Spiritual Genealogy: Sufism and Saintly Places in the Nile Delta

Author(s): el-Sayed el-Aswad

Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 38, No. 4 (Nov., 2006), pp. 501-518
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Int. J. Middle East Stud.38 (2006), 501-518. Printed in the United States of America
DOI: 10.1017.S0020743806384012

el-Sayedel-Aswad
SUFISM
SPIRITUAL
GENEALOGY:
PLACES IN THE NILE DELTA

AND SAINTLY

Although spiritualrealities do not find a place in the explanatoryscheme of modem

science, they nevertheless play a significant role in the everyday life of people. This
article discusses the interrelationshipbetween blood and spiritualgenealogies among
Sufi ordersin the Muslim world in general and in the Nile Delta of Egypt in particular.
Contraryto theoriesof geographicreductionismthathighlightthe geographicalfeatures
of the Delta,1 this research sheds light on the impact of cultural and religious factors,
such as regional Sufi ordersand relatedsaint cults, on the inhabitationand perpetuation
of the local landscape.2Moreover,comparedwith the rich scholarshipof the grandSufi
orders and saints,3 studies that deal with local branches of dominant Sufi orders are
sparse.4The relationshipbetween Sufi beliefs and practices in local contexts and in
broadernationalor global (Muslim) worldviews is also considered.
This essay provides an anthropologicalholistic insight incorporatingobjective descriptionand subjectiveinterpretationand as such constitutes a symbolic-hermeneutic
account.5 Based on ethnographicresearch conducted in the city of Tanta6and four
of its adjacent villages,7 this study focuses on the regional Sufi order (tariqa) of alAhmadiyya al-Shinnawiyya8stemming from the Grand Sufi Order of al-Ahmadiyya,
which was founded in Tantaby the Sufi leader al-Sayyid Ahmad al-Badawi in the 13th
century.9The main concern here is to explicate how a genealogy in its biological sense
transformedinto spiritualgenealogy as representedby the establishmentof certainSufi
orderswithin a certain locality. By focusing on the life and writings of Shaykh Hasan
al-Shinnawi,l0 the patron head of the Sufi order of al-Shinnawiyya and president of
the Supreme Council of Sufi Orders in Egypt,11 as well as by conducting in-depth
interviews with members of the order,12the study examines the relationshipbetween
the worldviews of the order'sadherentsconcerningthe spiritualworld and the world of
kin and geography.
Sufism (tasawwuf), embodying certain beliefs and practices held and enacted by
distinct Sufi orders, is a mystical path of purificationattained throughcontemplation,
experiential-innerknowledge of God, and organized rituals and practices manifested
in the relationshipbetween the religious leader (shaykh) and the disciple (murid).13
Although it is institutionallypracticed, Sufism embodies intellectual, emotional, and
psychological dimensions such as hal (spiritualstate) and maqam(stage on the path).14
of SocialStudies,Collegeof Arts,Universityof Bahrain,
el-Sayedel-Aswadis Professorin theDepartment
Kingdom of Bahrain;e-mail: melaswad@hotmail.com.
? 2006 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/06

$12.00

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502

el-Sayed el-Aswad

The key objective of Sufism that brings Muslims to a deeper sense of faith is the
awakeningof the heartthroughfull submissionto God.
Because of theirextensiveknowledge andintensiveexperiences,Sufi shaykhspossess
informationthat their followers may not fully understand.However,the majorpatterns
thatorganizethe conceptsdealt with in this studycan indeedbe found in the discourseof
ordinaryMuslims, religiousexperts,andSufis alike. This findingis not a matterof simple
political or economic domination;it is a matterof collective representationsrefracted
in individual beliefs and worldviews, which are spiritually,not politically, oriented.
Withinthis framework,this work is a departurefrom the limited inquiryof the political
features of Islam to focus on its spiritualand ethical aspects of Islam as represented
in a particularSufi order. Various Sufi orders contributeto Islam in differentways,
incorporatinglocal cultures,specific methodsof inwardexperience,poetic expressions,
particularcults, certainmodes of music, as well as blood and spiritualbonds.
This study seeks to critique the distinction made by scholars such as Geertz'15and
Gellnerl6between two forms of Muslimexperience:one scriptural(textual),intellectual,
and urban;the other mystic, traditional,and rural. This distinction echoes Arberry's
statementthat "ignorantmasses" are drawnto Sufi orders.17To the contrary,it has been
arguedthatthey form inseparablediscourses.18Abu Hamidal-Ghazali(1058-1111) is a
clearexample of a Muslimwho has integratedboth discourses.19Abd al-HalimMahmud
(1910-78), the former GrandImam or Shaykh al-Azhar,is anotherscholar (and Sufi)
who contributedintellectuallyto Sufism.20
Religious meaning is an essential factor in accentuatingthe notion of sanctityespecially when it is applied to mundane or nonreligious domains. Statementsconcerning
ecological featuresas well as economic, political, and social activities may be sanctified
by associating them with sacred ritualsand religious propositions.21This is applicable
to the spiritualgenealogies enacted and maintainedby people of the Nile Delta who
bestow identity and sanctityon the places in which they live as well as to saintlyplaces
elsewhere in Egypt and the Muslim world. Likewise, ordinarypersons may be certified
as reveredreligious leadersembodying the sacredby establishingintimate,disciplinary,
and spiritualbonds with prominentholy persons. The experiences of the sacred have
been an importantpart of common worldviews, and they should be included in social
scientific investigations.22
SUFISM

AND

BIOLOGICAL

GENEALOGIES

Kinship is an importantculturalconcept for those interestedin reconstructingthe past.

Insofar as similarities in kinship systems within culture areas reflect descent from
common cultural ancestors, it becomes possible to reconstructancestral systems in
greaterdetail.23To attributeholiness to saints in the Muslim context is to sanctifythem
by tracing their chain of ancestry (silsila) either directly to the Prophet's family or
indirectly to a disciple of a Sufi or religious leader. Generally, although the Prophet
Muhammademphasizedfaith and piety as safeguardsfor all believers, his genealogy as
representedin his family ('al al-bayt) is highly reveredby Muslims.24Because of the
devotion to al al-bayt, it is not surprisingto find that well-known shaykhs and saints
sanctify their descent by tracingtheir roots or kin relationships,real or imaginative,to
the line of the prophet.The grandshaykhsof Sufi orderssuch as 'Abd al-Qadiral-Jilani

