 16 19 20 21 ), com
memorating the victory of Deborah and Barak over the Canaanites.
-
The theory
rests
on
dubious
interpretations,
involves
improbable
and Naphtali.
512
the
poem
this respect
metrical structure, the unit being- the trimeter distich, with frequent
the two members.
The lines which do not
parallelism between
conform
7b 13b 18
and esp. 2 *b-26) are so few that
type (vv.
or corruption of text may reasonably be suspected
our knowledg-e of the laws of Hebrew poetry does not
to
this
interpolation
although
entitle
is
in
itself
inadmissible.
Source.
Since the poem is older than any of the Pentateuchal
documents, the only question that arises is the relatively unimportant
one of the stage of compilation at which it was incorporated in the
Of the primary sources, E and P are excluded ;
narrative of Gen.
the former because of the degradation of Reuben, which is nowhere
and the latter by the general tendency of that
recognised by E
work, and its suppression of discreditable incidents in the story of
The passag-e is in perfect harmony with the repre
the patriarchs.
sentation of J, and may without difficulty be assigned to that docu
ment, as is done by the majority of critics. At the same time, the
absence of literary connexion with the narrative leaves a considerable
;
That
it
was introduced
probable, especially
(see
on
v.
if
28b
is
lb
less
in
1
).
Monographs on
the
Song
(v.
its
original
XLIX.
28ab^
connexion with
The poem
by
R JFP
i,
513
I may make known,
ib. that
is
contemporary or retrospective
in the after
(p. 508 above).
furthest
horizon
of
the
s
vision
speaker
days\
(v.i.).
2. A trimeter
distich, exhibiting the prevalent metrical
The
etc.
to attention,
the
cf.
and
p.
23
Dt. 32 1
may
Israel
Is.
is
10
28 U
the literal
be doubtful
cf. v. 7 ,
509 above.
Reuben.
3, 4.
8
Reuben
My
The
As the
first-born,
vitality,
of his
I.
which
is
undoing
DM
nnnxa]
Reuben
is
his
energy degenerates
13 times in
into
Heb.
licentious
OT
(Nu.
24",
Dt. 430 3 1 29 , Is. 2 2 , Jer. 2 3 20 3 o24 4 8 47 4939 Ezk. 3 8 16 , Hos. 3 5 Mic, 4 1 , Dn.
io 14 f), and its Aram, equivalent in Dn. 2 28
In the prophets it is used
technically of the advent of the Messianic age ; here and elsewhere
,
14
(Nu. 24
etc.)
afyrat timi
it
KAT^,
We
The
33
is
much
easier.
In
(Ex
al
dKovcrare
is
used thrice.
514
mean
the recollection
exceeding
No
excel]
poem
where the
\J
3b, 4a.
the
(Gu.).
word brings
English
11
"in
out
occurs three
and
dignity
pride and fury are perhaps preferable to
4
3C
as
a
as well as
power,
being understood sens-u malo,
censure of Reuben.
4b.
Then
B1
36
17
io5 )]
3a. JiN n Ki(Dt. 2i , cf. Ps. 78
less principium doloris mei (U from JIN,
still
best part of
3b.
<&
my
ffK\ripbs
virility
On
(<&Eo).
fapeadau Kal
rrfftn,
avdad^s
<r/c\?7pds
went up\
corrupt text
(QK6),
irv (abst.
(F), or
S9<5>),
v. 7 , Is.
is
supported by
Aq. 0a.[j.pevffas
25
3
.
4. inin
Tre/HO-creiVflS
ins]
S. UTrep^ecras
(j
OVK tvy
^^
(
^_
The comparison
to
the sense
/y/
means
reckless
or
be insolent,
32
rmns, Jer. 23
the
be lascivious
irresponsible
in
Aram.
(cf.
).
In Arab, the
common
idea
is
XLIX.
3,
515
pers. to 3rd.
Reuben must
of
birthright
prowess of the
tribe
which has
left
18ff>
but especially with the Moabites, who eventually occupied most of its
with Is. 15, Jer. 48 pass., and Moabite
territory (cf. Nu 32^, Jos. I3
The incident to which the downfall of Reuben is here traced
Stone).
16ff<
22
(4a0b)
former (see Rob. Sm. I.e.), finds a reference to the persistence in Reuben
of an old Semitic custom of marriage with the wives or concubines of a
(deceased!) father (Di.,Sta. GVI, i. 151 f.), which the general moral
In this case we must suppose that 49 4
sense of Israel had outgrown.
contains the germ of the legend of which 35 22 , with its particular
mention of Bilhah, is a later phase. (3) It is probable that the form of
the legend has been partly determined by a mythological motive, to
which a striking parallel is found in the story of Phoenix and Amyntor
quoted above, p. 427). Metrical Structure. The oracle is
(//. ix. 447 ff.
better divided as above into three distichs, than (with MT) into two
The trimeter
tristichs (so Land, who assigns each to a separate author).
:
measure
is
accents, supplying
scanned
uu
(Siev.).
perhaps
G-K.
n"?y,
of person, this
To
<&
"
for
5l6
Simeon and
5-7.
Levi.
brothers !
of ruth are their daggers {?).
Into their council my soul would not enter,
Weapons
In their assembly
For
in their
And
7
And
brothers]
brother-spirits
The
rage for
for
it is
is
it
fierce,
cruel
them in Jacob,
them in Israel.
will divide
5a.
their
in their
And
join
scatter
Hardly
(Tu.
al.),
in
o/xoyi/w/xot (schol.
associates
or
in
Field)
common
true
enter
which
tradition in
is
epithet
S.
Shechem
(5r
5b.
action.
dSiitlav
tpOTJ-jL^D
pnnijniene
crvmDD]
As
Kethib
is
(from
N.
^]
ton:
my
So Aq.
Aq.
[Je.
supported by Aq.
133,
3P
jum(Er2r
dvaer/ca0ai [OLVT&V~\
&
aiano"?