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SpiritualGenealogy 503
(d. 1167), Ahmad al-Rifaci(d. 1182), Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili (d. 1258), Ahmad alBadawi (d. 1276), and Ibrahimal-Dasuqi(d. 1277), to mention a few, conveyed thatthey
were descendantsof the ProphetMuhammad.Some of them specified a certaindescent
line. For instance, the genealogy of al-Badawi goes back to 'Ali ibn Abi Talib (d. 661),
cousin and son-in-law of the ProphetMuhammad.25
Sidi cUmaral-Ash'ath al-Shinnawi (1215-51), the founder of the mystical Shinnawiyya Order, and Sidi Muhammadal-Shinnawi (1430-1526), the fourth grandson
of Sidi cUmar,are the most renowned and revered saints on whom the study will
concentrate.Shaykh Muhammadis honoredby an annualbirthday(mawlid) that starts
September 1 and lasts for eight days. The mawlid of Sidi Muhammadfollows that of
Sidi 'Umar,which startsduringthe last week of August.26
Shaykh Hasan al-Shinnawi,the contemporaryleader, belongs to the chain of saints
descendingfrom Sidi 'Umar.27The social recognitionof ShaykhHasan as a man known
for his religious piety and loyalty to al-Ahmadiyyahas elevatedhim from a local shaykh
to a leading member of the Muslim intellectual and Sufi establishment.To accentuate
the concept of biological genealogy, Shaykh Hasan stated, "The son of the shaykh is
a shaykh,"emphasizing the hereditarynature of sainthood.28He pointed out that one
of the significant blessings of his forefather,Sidi 'Umar, is that there would follow a
saint, consecutively, from his offspring until the Day of Judgment.Sidi cUmarwas a
descendant of al-'Abbas ibn CAbdal-Muttalib(the Prophet's uncle from the father's
side).29His genealogy (fictive or otherwise), as recountedby Shaykh Hasan, also goes
back to prominentSufi figures such as Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi3oand Abu Yazid
al-Bistami.31
The current center of the order of al-Shinnawiyya (mashyakha) is located in the
city of Tanta,where it has two addresses:one of them located on "al-ShinnawiStreet,"
an official acknowledgmentand territorialmarkof grace. As aforementioned,the Sufi
order of al-Shinnawiyya is a reformed branch of the grand Ahmadiyya (sutuhiyya)32
order established in Tantaby al-Sayyid Ahmad al-Badawi (1199-1276). Historically,
one of the key reasons for the transformationof a peripheralvillage (Tanteda)to an
influentialcity (Tanta)in the middle Delta was and has been the existence of the shrine
or mosque of the grandSufi leader al-Sayyid Ahmad al-Badawi.
SPIRITUAL

GENEALOGY

Specifically, spiritual genealogy is taken to mean the affiliation and allegiance among
membersadheringto certainreligious or sanctifiedprinciples,values, rituals,and practices expressed in hereditary,social, and transsocial or spiritual terms. Charismatic
and exemplary leaders play a significant role in such genealogy.33 Spiritual genealogy, moreover, goes beyond a specific Sufi order and is associated with overarching
Muslim worldviews according to which the universe is constructed of visible and
invisible worlds. The visible comprises material or natural, objective, historical, and
geographical components, whereas the invisible encloses what is spiritual, unknowable, imperceptible,and existent withstandingits absence. Certain significant entities
and forces such as angels, soul (rilh, as being eternal), holy persons (prophets and
walls, friends of God), holy places, and baraka (divine grace or blessing) intermediate
between the two worlds. The categories of unseen entities and forces are dispersed

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504

el-Sayed el-Aswad

throughoutboth the cosmos and the person.34All worlds (visible and invisible, this
life, and the afterlife) are expressions of the same divine mercy in the sense that they
are created, maintained,and encompassed by Allah, the Ultimate One, the Merciful.
One of the core goals of the Sufi is to connect himself with the spiritualdomain of the
world.
Hierarchically,highly revered and holy persons such as prophets and waiTshave
powerful souls or spirits.35The grand Sufi leader al-Badawi, the master of travelers
(sayyid al-salikTn)who never marriedor had any biological descendants,succeeded in
establishingmystical links and spiritualgenealogies located in differentpartsof Egypt.
Born in Fez, he visited Mecca and Iraqand then resided and was buriedin Tanta.36It is
worthnoting thatthe words "Tanta"and "al-Sayyidal-Badawi"are used synonymously
in many different contexts in everyday life. I heard a person say that he would go to
Tantato fulfill some social duties;however,anotherperson interjectedsaying, "Youare
going to Tanta;bring something for me from al-Badawi, for God's sake." Because of
the charismaof al-Badawi,Tantahas become a seat of the Religious (Islamic) Institute
(al-Ma'hadal-Dini).37
One of al-Badawi's spirituallycertified descendants,born and raised in Fao village
in Upper Egypt, was Sidi 'Umar al-Ash'ath,38the patron saint and founder of the Sufi
Orderal-Shinnawiyyaal-Ahmadiyya.39The storygoes that, when Sidi 'Umarheardthat
al-Sayyid al-Badawihad arrivedin Egypt, he went to meet him in Tanteda,accompanied
by his partner,Sidi Hasan al-Sa'igh, so as to make the pledge or covenant (al-'ahad)
directly and personally with him. Al-Sayyid al-Badawi advised Hasan al-Sa'igh to go
to the village of Ikhnaway (where he is now buried) and establish himself there as
a religious leader. Meanwhile, he advised 'Umar to stay with him on the roof of the
house of Ibn Shuhayt,40 where he experiencedthe spiritualpath and learned important
religious and Sufi lessons. Sidi cUmarstayed with Sidi al-Badawi for three years and
was then advised by al-Badawito go to a village (subsequentlyreferredto as the village
of Shinnu)41to teach people mysticism.42Through the spiritualconnection with his
master, Sidi cUmarestablished a spiritual genealogy refracted in some of his male
descendants,who maintainedthe biological genealogy and transformedit into spiritual
genealogy.
The names of some spiritual successors are associated with the names of villages.
If saint al-Badawi and Tanta representa grand model in which sainthood and place
overlap and identify with each other,the same patterncan be found, on a smaller scale,
between local saints and small communities,such as between the Shinnawiyyaand the
village of Shinnu.For centuries,membersof the ShinnawiyyaSufi orderhave grownin
numberand have spreadamong seven local Muslim communities located in proximity
to the shrine of al-Badawi. This pattern,showing the connection between spirituality
(representedin Sufi sainthood)and certain geographies,has been documentedin other
Muslim communities, such as those in India.43Persia,44Bangladesh,Pakistan,45South
Asia,46 and the Volga-Ural region in Russia.47
Locally, the concept of spiritualgenealogy is deeply sustained by members of the
Shinnawiyya Sufi order. When interviewed, members of the Shinnawiyya, as well as
their patronShaykh Hasan, reiteratedthe phrase,"The son of the shaykh is a shaykh."
When I questioned them, referringto the fact that not all descendants of a saint are
saints, they offered variousresponsesthat can be summed up as follows.

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Spiritual Genealogy 505

The emphasis is not just on the biological aspect per se, but, more importantly,
on ethical and spiritual dimensions, as well as on charitabledeeds aimed at serving
the community. Although the biological genealogy of Sidi 'Umar has been traced to
prominentSufi figures who are well known for their spirituality,the spiritualgenealogy
of Sidi 'Umar is directly related to the grand Saint al-Badawi, the head of the spiritual
family. Shaykh Hasan pointed out that his forefather,Sidi cUmar,like many disciples
of al-Badawi (who had no biological offspring) had been a spiritual son (ibn rfihi or
walad al-dTn)as well as a man of baraka.
During our interview, Shaykh Hasan made an allegorical distinction between "the
son of the mud" (walad al-tin), signifying the kinship-blood bond, and "the son of
religion" (walad al-din), conveying the spiritualbond. He went on to say that "walad
al-din (the son of the religion) follows [you as] a religious leader,while walad al-tTn(the
son of mud) may kill his parents."To supporthis view, he quoted the Qur'an:"Among
your wives and children (some are) enemies to yourselves: hence beware of them."48
Within the circle of the Shinnawiyya Sufi order, the respect shown to the shaykh is
more importantthan that shown to the biological father,because the shaykh guides the
follower to the eternallife (or paradise)throughmysticism, whereasthe fatherbegets the
son in this transitorylife (al-dunya).The preferredcase, however,is the one in which the
shaykh's biological son follows the mystic path of his father.What is needed is purity
of the heartand soul. This statementhighlights the individualawarenessof the spiritual
and ethical dimension as the core element in the new orientationof the Sufi orderthat
must be implementednot only by its members,but also by all Muslims.
An oath or pledge (al-'ahd) is the first step in the Sufi path leading to spiritual
genealogy. A new member of the Sufi order must make a pledge (locally known as
"holding the hand," al-qabda) of the shaykh, committing himself to principles and
practicesof the tarTqa.ShaykhHasanrecountedthatthose who do not have the spiritual
and moral support(sanad) of the shaykhare akin to being orphans.
Sufism, he recounted,cannot be achieved throughschools or books as such49but requiresthree importantelements. It requiresspiritualguidanceand divine knowledge that
can be achieved throughintimacyand closeness to the Sufi leader.It entailsmujahada,a
multimeaningconcept involvingpractice,experience,endurance,andpatiencein achieving divine and spiritualinsights. It also necessitates naturalor innate (fitri) disposition,
foundin all people, withoutwhich all intellectualandpracticalefforts would be fruitless.
Spiritualgenealogy is viewed hereas if it werepart of the biological natureofpeople that
should be nourishedby religious or Sufi experience. Thus, the perfect successor of the
shaykhof a Sufi orderis one who has not only inheritedthe genes of the shaykh(genetic
reproduction)but also has absorbedand experiencedthe ethos (spiritualreproductionor
symbolic capital)of the order,an idealjuxtapositionof blood and spiritualties. However,
if the shaykhdoes not have a biological son, then the closest disciple or spiritualson can
be his successor.ShaykhHasansaid, "Iam a rationalpersonwho respectsreasonwithout
overlookingspiritualitywhich is partof humannature[fitrfl."He arguedthatthe Qur'an
mentionsin variousverses the spiritualityinvestedin the hereditarylines of prophetsand
pious persons, males, and females. Sufis, he maintained,are known for their humility
and show great reverence and respect to the Prophet Muhammadand other religious
leaders. Such statementsresemble those expressed by anothercontemporaryEgyptian
Sufi, namely MuhammadZaki Ibrahim,the founderof al-_Ashiraal-Muhammadiyya.50

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506

el-Sayed el-Aswad

To express the conformity of Sufism with the shari'a, members of al-Shinnawiyya

order arguedthat it is irrelevantto adoptlegal or formalrules without content or spirit.
They assured that their beliefs and practices can be viewed as tasawwuf sunnT(SufiSunni). Although there is consensus among interviewees that Sufi knowledge is based
on the Qur'anand Sunna51and is guided by Sufi leaderswho show piety, righteousness,
and humility toward Allah and obey Him for the benefit of His mercy and grace,
spiritualgenealogy necessitates a certaindivine knowledge that goes beyond reason or
intellectualgift. There are two interconnectedreligious ways of knowledge: one is cilm
kasbt (acquired),as representedin the shari'a, aimed at worshiping God; the other is
spiritualor batin (internal)reflected in the truth(haqiqa) aimed at knowing Him. The
batin also refers to mystic, intuitive, or divine knowledge (cilm wahbFor cilmladuni)
impartedby Allah throughillumination.
This explanation,however, does not constitute the whole picture. Shaykh Hasanrecountedthat,"theweakness of Muslim society today is causedby the lack of spirituality.
Therearethreecore componentsthat
We wantto restorespiritualityto the community."52
must be considered:the self, God, andsociety.Threetypes of dialogue (dialoguewiththe
self, dialogue with Allah, and dialogue with others)are requiredto facilitate spirituality.
Self-awarenessof unlimitedspiritualenergy is needed for achieving self-liberationand
balance between the inner world and outer world. The serious effort a person makes
towardknowing and controlling his/her inner dimension is viewed as a holy struggle,
jihad. In this sense, jihad is not confined to politically and religiously motivatedwars.
"Allahlooks at the heartsof people," relayed Shaykh Hasan,who continuedsaying that
Islam is the "Religion of Peace," and to be with Allah is to rememberand see Him in
everything you do or observe, believing that if you do not see Him, He definitely sees
you. Observanceof oneself and remembrance(dhikr)of Allah form an inner spiritual
and peaceful connection with God.
Sufism seeks both to suppress the idea of aggressive materialismconfined to this
transitoryworld and to elevate the spiritualquality inherent in people. This spiritual
higherconsciousness enables people to be awareof the upliftingdimensions of being as
well as of the hidden secrets thatcan be transmittedthroughfaith. Spiritualillumination
is given by Allah to those who enact their faith in their daily life. In this context, the
wonders (karama) performedby saints are renderedintelligible. In terms of spiritual
reciprocity,Shaykh Hasanexplained these wonders by quoting a hadFthqudst:"Insofar
as the slave [cabd]continues to be nearMe throughsupererogatorydeeds of piety,I will
love him. If I love him I will be the ear by which he hears,the eye by which he sees, the
hand by which he strikes,and the foot by which he walks. If he asks Me for anything,I
It is the divine will
will give it to him, and if he seeks My protection,I will grant it.""53
that explains the shaykh's extraordinaryactions.
The dialogue with others must be guided within the ethics of Muslim brothers.54Sufi
brotherhood,Shaykh Hasan maintained,in its spiritualdimension, frees humansfrom
'asabiyyaor blood andtribalaffiliationand satisfies spiritual-socialneeds in a spiritually
barrenworld.55It constitutes a unique tie, transcendingegoistic desires. The spirit of
brotherhoodentails using dialogue to convince others, Muslims or non-Muslims,of a
point of view while showing tolerancetowardthe differingperspectivesof otherpeople.
In addition to the patron relationship of father/son where the leader of the order
is considered both supporter(sanad) and guide of the disciple (murId), brotherhood

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Spiritual Genealogy 507

signifies the equal relationshipbetween members of the Order.Ideally, brotherhood
works as a leveling mechanism that goes beyond the recognized ranks of the Sufi
membersto include all Muslimsin one unified community.56"Letus talk the Ahmadiyya
[al-Badawi]way" is a phraseI frequentlyheard from members of the orderconnoting
an equal, friendly, and brotherlydialogue and relationship.In terms of cosmic views,
Shaykh Hasan recounted,"We are brothersand sisters because we are descendantsof
one soul [nafs wahida]." The notions of brotherhoodand companionshipunderlie not
only the concept of Sufism but also the collective meaning of umma.
SUFI

SPIRITUAL

HAGIOGRAPHIES

AND

EVERYDAY

LIFE

Sufi hagiographicalnarrativesenrichpeople's social imaginationand serve as means not