IL.O53
nraj?
urM
P(^
[
JND]
they accomplished.
cannot be certainly restored
3
J
cf. Ezk. i6
2i w 29^), by
dSc
( rhp,?
xvr
o ^5
denounced,
(OL. consummaverunt
arma eorum\\
but
to the cons, text, that of
;
is
transl. is doubtful,
dSi/day
ffKeutj
pnnumn yua
F&CJ
which
The
aircrews avruv
5^-
The
influenced by the resemblance to the Gr. /idxeupa (R. Johanan [d. 279
99 ; Ra.) we cannot tell. Ba. and Gu. take the
A.D.], cited in Ber. R.
word to be n-j^p, the former rendering plots (fr. Ar. makara, to plot )
XLIX. 5-7
517
6b.
n6
No
sidered inhuman.
assault on
such atrocity
The speaker
is
recorded of the
28
Shechem
in Israel]
7b. in Jacob
(see 34 ).*
the
not
individual
patriarch, nor the
plainly
is
and the
"??
MT
Since 132
24 ",
masc., rd.
is
Est.
etc.
iir.
ngy]
wantonness
cf. Neh.
6b. p*i] self-will,
certain difficulties in the usage of the
;
On
word, see Batten, ZATW, xxviii. 189 ff., where it is argued that the
make useless. *)i] Aq. SUJ52T read
sense is general
wall,
Hence the
perhaps to avoid the supposed contradiction with 34
correct ravpov of (5r is instanced in Mechilta as a change made by the
"V)a>,
28f>
LXX
translators (see p.
pausal form of
iy (ct. v.
14).
7.
iviN,
?{/]
Here
8
).
*
Zimmern (ZA, vii. 162 f.) finds in 6b a reminiscence of the mutilation
of the celestial Bull by Gilgames" and Eabani in the Bab. Gilgameg-Epic.
Simeon and Levi, like Gilgamei and Eabani, represent the Gemini of
the Zodiac ; and it is pointed out that the Bull in the heavens is r^-ro^os,
The N then corre
i.e. only its fore-half appears as a constellation.
E>
sponds to the tyrant Humbaba, who was slain by Gilgames" and Eabani
and Jacob s curse answers to the curse of IStar on the two heroes for
Whatever truth there may be in this mythological
mutilating the Bull.
historical
interpretation, it does not relieve us of the necessity of finding a
;
510
The dispersion of these two tribes must have taken place at a very
As regards Simeon, it is doubtful
early period of the national history.
if it ever existed as a separate geographical unit.
P is only able to
assign to it an inheritance scooped out of the territory of Judah (cf.
1 9
1
with !^26-32. 42. see a j so j Qh ^28-33). an(j SO -called Simeonite
9
cities are assigned to Judah as early as the time of David (i Sa. 27*
Jos.
30
2 Sa. 24? ; cf. i Ki. ig3 ).
In the Blessing of Moses it is passed
30
over in silence. Traces of its dispersion may be found in such Simeonite
names as Shime i, Shaul, Yamin in other tribes (Rob. Sm. JPh. ix. 96) ;
,
and we may assume that the tribe had disappeared before the establish
ment of the monarchy (see Steuer. 70 ff.; Meyer, INS, 75 ff.). Very
d ulerent was the fate of Levi. Like Simeon, it lost its independence
But its scattered members had
and, as a secular tribe, ceased to exist.
a spiritual bond of unity in the possession of the Mosaic tradition and
the sacred lot (Dt. 33 8ff
in virtue of which it secured a privileged
"),
where Levi is the subject of a curse, and Dt. 33, where its prerogatives
are celebrated with enthusiasm, depends on the distinction just indi
cated here Levi is the secular tribe, destroyed by its own ferocity,
whose religious importance has not yet emerged there, it is the Priestly
tribe, which, although scattered, yet holds the sacra and the Torah of
:
That
is
no
sufficient
as an interpolation
(Siev.).
8-12.
Judah.
8
Judah
Thee
Thy hand on
Bow down to
*
lion s
whelp
is
M Departs
Until
And
staff
.
to
feet,
And
He washes
And
12
Nor
11
sons.
Judah,
From
He
And
dull
by wine,
grape
XLIX. 8-10
519
praise.
]0
hope,
(4)
llf
nature,
as
of
lavishly
^ ^]
7]
-.
],
in
of
thy hand
2g
a defeated enemy, caught by the (back of the) neck in his
27
Ps. i8 41 Jb. i6 12 ).
thy breth
flight, and crushed (Ex. 2 3
85 .
ren
2 -9
Ezk.
Hence the
by some (Gu.
al.)
On
is
cl.
rppy
^"i^P
is
rendered
better to understand
it
his
8.
Ezk.
TV]
juu.(5r
i7
lioness
TT.
9.
N D ?]
is
(&
ffKijfjLvos,
& H$|?
it
is
|5CL*i.
in
8",
by no means
word denotes
the
18
But in Nu. 2i
BQ WD) has the personal sense of commander.
(II
6o 9 [=io8 9 ] it denotes the commander s staff; and since viv is
always the instrument, the impersonal sense is to be preferred here
s wrong, and the personal renderings of no in
hence the &px. wv f
vSn pns] ju vSji pao, from between his
all Vns. at least doubtful.
ppno
Ps.
banners,
gives no sense.
(50F
28"
from his
520
OJ
(ffiUS
but c ?^
al -)
is
never so
with his
wand
The
to
still
The question
or
(b)
qualification,
of
(c) it
that
might be urged
is
3K>
the
word
(i)
tribe
for
likely to
is
verse.
I0b.
clear
thighs
The
10a
and hence
2T
TO.
diroKfL/jLeva ai)ry
3TJ
[vars.
shall
v. is
endure until
lob.
TCI,
oA U
Ol-55
donee
d7r<5/cemu
J)
etc.]; & ,._(JI
^.So
ueniat qui mittendus est (reading n?^ cf. SiXwdyCi (5 tpntivetieTou ATreo"7
/vn ny NO^y ny ; $P rr n pi ny
3T xnia^o KM n*?m
raXfj-tvos), Jn. g )
This last curious rendering ( the youngest of his
i:n vyi KH^D N sSc.
sons ) is followed by Kimchi and others ; and apparently rests on a
misunderstanding of nn;^ ( afterbirth ) in Dt. 28" (C KHJD Tyi). -*? iy]
NrpB>a
With
with
pf.
until
and impf.
(i
Sa. I4 19
^ nt^N iy (Ec.
pf. (26
18
4i
49
,
Sa.
23)
it
always marks a
but
~iy
8 26 ), and
as
past
I2 1
2- 6
is
nW]
<
T^>
XLIX.