merely for legitimizing saints' spiritualpositions but also for providingindividualswith
examples of the significance and legitimacy of spirituality.In additionto spiritualgain,
social and economic benefits are derived from the brotherlyrelationship.57Whereas
it is true that brotherhood"networksbegan as family networks,"58real brotherhood,
from the Sufi point of view, is not mere "siblinghood"based on blood relationshipbut
encompassescompanionship.59ShaykhHasancomplainedthatreal friendshipis waning
and that the Arabs are orientednowadays towardegoistic and individualisticbehavior,
akin to that of Westernindividuals.Furthermore,saints are known as "friendsof God"
(walls). The verse of the Qur'an,"Behold!Verily on the friendsof Allah thereis no fear,
nor shall they grieve," is frequently used by Muslim scholars, leaders of Sufi orders,
and common Muslims to certify their belief in those who have achieved the merit of
transsocialexperience of being close to Allah.60
The following hagiographies show how Sufis drive the population toward brotherly relationshipsusing diplomacy and dialogue as means of communication.Shaykh
Muhammadal-Shinnawi(1430-1526), the reveredspiritualSufi leaderanddistinguished
scholar,taught religious and Sufi courses to students who resided permanentlyin the
rooms connected to his mosque. He helped al-Sha'rani, another renowned Muslim
scholar,61to become a Sufi and introducedhim to al-Badawi. The following narration
tells how Shaykh Muhammadestablished a brotherlyand spiritualtie with Shaykh alSha'raniwho proclaimed,"my master,ShaykhMuhammadal-Shinnawi,taughtme the
Sufi path and was the shaykh who grantedme permission to teach and train new Sufi
disciples."62
One day while he was entering a mosque, al-Sha'raniobserved a humble man with
unkempt clothes braiding palm leaves. He ordered the mosque keeper not to permit
the disheveled and illiterateman in the mosque. When he found the same man on the
following day, he questioned the guard who recounted that the man (named Sidi CAli
al-Khawwas)63was a wall and a man of baraka. When al-Sha'ranidismissed the idea
that he was a walT,the man whispered some words that made al-Sha'ranirethink the
matter.The man's wordsindicatedthathe hadknowledge of the privatelife of al-Sha'rani
as related to an incident that happened between al-Shacrani and his wife the previous
night. The lesson implicit in this narrativeis that people should not be judged based
on appearance,and that mystic knowledge should be respected and never dismissed.
It is also interestingto note that an unletteredman became a spiritualleader of such a
renownedscholaras al-Shacrani.Thus, the aforementionedantithesisbetween scriptural

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508

el-Sayed el-Aswad

and mystical religious experiences, at least from the Sufis' point of view, is rendered
impractical.64
Al-Shacrani asked al-Khawwas to teach him the "way" of mystic knowledge. AlKhawwas advised him to meet with Sidi Muhammadal-Shinnawiin MahalatRuh, near
Tanta.When al-Shacrani searchedfor Muhammadal-Shinnawi,the latterrecognizedhim
and told him about the incident of al-Khawwas.Impressedwith their illumination,alShacraniasked al-Shinnawito teach him the Sufi path. Al-Shinnawi recommendedthat
they go togetherto the shrine of Sidi al-Badawi to make the pledge. When al-Shacrani
was making the Sufi pledge, al-Badawi, dead in his tomb, extended his hand from the
window of his shrine and shook the hand of al-Shakrani.65
This karama,enabling the
bond
to
be
would
not
have
if Sidi Muhammadaloccurred
witnessed,
spiritual
physically
Shinnawihad not introducedal-Shacranito Saintal-Badawi.66The Sufi saint is believed
to have connections with the cosmos because he "participatesin the essential forces of
rationaland spiritualpower."67
A historical incident related to Saint Muhammadal-Shinnawi furtherhighlights the
great impact of Sufi saints' experiences on people's everyday life. Duringthe Ottoman
rule, officials were enslaving people and forcing them to uproottheirbarleycrop. Saint
Muhammadwanted to travel to Istanbul,to ask the sultan to issue a decree banning
slavery and the mistreatmentof people. He paid a visit to the shrineof al-Badawi,who
informed him that he "would not have to travel."That night the sultan dreamtthat he
saw Shaykh Muhammadal-Shinnawiriding his donkey in the grand court of Istanbul
entreating,"O Sultan,please, send a decree to stop enslaving people and uprootingthe
barley in Egypt."The sultan,influencedby the dream,orderedthe decree. This example
shows the Sufi's spiritualdiplomacyof using dialogue and negotiation,even in dreams,
to solve political and economic problems.
Shaykh Hasan referred to these exemplary episodes for establishing a diplomacy
using kind words as ways throughwhich religious leaders as well as common people
can speak to those who are in powerto reach suitablesolutions for theircommunityand
defend marginalizedand powerless people.
SAINTS

GEOGRAPHY:

VILLAGES

AND

SHRINES

Saints, as representedby theirsanctuaries,arevisible bondsthatverticallylink the heavenswiththe

earthand horizontallyconnect northwith south and east with west as embodied in the conviction
of the four "poles"regulatingthe world.6"
If the Nile geographically and physically connects Upper and Lower Egypt, the saints
connect all of regions of Egypt. In the anniversary celebration of al-Badawi, for instance,
members of various Sufi orders as well as ordinary people come from the north from
cities such as Alexandria (where the sanctuary of Sidi al-Mursi Abu al-'Abbas is located)
and Dasuq (where the sanctuary of Sidi Ibrahim al-Dasuqi can be found), from the south

or from cities such as Qina (where that of Sidi Ahmad al-Qinawi is located) and Luxor
(where that of Sidi Abu Hajjajcan be found), and from Cairo (where the mosques of
al-Husain and Zainab among other honorable walls have been built) to celebrate Sidi
al-Badawi and recite the fatiha. Both men and women participatein these religious
festivals.69

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Spiritual Genealogy 509

Al-Sayyid al-Badawi established the spiritual ties that keep his followers distinct
from different Sufi orders. The spirituality and divine blessing (baraka) of Sidi alBadawi have sacralizedthe space. The proximity of the shrine of al-Badawi to villages
and towns bestows meaning and importanceto those places.70 Shrines set symbolic
boundaries within the region. Put differently, Tanta encompasses a connected chain
of saints and sanctuaries located within the sacred regional network of al-Badawi
that extends beyond the city to include nearby towns and villages. All bear testimony to the question of belonging and localization as reflected expressions of spiritual
territory.71
Similarly,the al-Shinnawiyyaorder,essentially one of eighteen Sufi orders72belonging to and having their roots in the Grand Ahmadiyya Sufi order of al-Badawi, has
attractedboth elites and ordinarypeople and creatednew sacralized spaces in Tantaas
well as in adjacentvillages. Interestingly,these Sufi orders are dispersed in different
regions in Egypt.73The Sufi orders of al-Salamiyya and al-Maraziqa,although now
independent,were originally related to the al-Shinnawiyya order.74The Shinnawiyya
order has designed its own official and formal application for membershipthat must
be signed by two witnesses.75 The following will concentrate on the nomenclature,
geographicdistribution,and cult ritualsrelatedto the al-Shinnawiyyaorder.
Because theirpropertyand economic resourcesdependon theirspiritualand symbolic
capital, religious leaders strive to translatereligious understandingsand beliefs into
social images, culturalsymbols, and ritualsto attractadherentsand supporters.Initially,
Sidi cUmarlackedthe necessaryresourcesto supporthis family, Sufi order,andteachings.
The following story indicates how the piece of land that subsequentlybecame the small
village of Rizqa (literally translatedas "livelihood") was originally allocated to Sidi
cUmaras a gift from the governor of Egypt. According to local narratives,because
of his karama, the governor had given Shaykh 'Umar a piece of land adjacentto the
village assigned to him by al-Badawi. While visiting the shaykh, the governor asked
him to express his wish. Sidi cUmarsaid thathe wanteda piece of land whose allocation
would be determinedby his donkey. Surprised,the governor grantedhim his request.
The donkey, after rolling on the soil, walked steadily through many arablefeddans,76
which were then awardedto the shaykh as his property.This land (now the village of
Rizqat al-Shinnawi) was used for sustaininghis family and Sufi order.It also became
known as the Basin of the Donkey.
As aforementioned,Sidi Ahmad al-Badawi assigned a village to Shaykh 'Umar,who
taughtal-Ahmadiyyaprinciples to the village inhabitants.The name of this new tarfqa
is al-Shinnawiyyaal-Ahmadiya.The surname"al-Shinnawi"was added to Sidi 'Umar
afterhis death for the following reason. According to the narration,when relatives and
friends were washing the corpse of Sidi 'Umar, they found a large burned spot that
halted their cleansing process. They wanted to know the appropriateway to handle the
damaged part of the body. While discussing whether they should wash it with water
or clean it with a cloth, they heard a mystical call (hatif) saying "shinnu"(sprinkle it
with water). Since then, Sidi 'Umarhas been named "shinnawT"or "the sprinkled,"and
the village in which he was buried was named "Shinnu."The title of al-Shinnawiyya
as designating a new Sufi order has been bequeathedthrough the line of Sidi 'Umar
al-Shinnawi'sdescendants.77A grandmosque, in which Sidi cUmaris buried,was built
in Shinnu.78

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el-Sayed el-Aswad

Saints are distinguishedfrom ordinarypeople not only in this life as religious leaders
but also after death when their shrines are raised and elevated in the cemetery,or set
apartfrom it. Monumentalfuneraryarchitecturessuch as mosques and shrinesnamed
after saints accentuate the spiritual and spatial position of the saints in their regions.
There is an implicit and explicit hierarchyof the holy places. The more influentialthe
saint, the more impressiveand betterpreservedthe monument.79A saint's shrineis built
inside a mosque;together,they representthe interiorandexteriordomainsof the sacred.
The realityof spiritualenergyis affirmedandis believed to exist withinandbetweenall
nodes in the cosmic web of interconnections.80 One of the Muslim religious worldviews
that explains the significance of graves, in general, and of saints' shrines, in particular,
is that they are believed to be links between the everyday life and the sacred or transsocial reality.They inhabitthe space and establish an intimatebond between the human
body, earth, and celestial universe. Tombs and shrines constitute a liminal world, or
barzakh(eschatology or isthmus), bridgingthis world with the next world. In everyday
life, however,family membersmetaphoricallyuse the phrasethe "tomb'sbones," Cazm
al-turba, to mean their ancestors' bones.8'
Within this broaderworldview, the focus of the people is on maintaininggood relationships with their saints, kin, and friends, alive or dead. This view is reflected in
the Arabic phrase"silat al-rahim,"which simply means keeping in touch with relatives
throughlocal means of communicationof which visitation or a face-to-face bond is the
most significant. Visitors are careful to recite the fctiha and supplicate Allah for the
sake of the soul of the dead or saint who can hear and recognize them. Within this
socioreligious context, visitation (ziydra) to the shrine of a saint is a way to establish
spiritualnetworksor sanctifiedties between the visitors and the saint, on the one hand,
and between them and the other people who come to visit, on the other.82Shrinesand
mosques empower the social position of the shaykhs and theirrelatives.
The main objective for maintainingthe Shinnawiyyaorder,as expressed by Shaykh
Hasan and his followers, is to inhabit the universe. To participatein the universe is
to participatein cosmic inhabitationthroughbiological and spiritualreproductionthat
makesthe house of Allah andthe cosmos full. Inhabitingthe universeis a divine intention
thatis to be fulfilled by God and His blessed creatures.Going beyond the social locality
of their region, consistent with Muslim worldviews, al-Shinnawiyya adherentsoften
refer to the "divinely inhabitedhouse" (al-bayt al-ma'mur),an invisible cosmic center
located above the Ka'ba, toward which Muslims turn in prayer.In this sacred cosmic
house, such unseen entities and forces as angels, spirits, and barakaexist.83Withinthis
context of inhabitation,the Shinnawiyya have geographicallyexpanded to encompass
more than seven villages with saintly shrines directly related to the silsila of Sidi
cUmar.84
The spiritualityandritualfestivity connectedto sacredcentersform a commonground
for regional cults that are spatially interpenetratingorders.85Apartfrom the biological
lineage of a certain saint, the religious identity of brotherlydisciples is derived from
their connection with a chain of Sufi saints.86As outwardand materialexpressionsof
inwardand spiritualvalues, visitations to saints' shrines and relatedpractices are clues
to the significance of the geography of brotherlysaints. The following example makes
this point clear.

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Spiritual Genealogy 511

It has been a custom that, on the night of the last Wednesday of the seven-day
celebration(mawlid) of al-Badawi,87members of al-Shinnawiyyaorderperforma distinctive form of ritual for honoring certain saints, some of whom are spiritually,not
biologically, related to the Shinnawi family. The patron shaykh of the Shinnawiyya
orderor his deputy,accompaniedby membersof the order,spend the night in the shrine
of Sidi Muhammadal-Shinnawiat the village of MahalatRuh (where the shrineof Sidi
Muhammadal-Shinnawiis located). Then, on the morning of the next day (Thursday)
he rides a donkey leading the mawkab (public procession) toward the Mosque of alBadawi at Tanta.However, on the way to Tanta,the procession goes to the village of
Shibshiral-Hissa, where the participantsstay until noon at the mosque of Sidi al-'Imari
(who is not biologically related to the family of al-Shinnawi). After the noon prayer,
the procession goes to al-Rajdiyya,where they rest for a while at the mosque of Sidi
Marzuq(who is also not a Shinnawidescendant)and where they recite thefdtiha. Then,
the spiritualprocession moves toward Ikhnaway (where the shrine of Sidi Hasan alSa'igh, a Sufi brotheror friend of Sidi cUmaris located). In addition,Ikhnawaypeople
from the al-Shinnawiyyabranch,called Ghubbashiyya,receive the followers and join
them heading to Tanta.88
While chanting the dhikr (remembranceof Allah) and the madfh (religious songs
praising the Prophet and Muslim saints),89participantscarry red banners (associated
with the GrandAhmadiyyaof al-Badawi90)decoratedwith calligraphicphrasespraising
Allah and his prophet along with name of the al-Shinnawiyya al-Ahmadiyyahorder.
Both young men and the elderly partakein the procession.91Loudspeakerscarriedby
young men spreadthe chants of the procession over the places they pass through.Tents
for the followers of the Sufi order as well as for visitors are set up. Inside and outside
the tents rugs, carpets,mats, and sheets are stretchedon the groundfor people to sit and
relax. Inside the mosque of al-Badawi, as well as other mosques with shrines, visitors,
using either one (theirright) or both hands, touch the cloth thatcovers the shrineas well
as the pillars and walls inside the shrinesaying, "Supportus, O people of grace"(madad
ya ahl al-baraka). Tales of wonders and exceptional deeds of the saints are repeatedly
narratedby followers andvisitors. Food and sweets among othergifts (nafaha) are given
to the needy and visitors as signs of blessing, unifying people together in this unique
congregation.
Whatis curioushere is thatall participantswalk from Ikhnawayto Tantabarefootand
bareheaded,a custom established by the founder of the tariqa (Sidi cUmar)as a sign
of humility and respect to the prominentpole (qutb), al-Badawi. When they arriveat
Tanta,the representativeof the al-Badawiorderreceives them honorablyandfraternally.
Then, they visit the al-Badawi shrine, recite the fatiha, and pray the afternoonprayer.
Finally, they rest in their assigned tents at Sijar (a traditionalquarterin Tanta, west
of al-Badawi mosque).92It is through this bodily ritual that they both sacralize the
territoryby walking on it and maintainthe relationshipbetween the GrandSufi Orderof
al-Badawiand the fraternalorderof al-Shinnawiyya.It is "the countless acts of diffuse
inculcation throughwhich the body and the world tend to be set in order,by means of
a symbolic manipulationof the relation to the body and to the world aiming to impose
what has to be called.., a 'body geography,' a particularcase of geography,or better
cosmology."93