Whether
glorious future.
person
an
ideal
shall
raise
OB
52
shall inaugurate a
more
still
this
who
crisis in
Ruler
hands, or a
Judah
that tribe
to
the height of
its
destiny,
is
absolutely.
The crux of the passage is thus lob a rb*v NU-O iy. For a fuller
statement of the various interpretations than is here possible, see
Werliin, De laudibus Judce, 1838 (not seen) ; Dri. JPh. xiv. 1-28 (and
:
open to question, and we are free to try any pronunciation of the Kethib
r\7V which promises a solution of the exegetical riddle with which we
In spite of the unanimity of the Vns., the pointing
B* in
suspicious for the reasons given above, the presence of
an early document, and the want of a subj. in the relative sentence.
On the other hand, the attempts to connect the word with *J
be
are confronted.
nW
is
nVe>,
would be
(a)
1
n"
There
is
If
root.
it
no complete parallel
be of the type qttdl,
i^tf
re>
n"
9",
r6?>
to
by (59
(-TrpovSoKia),
TS (expectatio},
*J nip
Aq.
(trwrrTjyita),
CAq. from
^/ nip, II.
<>
OHCQJ
BDB).
all
of which
522
more
^<?
Ende
des
MA,
1904
Di. 462
ff.
nW
"IDN
"IDNJ&?
noi<
3 (the
in Echo,
"
"
72"
"in
Sub
the word was read, or what it was imagined to signify."
sequently Shiloh as a personal name appears in lists of Messianic titles
of the nth cent. (Posn. 40), and it is so used (alongside of the interpre
tation iW) by Samuel of Russia (1124).
Partly from this lack of
traditional authority, and partly from the impossibility of finding a
how
is
now
significant etymology for the word (v.i.}, this explanation
Until he [Judah] come to Shiloh (Herder,
(b)
universally abandoned.
Ew. De. Di. [hesitatingly] al.). This is grammatically unexceptionable
12
favour the fact that
(i ??,
[orig.
(cf. i Sa. 4 ), and has in its
nW
OT is the
iW
name
XLIX. IOB
to the later idealisation of the
conquest of Canaan
523
;
there
is
no evidence
that Judah ever went to Shiloh, and none of a military hegemony of that
tribe over the others, or of a subjugation of peoples ( I0b 0), until the time
of David, by which time Shiloh
Even
if
we abandon
(with Di.)
-IB>N.
passage,
carious.
We.
we
[see Comp.
and read
Until he
reads nT^D
320])
come whose
(i.e.
With regard
whether
(i)
it is
The tendency
524
who
those
in
nW
who render
nS p
leaves us in ignorance.
Is
it
youngest son
his
? (see
Posnanski, 36
3
).
As a
it.
was
Zee. 99
12. ffirU take the adjs. as comparatives
brighter
than wine (v.i.)
whiter than milk
but this is less
*
natural.
nox] with archaic case-ending
II.
in v. 12 .
= p-i.K
Is.
cf.
ja
21
8
[pty, Is. i6 ]
Jer. 2
"
29
means dulness
of eyes,
in
43
34
.
(5 x a po7rof[o/],
glad-eyed
and similarly
XLIX. 11-14
525
The section on Judah lacks the unity of the first two oracles, and is
8
very probably composed of strophes of diverse origin and date. V.
19
9
on
the
like
w.
while
v.
with
a
starts
afresh
with
name,
opens
play
17 ^
an animal comparison, like w.
The
(see Introd. Note, p. 510).
8
impression of discontinuity is partly confirmed by the poetic form v.
16<
14>
being"
an irregular
trimeter distichs.
remove
v. i(1
13-15.
13
And
And
K
15
his flank is
is a bony ass
Crouching between the panniers
Issachar
was good,
land was sweet
(?)
rest
An
20
allusion to the
It
etymology in 3O
is plausibly conjectured that |3^ has been substituted
by
mistake for the original 73.F (Gu. al.). The second and
third lines are unintelligible, and the text is probably corrupt.
The comparison of Zebulun to a recumbent animal, with
itself (mn*!) towards the sea-coast, and its hind -parts
towards Zidon (Di. Gu. al.), is unsatisfying and almost
Dt. 33 19b shows that it is the advantageousness
grotesque.
of Zebulun s geographical position which is here celebrated.
Zidon\ may be a name for Phoenicia, in whose commercial
pursuits it has been surmised that Zebulun became more and
more involved (Sta. GVI, i. 171). 14. bony] i.e. strong.
1
16
17
7
cf. D n n, Dt. i
Jos. 9 Jer. 47?, Ezk. 25 f
13.
f]in] Ju. 5
]in is
in Kim]
never found with any other gen. except in the next line.
One
And that a shore for ships,
is tempted to construe prosaically thus
but this would entail elision of h, to the
with its flank on Zidon
detriment of the rhythm besides, the repetition of *pn and the unique
combination mtf n are suspicious. Ba. reads TIV for ^in ? (after Ju. 5 17 ),
D<D
last line.
hy]
jjuL&F^C
-1
iy.
JUUL
0"u
n,
ass
526
limbed.
to exertion.
tsn]
The form
is
labouring drudge]
i6 10
Jos.
D)D is
Lit.
became a toiling labour-gang
cf.
a levy raised under the system of forced
That a Heb. tribe should submit to this
;
labour (corvee).
indignity was a shameful reversal of the normal relations
between
J
U>
j30.
10
13
(Jos. i6
i7
Israel
[=
Ju.
28
],
33.
35).
5"
The
Song
i,
as
if it
had ceased
tribe
is
to be part of Israel.
of Deborah.
of sojourners
(=rDi_3
norj:
(unless Q lJ be
Ginsb.
an
Introd. p.
adj.
254);
fr.
<&
D~u).
(5r
|;JQJ^|
rb Ka\bv
!r-^Hi>
iredv/j.i)(Tev
Aq. and
TS
The
support on the whole MT. D ns?Dn p] Ju. 5 t, but cf. Ps. 68
three pass, are somehow interrelated, although no sense will suit them
or something equivalent, both
Vns. mostly render
all.
territories,
here and in Ju. But the diyo,uias of (& in Ju. (see Schleusner) is note
worthy, and shows that the rendering above has some show of authority.
So the late Gr.-Ven. 7?/u(j!>6/ma. For the rest, see Moore on Ju. 5 16
15.
14
16
210]
JULJ.
mio.
-iny
DQ ?]
p. 47.
(Hr
I.e.).
On
DD,
see
DBD,
XLIX. 15-18
16-21.
527
18
his people,
of the tribes of Israel.
a serpent on the way,
shall
judge
As one
Be Dan
17
That
18
[I
Gad
19
20
Asher
his
bread shall be
And he
w
l6.
but his
Yahwe
fat,
is a branching terebinth
Producing comely tops (?).
own
!]
Naphtali
Dan
(?)
6
his people] Not Israel,
judge\ See on 3o
The meaning is not that Dan will
tribesmen.
.
(nnsjpp).
"
17.
may unhorse
ally
11
Tristram,
nearly as
Siev.
al.).
NHB>
of exhaustion on Jacob
dependence on
Yahwe
s part,
permanent settlement
(Ju.
34f>
Jos.
ig
47
,
Ju.
18).
Its
(after
JEW]
<Br
ivKa-O-fiufvos,
taking the
air.
\ey.
as an adj.
Sfl i]
Ba.
528
what
known
and
in
is
is
E, specially the
-,
own.
its
strip
Asher settled
20.
in the
fertile
of Carmel.
as a
a spreading terebinth
The
21.
The
).
verse on Naphtali
read
many moderns
hind,
following
cl.
giving
fair
19. nj]
band
The name
Sa. 3O 8
(i
assail
(Hab.
is
5 - 23
3,
Ps.
94
Ki.
21
t).
n 24
Rd.
spy]
30")
Ki. 5 2 6 23 etc.),
cripy,
20
2O. I^ND] Read with (GrJSU TON.
n:Dtr] JLU. JDK
beginning- of v.
21. nrhv n^x] So Aq.
S and
(Jer. Qu.}.
probably had the same
On Jerome s ager irrigmts (Qu.)
text, but render a swift messenger.
and its Rabbinical parallels, see Rahmer, Die hebr. Traditionen n den
.
&
"S
55.
05
<rr^\e%os
nW
dissents.
words,
p.
or
jmn] After either
unsuitable, and caused
is
seems
nW,
>
and
to imply
nVx
but Ba.
to
npn]
a messenger.
An allusion to the eloquence of the tribe is
The reading npN, topmost boughs/
out of place in the connexion.
has but doubtful support in Is. 17 (see the comm.).
nsx,
lamb, is
not Heb., but is found in Ass. Phcen. Aram, and Ar.
(5r tv
-yep^uctTi
to that of
T<
stood originally in
21
rns vnsj
n?
njnan
XLIX. 1922
529
22-26. Joseph.
22
fruitful
A
28
84
*>
And
And
.
Yet
boug-h
fruitful
(?) is
Joseph
boug-h by a well
(?).
him
sorely.
his
And
El Shaddai
may
he bless thee
The
section
of obscurities,
is full
his brethren.
translatable.
We may
The
blessing proper
), which closely resembles the
]3 16
the two being
corresponding part of the Blessing" of Moses (Dt. 33
),
probably variants of a common original. Meyer (I1VS, 282 ff.) accepts
***?).
(4)
(26*yfl>-
"
(i), (2), and (4) as genuine, but rejects (3) as a later addition, which has
displaced the original transition from the conflict to the blessing-. Fripp
(ZATW, xxi. 262 ff.) would remove (3) and (4) (**-&), which he holds to
have been inserted by an Ephraimite editor from Dt. 33 Ho. seems in
Sievers also (II. 362) questions the g-enuineness of
the main to agree.
24b-26 on metrical
grounds. But we may admit the northern origin of
some of the vv., and the resemblance to Dt. 33, and even a difference
of metre, and still hold that the whole belongs to the earliest literary
:
had
to be maintained
22.
On
34
53O
the
a fruitful
son of a
Or A young
boitgli\
fruit-
There is
probably an etymological allusion to Ephraim (rns = rras
We.). 23, 24. The figure is abruptly changed: Joseph is
now represented as beset by troops of archers, whose attack
tree
lit.
fruitful
or
[tree
vine
].
he repels.
dealt bitterly
The following word }2HJ re
.]
quires some amendment of text (v.t.).
24. abode unmoved]
or
constant.
Taken with the next line, this suggests a
.
fine picture
bow
the
held
Ezk.
10
9 , Ps. I28
5
-TINS,
bough (Ezk. if 3i
would be hardly suitable as gen. after p.
fruitful
(Is.
if
32
termination.
substantially the
same
text.
6
),
Down
myx nun]
by
Tit?
),
to
Vns. have
y the
defies explanation.
Lit.
filice
JJ.QV
veurraros
~
"Jin
(=
jai
Ty$
.r>\rm
33) TTpbs
Vnm
(?
]^>
theory, which
fj
dvdarpe^ov
TW
nbi n
-iyo
31KJ
&
by,).
Zimmern
[;#).
ji-*_JLO
s zodiacal
"her,
ox,"
67 m).
the least
ret
is
too short)
r6a aurwv
ah (ai 20 ).
n^j5
= DJ;i^p
[
jn
N3 IJBW].
(jurgati
Parallelism suggests a noun
bowmen (Jer. so - 9 ), or (since
243.
KO!
<&
nrni]
sense
abide
for DB
is justified
by Lv. i2
and nothing is gained by departing from MT.
16
itn] 2 Sa. 6 f.
permanent one (} essentice).
,
represent
nifl
(see
Ba.).
S A^SCH
o may
suspicious,
[Cr 07;]
2I 20
Ki.
22
2^1.
1
fn
fir
N3]
Ps.
Lit.
Ka.1
VT yn]
The
1
I25
as
e\60rj,
is
a hard
XLIX. 23-26
531
Strong
Is.
26
^.g
6o 16
Ps.
and (with
J,
and
reading of
satisfactory,
is
at
MT.
the Shepherd
A
second
of
the
Yahwe
as the
designation
of
Israel-Stone}
Guardian of the Stone of Israel, either the sacred stone of
2nf
Bethel, or (better) that of Shechem (Jos. 2 4 -), which was
the religious rendezvous of the tribes in early times (see
Both text and translation
p. 416): so Luther, INS, 284*
uncertain
are, however,
25, 26. The construction is
(v.t.).
.
ambiguous
it is
be an intentional refinement.
may
ambiguity
v.t.;
and see on
*El
25a<x{3.