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512

el-Sayed el-Aswad

The reason for going barefoot and bareheaded,accordingto the local narrative,goes
back to an incident that occurredto Sidi cUmaras he was walking from the village of
MahalatRuh to visit al-Badawi in Tanta.On his way, he stopped at Ikhnawayto visit
his friend, Sidi Hasan al-Sa'igh. However,when he arrivedat Tantaand asked to meet
his master, he was informed that the master, al-Badawi, was in his solitude (khulwa)
and would not be able to see him. Disappointed,Sidi cUmarwent back to his friend,
Sidi Hasan al-Sa'igh, who suggested they go again togetherto meet the master.By the
time al-Badawifinished his solitude, he was told thatSidi 'Umaral-Shinnawihad come
to visit but had been preventedfrom seeing him because of his solitude. Immediately,
al-Badawi commandedthat Sidi 'Umaral-Shinnawibe broughtfrom whereverhe was.
When Sidi cUmarreceived the message outside of Tanta,he said, "As far as my master
wants me I will go, barefoot and bareheaded.94Since then, it has become a custom of
the Shinnawiyyafollowers.
CONCLUSION

This study attemptsto demonstratethe complex interplaybetween expressions of Sufi

belief in the local setting (representedin the Shinnawiyya Sufi order certified by the
charismaticpersona of the GrandShaykh al-Badawi) and the most common religious
worldviewsaiming at achieving deeperunderstandingof Islamas a whole. The ideological dichotomybetween Islam (or orthodoxIslam) and Sufism expresses views of certain
scholarswho fail to examine Sufism from the emic or innerperspectiveof its adherents.
Sufism is quintessentiallya way for adherentsto vest their lives and the universe in
which they live with meaning.
Spiritualgenealogy manifests itself in the history and geographyof the Nile Delta in
which Sufi ordershave been establishedand upon which saintly shrineshave been built.
Worldviewsor ideas thatexist in the minds andheartsof the Sufis andtheiradherentsare
manifested in their rituals, performances,bodily movements, and shrines establishing
sanctifiedpunctuationsor landmarksin the communaland geographicregion.
Spiritualgenealogy is socially andeconomically relevantbecause it motivatespeople
or, to be more specific, members of the Sufi order, to better serve their community.
Sufis emphasize the use of diplomacy,negotiation,and tolerance in dealing with social
problems.The welcoming response of the Delta's regional groups to Sufi ordersbears
witness to the social and spiritualroles these ordershave played there.The Shinnawiyya
order has succeeded in binding their members in allegiance to their leader through
spiritualand emotional bonds, generatingconsiderablesocial cohesion in their local or
rural,tribal,and urbanmilieus.
Among members of the Sufi order in the traditionalsocial environment,such as
the Nile Delta, there is a transformationfrom relationshipsbased on blood or tribal
(kin) affiliation (vertical in nature)to that based on broader,spiritualand brotherlyties
(horizontalin nature).The geographic evidence presentedin this study shows that the
expansion of saintly shrines in the Nile Delta (and elsewhere in Egypt) is not a random
phenomenonbut ratherguided and conditioned by religious orientationthat keeps the
roof of the spiritualworld open. However,the futureof Sufism and saintly places is not
a matterof purely local concern but is connected to the futureof traditionand religion
in Egypt as a whole.

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SpiritualGenealogy 513
NOTES
Author'snote: I thankShaykhHasanal-Shinnawi,head of the ShinnawiyyaSufi orderand presidentof the
SupremeCouncil of Sufi Ordersin Egypt, for his time, insightful information,and enduringpatience during
our extensive interviews. I also thankDr. Abd al-RahimZalat who introducedme to Shaykh Hasan and also
participatedgraciously in the interviews. I am grateful to members of al-Sinnawiyya order as well as to Mr.
Sacid al-Shinnawi,son of Shaykh Hasan and Deputy Presidentof the order,for invaluableassistance during
the ethnographicstudy. Special appreciationis extended to Sayyid Wabi and his son Samah (editors of the
regionalnewspaperal-Nas, in al-Gharbiyyaprovince)for theirassistancein collecting local data.Appreciation
also goes to the three anonymousreviewersof IJMESfor their comments and suggestions.
1JamalHamdan,Shakhsiyyatmisr: Dirasahfi'abqriyyat al-makan, vol. 1 (Cairo:Alam al-Kutub,1980).
2CatherineMayeur-Jaouen,"Holy Ancestors, Sufi Shaykhs and Founding Myths: Networks of Religious
Geographyin the CentralDelta"in Yearbookof the Sociology ofIslam, ed. Georg Stauth(Bielefeld: Universitit
Bielefeld, 2004), 24. This studyconcentrateson the centralNile Delta. "Holymen, brotherhoodandpilgrimages
have dictatedthe dominantcharacteristicsof the religious landscape of the CentralDelta from the end of the
Mameluke period to the present day."Concerningrecent studies that show the significance of Sufi orders in
Upper Egypt, see MarkSedgwick, "UpperEgypt's Regional Identity:The Role and Impactof Sufi Links,"in
UpperEgypt:Identityand Change, ed. Nicholas Hopkins and Reem Saad (Cairo:AUC Press, 2004), 97-118;
Nicholas Hopkins, "Sufi Organizationin Rural Asyut: the Rifaiyya in Musha,"in Hopkins and Saad, Upper
Egypt, 141-55.
3See, for example, Michael Gilsenan, Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt: An Essay in the Sociology of
Religion (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1973); CatherineMayeur-Jaouen,Al-Sayyid al-Badawi: un grand saint
de lPislam Egyptien (Cairo:IFAQ, 1994); Valerie J. Hoffman, Sufism,Mystics, and Saints in Modern Egypt
(Columbia, S.C.: University of South CarolinaPress, 1995); Edward B. Reeves, The Hidden Government:
Ritual, Clientelism, and Legitimation in Northern Egypt (Salt Lake City, Utah: University of Utah Press,
1990).
4Mayeur-Jaouen,"Holy Ancestors, Sufi Shaykhs and Founding Myths," 24-35. As one scholar notes,
the "phenomenonof holy family ancestors, to which Jacque Berque alluded too briefly in his book on Sirs
al-Layyan,has never been studied."
5CliffordGeertz,TheInterpretationof Cultures(New York:Basic Books, 1973). "Symbolic-hermeneutics"
is an interpretiveapproachin symbolic anthropologythat focuses on peoples' points of view as means of
reconstructingtheirreality.
6Tanta,the capitalcity of the al-Gharbiyyaprovincelocated 95 kilometersnorthof Cairoand 125 kilometers
southeastof Alexandria,is the largest and most active commercial center located in the Delta and comprises
a mixed urban-ruralpopulation. Tanta is also known as a center for the composition and distributionof
audiocassettesfeaturingreligious songs.
7These four villages are MahalatRuh, Shibshiral-Hissa, al-Rajdiyya,and Sijin al-Kaum.
8Members of the al-Shinnayyia order have different occupations and social backgrounds that include
universityprofessors, students,merchants,militarypersons, police officers, lawyers, governmentemployees,
carpenters,peasants,doctors, and engineers.
9John Spence Trimingham,The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), 45. The
Ahmadiyya order"gave rise to a numberof branches,not confined to Egypt, for it spreadinto Hijaz, Syria,
Turkey,Tripolitania,and Tunisia."
10ShaykhHasan al-Shinnawi has contributedextensively to the literatureof mysticism through various
books and articles.
"1ShaykhHasan became president of the Supreme Council of Sufi Orders in August 1997. The council
officially belongs to the Ministryof Social Affairs and is responsible for Sufi affairsin Egypt.
12Inadditionto several shorttripsto Tantaand the villages, I conductedtwo extensive ethnographicstudies
from Januaryto April 2003 and May to August 2004. I participatedin the gatheringsand ritual activities of
the Shinnawiyyaorder in Tanta.I participatedin the mawlids and visitations to saints' shrines. I conducted
in-depthinterviewswith ShaykhHasan in both Tantaand Alexandria.With the consent of the shaykh, videoand audiocassettetapes were used duringall interviews. I continued to correspondwith him and his son, the
deputy presidentof the order,by phone and letter as the need for clarificationand furtherquestions arose.
13Somescholarstend to focus on specific featuresof Sufism, defining it as an ascetic religious experience,
a spiritualstate, an internally oriented piety, a subjective experience using symbolism to unveil the hidden