25aySb,
17*.
combination, but perhaps not too bold. 24!). T3NJ occurs only in the
It is reasonably suspected that the Mass,
pass, cited above.
changed
the punctuation to avoid association of ideas with v;w,
the
bull,
idolatrous emblem of Yahwe in
Israel.
Whether the name as
applied to Yahwe be really a survival of the bull-worship of Bethel and
Dan is another question V2K (strong) is an epithet of men (Ju. 5--,
15
22
20
i
Sa. 2i 8 etc.), and horses (Jer. 8 16 4 7 3 50") much
Je. 46
Jb. 2 4 34
more often than of bulls (Ps. 22 13 68 31 5o 13 Is. 34 7 ), and might have
been transferred to Yahwe in its adj. sense. On the other hand, the
parallelism with Stone of Israel in the next line favours the idea that
the title is derived from the cult of the Bull at Bethel, which may have
had a more ancient significance than an image of Yahwe (cf. Mey. flVS,
*
282
ff.;
ZATW,
Luther,
xxi. 70
The
ff.).
&"
TIX,
2 Sa. 23 3 , Is.
3O
29
;
also
"itj;n
N,
MT
Sa. 4 1 5 1 7 12
The
hxw
px] Cf.
translation above
K (so 3J)
KeWev
(Sr
puts njn in apposition with
omits px, and may have read
(Ba.). The line is too
long for the metre, but px is the one word that should not be omitted.
33
i
and see Ew.
Tiiyi] Cf. Ps. 69
TIKI] Read
347 a.
25.
^Ki
alone (Nu. 24 4
would be
with .ux(3r (6 0eds 6 ^ifo),
)
though
13
but
suitable in an ancient poem.
n*:n] Metrically necessary in Dt. 33
here redundant probably, therefore, a gloss from the other recension
nann Sj; in33 T3 x ] There are two stages of corruption,
26. ~iy
(Siev.).
agrees with
J5
6 /taTtcr)wras
"pnn
"\iy
I0y>.
>
lfi
Htf>
"tin
532
Tehom
The subterranean
beneath]
springs and
see on
flood,
whence
Blessings of breasts
and womb] Contr. the terrible imprecation, Hos. g u 26a.
Passing over the first four words as absolutely unintelligible
:
we come
(v.t .)j
eternal mountains
6
Hab.
)]
In
a source of blessing
perhaps as abodes of
not clear,
is
dew
the
of
26
>
_vnN
one
TT3]
is
The
God by a vow
16
TT3
cf.
Pr. io6
involving unshorn
For the
or the prince (so only La. 4 7 ).
The
crowned one there are no examples.
-
to
etc.)
rendering
second interpretation
scholars
laid
So Dt. 33
consecrated
hair (Ju. i3 5
is
is
that
some explaining
it
The
last line
is
to be restored with
15
6
blessings of the eternal mountains (Dt. 33 , Hab. 3 ).
Y]D
must
be
all
But the first three words, though represented by
Vns.,
wrong for to put nonn under the regimen of hy destroys the parallelism,
(Sr
~ii!
r>3*n,
and the
is
far
vb.
nria
line parallel to
from satisfying,
What
its subj.
is
obviously required
(<5
With some
desirable things.
hesitation
"in,
XLIX.
533
27
26,
think
If^iJ
which
The
is
never used
connexion
in
(||K>K">),
is
quite
common
many
in
other connexions
scholars (see
We.
321), that the Blessing of Joseph presupposes the divided kingdom, rests
partly on this expression, and partly on the allusion to an arduous
But it is clear that neither indication is at all decisive.
.
struggle in
23f>
in the
22H<
Lc. 134).
27.
Benjamin.
27
Benjamin
is
a ravening wolf:
see
rjlB
3NT]
G-K.
29
u.^]
On
142.
"
Is.
5
]
<&
pausaJ
ZTL.
534
Benjamin
its
-),
share
in
its
8 40 I2 2
us of the king
who
description and
is
Joseph-stories
characteristics
an
the
of Benjamin in the
example of how tribal
conception
instructive
were obscured
the
in
biographical
types
2Saba
mainder of the
v.
belongs to P,
poem
the re
that source.
la
in
number] The
whose origin
and
in
Song of Jacob.
in the
In Dt. 33,
of Levi.
r"?j-i)
(N of
28.
^KV
Tans?]
impossible.
We
al.).
(Sr
viol
Iafcw/3.
IS N
rel.
N]
Such a construction
(Vns.) or read
K"N
B"N
is
(Ols.
XLIX. 28-L. 26
535
somewhat
different
in the
XLIX. 28b-L.
26.
The Death and Burial ofJacob ;
and the Death ofJoseph (P, J, E).
it
to
its
last
resting-place
in
BURIAL OF JACOB
53$
P)
(jE,
Canaan
"
(5O
22 ~26
deliverance comes
Sources.
49
28b
33
32
belongs to P, with the possible exceptions of (a
0"
g-loss),
).
33a
47
[30
NKD,
jn
29 - 31
])
2
]i:
are from
P (Machpelah,
8
;
15
and
2(5
).
variant in
lob
10
(Sme>
"-
24. 25
(c<n^,
7
;
i,^
21
r^n ^2]
3N
Q,^
oath
nnnn?
]9
Ex. i3 19
Dri. al.)
but a
The
32
note also
}2>3,
etc.
Jos. 24
13
that the
j?a
(bis).
in
II
that there
may
la
sequel to
And
said
ch.
in P.
called
and blessed
The
28bP.
and charged
and
23.
Jacob s
28b-33-
v.i.
2p, 30. See on
his wife] 25 23 19
The
29
burying-place of Isaac (35 ) is not elsewhere specified
the burials of Rebekah and Leah are not recorded at
and
all.
On
cf.
48
2b
As
L. 1-14.
The
burial of Jacob.
i.
The forms
in
which
oniK un]
on mBa,
<&
(5r
variant to
30b
XLIX. 28-L. 9
537
Joseph
days
days
29ff>
probable
(cf.
Ch. i6 u ).
The confused
(ZATW,
vii.
202
ff.).
On any
view
funeral
pro
the
mark of
2.
26
Bin] v. ,
Ca. 2 13 f.
3.
D Bjn]
in
#TT.
\ey.
abstr.
pi.
embalming-.
4.
1JV33]
The
only here, for ?|. The suff. prob. gen. obj. (weeping- for Jacob).
^. 5. ^jr^n] JUUL^ A al + me ^s ?.- no 3jx njn] (K om.
*tmai] Add with
The phrase occurs in E 48 21 and (without nan) so 24
nns] (5F&J have
fern,
have purchased,
The first
rnpipN^ have prepared.
sense preponderates in usage (the second, Dt. 2 Hos. 3 2 Jb. 6 27 4Oso t),
digged
fi
BURIAL OF JACOB
538
(jE,
P)
ride"
name
some incident
real
the situation
in J
The
^N, mourning of Egypt.
meadow of Egypt may have commemorated
here interpreted as
EH>
is
It is difficult to
15flr
different places, or two names for one place.
Jerome (OS, 85
)
identifies the former with Bethagla (= Ain Hagla, or Kasr Hagla, S of
two
The
Jericho [Buhl, GP, 180]), but on what authority we do not know.
conjecture that it was in the neighbourhood of Rachel s grave depends
7
Since there appears to be a
entirely on a dubious interpretation of 48
.
here to be preferred.
and
is
for
bramble
*1
in
),
10-22
L.
12, 13.
The account
539
It is
were
left
E of the Jordan.
return to Egypt.
his brethren s fears.
The
14
The
(J).
theme of 45
(Gu.), as
5ff>
if
to
If it
their
was
learned
dead, the
inference
merely that the brethren had not been present at the funeral
16, 17. They
(Gu.), but that E had not recorded it at all.
send a message to Joseph, recalling a dying request of their
(not elsewhere
mentioned). the servants of the
God of thy father} Religion is a stronger plea than even
father
18. Cf.
kinship (Gu.).
from
(v.i.).
am
Ip.
16
The v. may have been inserted
44
1 in God s stead?} (so 2 ) to judge and
.
7 8
21. The continu
punish at my pleasure. 20. Cf. 45
ance of the famine seems presupposed, in opposition to the
28
chronology of P (47 ).
5>
22-26.
It is
a hundred and
22.
<jTn
15.
unS] Cond.
sent, with
and
16.
159 _v.
&
(&
KO.I
irapeytvovro,
.-
?"!
the copula.
21.
nnyi]
(EJ
fltrev 8
CU TO?S.
22.
ivm]
(GJ
Ka.1
ol
<i8t\(j)oi
avrov
DEATH OF JOSEPH
540
(E)
that
lifetime in
of
Ephraim s
Mcikir\ the most
clan
in
the
of
of Manasseh,
Deborah (Ju. 5 14
powerful
Song
numbered among the tribes of Israel, and possibly therefore
an older unit than Manasseh itself (see Meyer, INS, 507,
,
etc.).
difficult (v.i.).
21
Joseph predicts the Exodus (as did Jacob, 48 ), and
For the fulfil
directs his bones to be carried to Canaan.
25.
Joseph.
shaped
i3
19
Jos. 24
25
a whole
(v.
).
32
26.
The death
of
East) 121).
This
"
coffin
coffin of all
in
Israel s
Egypt,
remarks Delitzsch,
spiritual satisfaction in
"is
Egypt."
the
Gu.
Tracra
i)
TravoiKta.
23.
iff
D 33
so ffiSCJ.
DT;T means
7
hence v 33 ought to mean
greatgreat-grandchildren (Ex. 34 )
great-grandchildren (not, of course, of Ephraim, but of Joseph in
Ephraim s line). But there being no reason why the descent should be
carried further in the line of Ephraim than in that of Manasseh, we
must understand great-grandchildren, whether we read with jux, or
take ff 33 as appositional gen. (see Di.). o^y] JJUL D a, in the days of,
a bad correction (Ba.), supported by no other Vn. 24. j/35?3]
debs rots iro.Tpa.ffLv
25 end. Add with Heb. MSS juxiJ$U
with you.
See on 24s *.
26. n*"i] MX cm.
1
-rjfj.ui>.
INDEXES.
ENGLISH.
I.
Abima
Akkad, 210.
Almodad, 221.
Amalek, 263, 431.
538.
351.
221.
el,
Abraham,
ff.
f.
f.
289 ff.
death
of,
Amraphel, 257.
Anachronisms,
26 5
signifi
242
ff.
of,
of,
341, 351
v,
116,
xviii,
ofYahwe, 286 f.
Angels, 31,
244,
36, 141
f.
instances
Anthropomorphism,
f.
292.
37, 5 1
129,
149,
154,
Apriw,
474-
342.
of definition, 29.
Aramaeans,
403 f.
Aran ( Oren), 434.
Ararat, 166.
Archaisms, 29, 272, 306, 399.
Ariok, 258.
of place, 376.
of time, 260.
Adah,
18,
429 f.
the South-wind,
myth
el,
334,
356,
358,
353.
Adullam, 450.
Aetiological motive
xxiii,
Arki, 216.
of, 92.
Adbe
of,
172,
xxv, 244.
Adapa and
149,
3 J 6, 364* 4 J 9 463212.
>
Angel of God,
name
272
Anamim,
as
legend of,
covenants with,
ff.
his migration,
238,
xxviii, 247
241
xliv,
276
292
f.
xxviif.,
Mahdi,
363
religious
cance, xxvi
xxi,
ff.,
Article,
in
myth and
Ai, 247.
Ashkenaz, 197.
Ashter6th-Karnaim,
Ashur, 351, 354.
Akan, 434.
Akbor, 436.
365.
Ahuzzath, 367.
541
260, 262.
INDEXES
542
ENGLISH
form
Cohort,
Avith, 435.
Ayyah,
I.
Concubine-slave,
Ba al Hanan,
Cosmogonies,
436.
onian,
Babel-legends, 228 f.
Bdellium, 60.
upon knees,"
Beena marriagfe, 70,
"Bear
Lahay
386.
384.
ff.,
352.
f.,
331, 366
f.,
294, 297.
Covering of the
Cup
"
132, 137.
ff.,
446.
Eyes,"
(from people,
off"
Damascius (quoted),
Dan, 266, 387, 527.
Sea,
of, i8of.
ff.
Mono
512.
179
Phoenician,
80
42.
f.
174 ff.;
origin
Babylonian, i75ff.