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514

el-Sayed el-Aswad

meaningof apparentexpressions,a techniqueof psychiatrictreatment,a mechanismfor social reform,a means

for the spreadof Islam, and a way of resisting invaders.For a detailed discussion concerning these diverse
definitionsof "Sufism,"see, for example, JulianJohansen,Sufismand Islamic Reformin Egypt: TheBattlefor
Islamic Tradition(Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1996); E. E. Evans-Pritchard,The Sanusi of Cyrenaica(Oxford:
1949); Trimingham,TheSufi Ordersin Islam; MartinLings, WhatIs Sufism?(London:Allen & Unwin, 1975);
Vincent Crapanzano,The Hamadsha: A Study in Moroccan Ethno-Psychiatry(Berkeley and Los Angeles,
Calif.: 1973); Reynold A. Nicholson, TheMystics of Islam (Bloomington, Ind.: WorldWisdom, 2002); Paulo
Pinto, "Mystical Bodies: Ritual, Experience and the Embodimentof Sufism in Syria" (Ph.D. diss., Boston
University,2002); CAbdal-Wahabal-Sha rani,al-'Anwar al-qudsiyyafi qawaCidal-sufiyya(Beirut:DarSadi,
2004).
14Hasanal-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf:Ru ya dhatiyya(Tanta,Egypt: al-Shinnawiyyaal-Ahmadiyya
Order,2003), 52-54. Some authoritiesconvey thatthereare thirty-threedifferentinnerand spiritualstatesand
stages.
15CliffordGeertz,Islam Observed:Religious Developmentin Morocco and Indonesia(Chicago:University
of Chicago Press, 1968).
16ErnestGellner,Muslim Society (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1981).
'7A. J. Arberry,Sufism(London:Allen & Unwin, 1950), 122.
'gel-Sayed el-Aswad, "TheCosmological Belief System of EgyptianPeasants,"Anthropos89 (1994): 35977; idem,Religion and FolkCosmology:Scenarios of the Visibleand Invisiblein RuralEgypt(Westport,Conn.:
Praeger,2002); Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori, MuslimPolitics (Princeton,N.J.: PrincetonUniversity
Press, 1996).
19See Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, Ihiya' Culumal-din (Cairo: Dar al-Manar, 1979). Ibn Khaldun, alMuqaddimah(Cairo: al-Matba'a al-Amiriyya, 1903); Miya Syrier, "Ibn Khaldunand Islamic Mysticism,"
Islamic Culture21 (1947): 264-302. It is worthy to note that Ibn Khaldun,the eruditeArab thinker,scholar,
politician, and historianof the 14thcentury,broughtmysticism and theology together.
20Some contributionsof Shaykh CAbdal-Halim Mahmudinclude Qadiyat al-tasawwuf: al-Munqidhmin
al-dalal (Cairo: Dar al-MaCarif,1981) and Aqtab al-tasawwuf: al-Sayyid al-Badawi, 4th ed. (Cairo:Dar
al-MaCarif,1993).
21RoyA. Rappaport,Ecology, Meaning,and Religion; idem,Ritualand Religion in the Makingof Humanity
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1999).
22Don Swenson, Society, Spirituality,and the Sacred: A Social Scientific Introduction(Peterborough,
Ontario,Canada:BroadviewPress, 1999), 20.
23Doug Jones, "Kinship and Deep History: Exploring Connections between Culture Areas, Genes, and
Languages,"AmericanAnthropologist105 (2003): 501-14.
24The Prophet Muhammadis considered by Sufis as an exemplary model for the true Sufi due to his
meditationand contemplationon the Mount (ghar) of Hira.
25al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf, 224-26. See also, el-Sayed el-Aswad, "SacredNetworks:Sainthood
in Regional SanctifiedCults in the Egypt Delta," in Stauth,Yearbookof the Sociology of Islam, 124-41.
26Birthdaycelebrations of saints are scheduled according to the Westerncalendar(August-October)for
economic and regionalreasons relatedto the harvestingof importantcrops, especially cotton.
27al-Shinnawi,Fi riyadal-tasawwuf,224-30. ShaykhHasanis the son of MuhammadSa'id, ibn Muhammad
Yousif ibn Yousif ibn MuhammadBunduqibn Muhammadal-Misryibn 'Abd al-Quddusal-Saghairibn CAbd
al-Quddusal-Kabiribn Muhammadibn AhmadJamalal-Din ibn CAbdAllah ibn 'Ali ibn 'Umar.
28Mark Sedgwick, Saints and Sons: The Making and Remakingof the RashidiAhmadiSufi Order,17992000 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2005). The relationship between Sufi saints and their sons is discussed in a
recent study focusing on the Sufi order of Rashidi Ahmadiyya that continued over two centuries in different countries. However, the study concludes that the Sufi order is more of a lineage than a religious
order.
29al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf' 224-25. Sidi CUmaral-Ashcath al-Shinnawi was a descendantof
"Muhammadal-Sadiq ibn Dawood al-Hafiz ibn Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardiibn CAtaAllah ibn AhmadalRaft ibn Dawood al-TaCi ibn Tayfur ibn CIsa[known as Abu Yazid al-Bistami] ibn Abi al-Nahr ibn Khaythama
al-Rabic ibn Abi CUbayd ibn CUmar al-Awza'i ibn Bishr al-Sadiq ibn 'Abd al-Rahman Abi al-Muhajirin ibn
<Abd al-Rahman ibn 'Abd-Allah ibn Sidi al-CAbbas ibn CAbd al-Mutallib." The genealogy goes on to reach
Adam. The genealogy of the wife of Sidi CUmar is also consecrated by links to the Prophet's family, ibid.,
225.