Greek,
1
etc.), 294.
vii,
Deborah, 425.
Dedan, 204, 350.
Deluge traditions,
319.
Cut
Dead
333.
Bilhah, 386.
Bilhan, 434.
f.
Indian,
180;
Syrian, 180.
Phrygian,
Dinhabah,
435.
5"-
Bozrah, 435.
BSz, 333.
Cain-legend, origin
Camel, 249 f., 345.
Canaan, 182
ff.,
Case-endings
f.
Dodanim,
f.
of,
in
460
(old), 29,
199.
Dothan, 446 f.
Dreams, 316, 376, 394, 397, 445,
ff.
117!".,
267,
465
ff.
Dumah,
5 2 4-
ff.,
353.
Eabani (legend
Cherubim, 89 f.
Chronology, xivf.,
134
ff.,
167
f.,
ff.
of),
91
ff.,
517.
Eden,
57.
site of, 62
ff.
Edom, Edomites,
179;
Diklah, 221.
447. 477-
399>
Cult-legends, xif.,
Betyl, 380.
graphs on,
Babyl
Etruscan,
"
Bered, 288.
Berossus (quoted), 41 f.
Bethel, 247, 377 ff., 423
el,
18
ff.
41
491.
Bethu
ix, 20,
Beersheba, 325
Beker, 494.
Bela, 259, 435.
xvii, 285.
6ff.,
Basemath, 430.
Be"er
vav consec.,
with
45-
434.
in Palestine,
INDEXES
Elani, Elamites, 204
257
f.,
I.
272,
ff.,
Eldaah, 351.
Eliezer, 279.
Eliphaz, 431.
Elishah, 198.
Elohistic source of Genesis, xxxvi
xlvii
ff.
age
of
of,
99
ff.
etc.,
style,
lii ff.
Enoch-legend, 132.
Enosh, 126.
Enuma ells, 9, 43 ff.
Envy of the Gods,
94,
87,
75,
and
xxxii
265.
xii,
41 if.,
427, 450.
motive
xxxii.
of,
Gilead, 402
f.
in
Girgashite, 216.
356,
iii ff.,
ff.
GilgameS Epic,
86,
in,
composition
Gera, 494.
Gerar, 217, 315, 325, 364, 366.
Gihon, 61.
540.
Erech, 210.
Etymological
Ephrath, 426.
legends,
220.
(quoted), 49.
Euhemerism,
Eve, 86,
85 f.
Sethite,
i38f.
Edomite,
of
428 ff. ;
Shemite,
23
of Keturah,
Ishmael, 352 f.
of Nahor, 332 ff.
of
350
Terah, 235 ff.
Genesis, Book of. Title, ii f.
canonical position of, i.
structure
Eudemos
;
Sethite,
relation of Cainite and
229.
Ephah, 351.
Epher, 351.
Ephraim, 471, 504, 530,
xiii,
f.
263.
character
231.
537.
Embalming",
xixff.,
334.
Genealogy, Cainite, 98
Elon, 494.
El-Paran, 261.
Emfm,
387, 528.
of,
characteristics
543
Gematria, 266.
Genealogies, artificial
Gad,
Gaham,
276.
lath
ENGLISH
102
147.
See nin.
Exodus, date of, xv.
f.
hypothesis,
Haggada,
Ham,
Ham,
ff.
xxxii,
ff.
262.
182, 195.
Hamath, 217.
Hammurabi, xiv,
93.
Fragmentary
Hadoram, 221.
Hadramaut, 221.
xxii, xxvii,
257
f.,
335-
Code
454>
Hamor,
Hanok,
Haran,
236.
xix,
285,
INDEXES
544
Harran,
238.
Hazez6n-Tamar,
Hazd, 333.
"
Head,"
to
Hebrews,
hero, 538.
263.
"lift
up,"
462
f.
f.
Hesperides, 94.
Hezron, 494.
Hiddekel, 61.
and
Joseph,
ff.
Hobah,
ures
Image of God,
,,
31
tion
f.
his
unapocopated, 22.
by faith, 28o
476.
Justification
Kadesh, 262.
Kadmonites,
descriptive, 533.
Incubation, 376.
Infinitive absolute used as juss.,
expressing
irony,
284.
Kalneh, 210.
398
321
Kaphtorim, 213.
Kasluhim, 213.
Kedar, 352.
Kedeshah, 454.
Kelah, 211, 354.
17.
name, 321
339
ff.,
358
birth
of,
marriage
death of, 428.
ff.
402.
of, 399,
name, 409 f.
Israel-Stone, Shepherd
el,
333.
Kenan, 131.
Kenaz, 431.
Keturah, 349 f.
KSzib, 451.
Kid, as gift, 453.
Israel,
Kemu
Kiryath- Arba
f.
335.
Kittim, 199.
Jabal, 115,
20.
Jabbok, 407.
Jacob, name, 360 history of, 355428 leg ends regarding, 356
;
f.
death
a determination,
,,
Fear
495, etc.
of,
ff.
periods
(Klostermann s
theory of), 233 f.
Judah, name of, 386, 519; separa
quence, 243.
529
Jubilee
Irad,
on,
Jubal, 120.
435.
501
history,
of, 540.
267.
Husham,
in
blessing
Isaac,
compared,
leg-end
iiif.
Hittites, xvi,
Hivvite, 216.
294
of,
History
ENGLISH
1.
Korah, 432.
Koran, 140, 166.
Kudur-lagamar, 258 f.
Kush, 61, 65, 200, 207.
INDEXES
Lamech,
Song-
Mishma,
117, 133.
20
of,
ENGLISH
1.
f.,
516.
353.
ff.
545
Mochos
(quoted), 49.
Mohar,
xviii,
f.,
395,
419.
ff.
Monotheism,
ix, 6,
269, 301.
Moreh, 245 f.
Moriah, land
of, 328 f.
Mourning- rites, 335, 374, 449, 537.
Musri-theory, 201, 249, 285, 472.
Myth and legend distinguished,
viii f., xxv.
Si?-
Na amah,
Lot, 236.
Nahor,
120.
232.
Names, 68
xiii
popular etymology
Maakah,
Madai,
Magic,
3J
334.
197.
Mahalal
el,
131.
Mahanaim,
405.
Naphish, 353.
Naphtali, 387, 527
540.
Mehetab
el,
ff.
199.
Nile, 465.
Nimrod,
Nineveh,
207.
21 1.
Noah, 133,
Nod, iii.
Nomadic
Numbers
151
life,
ff.,
in.
(sacred), 8, 39,
98, 326,
483-
Oath, 345.
by g-enital organs,
by king s life, 476.
Obal, 221.
ff.
Methuselah, 132
Mibsam,
436.
Melkizedek, 267
Meshech,
f.
Naphtuhim, 213.
Nebayoth, 352.
Negeb, 248.
f.
Medan,
f.
353.
Mibzar, 436.
Midian, Midianites, 350, 448.
35
with
participle, 131.
Makir, 540.
Makpelah, 337
f.,
father, 296.
Magog,
105
3 8 5-
4>
naming of child by
197.
96.
of,
f.
Oholibamah, 430.
Olive, 156.
On, 470.
Onam,
434.
341.
INDEXES
54^
I.
ENGLISH
Ophir, 222.
Oratio obliqua without
446.
248.
?,
Put, 201.
Paddan Aram,
See Eden.
Paradise.
Paradise
Legend,
significance
of,
and
origin
90
grave
of,
Rainbow
ff.
in
mythology, 172
Paran, 324.
Ra mah,
Pathrusim, 213.
f.
426.
f.
203.
Re u, 232.
Re u 61, 431.
of, xivff.
as eponymous ancestors, xx
ff.
f.
ff.
436.
Sabtekah, 203.
Sacrifice, 105, 157.
child and animal, 331
of confidence, 388.
of experience, 120, 517.
of instant action, 172, 337.
modal use
of,
essence
f.
330.
patriarchal,
1,
Ix, 491.
Salem, 268
Sanchuniathon (quoted),
321.
of,
ff.
48,
71
f.,
123, 140.
Pikoi, 325.
Pildash, 333.
Pishon, 59.
Polytheism,
Se
160,
of,
303,
chronology
in
Shammah,
Ivii ff.
Paradise, 72
f.,
431.
of, 135.
characteristics of, Ix
Serpent,
-worship, 81.
SerAg, 232.
Seth, 125 f., 131, 139.
ir,
Shechem,
ff.
geographical horizon
Prophet, li, 317.
Prophetic guilds, xxxi.
Protevangelium^ 81, 97.
n,
149.
of, 191
ff.
295,
Sheleph, 221.
Shem,
195, 269.
ff.
93
f.
INDEXES
Shepherd,
I.
ENGLISH
ideal, 398.
f.
xiii
Tree of
of
of
"
xxviii
Genesis,
of,
vii,
ff.
Evil, 94
f.
f.
Shfiah, 350.
Shftr, 286,
547
315^, 353
f.
Siddim, 260.
Ur, 229, 236.
Usoos, xi, 124, 360.
Uz, 206, 333.
Sinuhe, Tale
IJzal, 221.
xviu
of, xvi,
Vav
Sitnah, 366.
Sons of God," 141 f.
Speak over the heart," 419.
Spirit of God, 17 f., 469.
"
"
iv.
Volkssage,
Vow, 378
f.
Women
Sukkoth, 415.
Supplementary Hypothesis, xxxii,
OT),
Word
of God,
World-egg,
Taboos,
"Tale
18,
brothers,"
69,
Tamar,
Tarshish, 198.
334.
Tel-Amarna Tablets,
5 01
Ya
f-
Yfe-ffir,
441, 501
fish,
433.
453.
Tlras, 199.
Tithe, 379.
353.
Yob, 494.
Yobab, 222,
197.
Yoktan,
Tola, 494.
396*".,
174, 231,
435.
220.
358, 428.
of,
40,
130,
236,
428 f.,
443-
Totem clan-names,
f.
431.
Yidlaph, 333.
Yishbak, 350.
Yiskah, 238.
Yithran, 434.
Timnah,
Tolecloth, xxxiiif.,
Iv.
Yerah, 221.
Yered, 131.
Togarmah,
of origin,
lam, 432.
Yanhamu,
Ye ish, Ye
Te-ma, 353.
Teaman, 431.
Terah, 232.
Timna,
451.
4*3>
Ya akob-el,
459-
Book
f.
49 f.
of the two
Tebah,
7.
of Jahwe, 277
xxxvii.
in
169.
INDEXES
548
Zib 6n, 434.
Zodiac,
theory of the
445
530, 534 fZohar, 494.
tribes,
Zuzim, 263.
HEBREW
nona, 29.
296, 476.
470.
5,
481.
mra, 367.
55-
362.
56.
359.
Zodiacal
257, 309.
II.
-iit,
22,
of,
5i7>
Zimran, 350.
Z6ar, 252 f.,
53
signs
Zillah, 118.
HEBREW
II.
271, 467.
344-
consent
420.
),
225.
225.
inx, 465.
mn,
D D n
513.
171
inn
20O.
N,
SN,
398, 491 ; o^ny SK, 327 ;
Ni *?K, 289 ; nd W, 290 f.
270
"?N,
(/>/.),
f.
367
^a, 266.
281.
}v"?y
Ti33,
481.
D
n"?N,
??,
xxxv
D DBTI
*>8(-7)
fF.
.nW, 342.
= ^n,
Spa, 281.
ia,
309 3 64-
3>7
n fo 3 6 7-
146, 207.
4 8 3-
316.
o:ia,
259.
jina,
78.
401.
nj>K,
n^x, 245.
Va,
fi^K,
T3, 160.
I^N, 432.
n
?^
IDN
-*7N
n ^f 443-
353(
= speak
),
D HTH, 388.
107.
TDK, 316.
nnn?K, 477.
W13K, 126.
? p
nyx and
VN,
nx
(
(
3 26
f.
24.
=
=
nan, 225.
69.
^? n
i
103.
Kin (irn), 60.
with
),
sign
),
IO2.
25,
103,
no,
nagq, 310.
various uses
383
279.
112,
172.
^,
f.,
73-
-HN
278
23
530.
npxii, 214.
"ft*
namely, 481.
237.
(termination), 306.
a (o pn)
jnj,
INDEXES
napp
naj,
33.
II.
HEBREW
549
550
Tin
ON}, 331.
INDEXES
II.
HEBREW
INDEXES
II.
HEBREW
183.
>
3 8 5-
224
f.
237295.
524.
36
^,
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