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Spiritual Genealogy 515

30AnnaBigelow, "TheSufi Practiceof Friendship,the SuhrawardiTariqaand the Developmentof a Middle
Road,"Jusur 15 (1999): 14-49; Qmar-ulHoda "The Remembranceof the Prophetin Suhrawardi's'Awarif
Al-MaCarif,"Islamic Studies 12 (2004): 129-50. There is not a specific reference cited by Shaykh Hasan to
supportthe kin relationshipbetween Sidi 'Umar and al-Bistami or al-Suhrawardi.The historical verification
of the accuracyof the saints' genealogies given by Shaykh Hasanis beyond the scope of this study. However,
although the exact identity of Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi(1144-1234) is not clearly delineated, it seems
that he is the person Shaykh Hasan refers to as the forefatherof Sidi CUmar.Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardiis
known for his Sufi views associated with the al-SuhrawardiyyaSufi orderadvocatingthe concept of futfiwa,
a multiple-meaningconcept referringto bravery,generosity, and hospitality in both mundane and spiritual
aspects.
31PeterJ. Awn, "Sufism," Encyclopediaof Religion, ed. MerceaEliad (New York:Macmillan, 1987), 10423. Al-Bistami (d. 874) is known for his ecstatic utterancesas well as for his theory of mystical annihilation
(fana ).
is derivedfrom the Arabic word sath, which means the roof of the house on which the saint
32"Sutuhiyya"
al-Badawi and his close disciples used to spend time togethercontemplatingand praying.
33Regardingthe notion of sanctity in Muslim culture, see el-Sayed el-Aswad "Sanctified Cosmology:
MaintainingMuslim Identitywith Globalism,"Journal of Social Affairs 24 (2003): 65-94.
34el-Aswad,Religion and Folk Cosmology,60-71.
35JaneSmith and Yvonne Haddad,The Islamic Understandingof Death and Resurrection(Albany, N.Y.:
StateUniversityof New YorkPress, 1981), 184. "Saintsarerecognized as having a hierarchicalworth or value
exceeding that of ordinarybelievers, based very simply on the understandingthatthey have achieved a special
closeness to God."
36Sa CidAbd al-FattahCAshur,
Al-SayyidAhmad al-Badawi: shaykhwa-tariqa (Cairo:al-Hay al-Misriyya,
1998); CAbdal-Halim Mahmud,Aqtab al-tasawwuf.
37The Institutewas knownas al-Masjidal-Ahmadi.The late renownedscholarShaykhMutwallial-Sha rawi,
the formerministerof Religious Endowments,was a graduatefrom that Institute.
38TheArabic word ash cath,a person with shaggy and tangled hair,was used in the early stages of Sufism
to describe an ascetic or a Sufi who had neglected his appearance.
39Itis not the intention of this study to discuss all spiritualdescendantsof al-Badawi and their locations,
but to highlight those who belong to al-Shinnawiyyaal-Ahmadiyya.
40al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf, 204-5. Ibn Shuhayt was one of the locals who hosted al-Badawi,
offering him his house to live in. Saint al-Badawi stayed there for twenty-six years. After al-Badawi's death,
the house was replacedby the first mosque built in Tanta.Before living in thathouse, al-Badawi spent twelve
years in the house of Shaykh Rukn al-Din, known as Rakin. The emphasis here is that al-Badawi showed
no interest in owning propertiesbut, rather,preferredto live as a poor person (faqir), notwithstandingthe
blessings and wonders attributedto him while in the two homes.
41As will be discussed soon, the termShinnawiyyais derivedfrom the word shinnu,which means to sprinkle
or spraywater on something.
42al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf,222.
43ChristianTroll, ed., Muslim Shrines in India: Their Character,History and Significance (Delhi: Oxford
UniversityPress, 1989).
44CarlW. Ernst "An Indo-PersianGuide to Sufi Shrine Pilgrimage," in Manifestations of Sainthood in
Islam, ed. Grace MartinSmith and CarlW. Ernst(Istanbul:The Isis Press, 1993), 43-67.
45PninaWerbnerand Helen Basu, ed., EmbodyingCharisma:Modernity,Locality and the Performanceof
Emotion in Sufi Cults (New York:Routledge, 1998).
46Nile Green, "EmergingApproaches to the Sufi Traditionsof South Asia: Between Texts, Territories
and the Transcendent,"SouthAsia Research 24 (2004): 123-48; Green, Indian SufismSince the Seventeenth
Century:Saints, Books, and Empiresin the MuslimDeccan (New York:Routledge, 2006).
47Allen J. Frank,"IslamicShrine Cataloguesand CommunalGeographyin the Volga-Ural Region: 17881917,"Journal oflslamic Studies 7 (1996): 265-86.
48Qur an, 64:14.
49This statement does not mean to abandon schools, but what is meant is that modern education or
"modernity"must not neglect spirituality.Hasan al-Shinnawiassertsthatthe pure and strong Sufi spirit "must
become a component of the curriculain our institutes and schools, a guiding light in our newspapers,books
and radio stations,and an inspiredway of life in every aspect of our revival."See Hasan al-Shinnawi"Sufism:

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516

el-Sayed el-Aswad

A Call and an Education,"paperpresentedat the 7th General Conferenceof the WorldIslamic Call Society
(Tripoli, 26-29 November 2004), http://islamonline.net/MercyForWorlds/English/Papers/03.shtml/
50Johansen,Sufismand Islamic Reformin Egypt, 4-5.
51Al-Shinnawi,"Sufism:A Call and an Education."Shaykh Hasan quotes Muhyi al-Din ibn CArabi:"The
Sufis have reached consensus that there can be no prescriptionnor proscriptionafter the Book of Allah and
the Sharia." CAbdal-Wahhabal-Shacrani,al-Tabaqatal-kubraal-musammabi-lawaqih al-anwarfi tabaqat
al-akhiyar (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, 1965). This view is compatible with al-Shacrani'sdefinition of Sufism, as
based on the Qur'an and the Sunna.
52el-Sayed el-Aswad, "The Dynamics of Identity Reconstructionamong Arab Communities in the US,"
Anthropos101 (2006): 111-21. It deserves noting thattherehas been deep concern towardspiritualityamong
Arab and Muslim communitiesin Westerncountries,especially the United States.
53Muhammadibn Isma'il al-Bukhari,Sahih al-bukhari,kitabal-riqaq (Cairo:al-Majlis al-A la li-l-Shucun
al-Islamiyya,LajnatIhya Kutubal-Sunna, 1966), chap. 38, 6502.
54The reference to Muslim brothersis used here within a metaphoricalcontext and is not relatedto the
well-known politically orientedMuslim Brothersestablishedby Hasanal-Bannain Egypt.
55Onthe liberationfrom Casabiyya,see el-Sayed el-Aswad, "Post- Asabiyya:IbnKhaldunandthe Discourse
of Reform,"Tabsir22 May 2006, http://www.tabsir.net/?cat=44/
56Thisstatementdoes not mean thatthere is no competitionbetween brotherlySufi membersor orders.The
competitionmay involve negative accusationsbetween differentSufi orders.
57The Shinnawiyya order offers charitable (voluntary),social, and community services to its members,
aiming to help those in immediateneed with medical care, educationalconcern,funeralor marriageexpenses,
and supportfor small development projects among others. Wealthy members contributeand offer financial
aid guided by the head of the order.
58Mayeur-Jaouen,"Holy Ancestors, Sufi Shaykhsand FoundingMyths,"29.
59Bigelow,"The Sufi Practiceof Friendship,"20.
60el-Aswad,"SacredNetworks," 124-41.
61Leila Hudson,"Readingal-Shacrani:The Sufi Genealogy of Islamic Modernismin Late OttomanDamascus," Journal of Islamic Studies 15 (2004): 39-68. According to Michael Winter,"al-Sha'ranibelonged
most fully to the Ahmadiyya,a popularand moderateEgyptiantariqa, which held the best model of relations
between a Sufi shaykh and his followers to be a strict one of adherenceto Sharica, obedience, benevolence,
and structuredtesting."
62al-ShaCrani,al-Anwaral-qudsiya, 54.
63Hudson, "Reading al-Shacrani,"51; Trimingham,The Sufi Orders in Islam, 228. Ali Khawwas, alShacrani'smost influentialmaster,was illiterate.
64Toemphasize this idea, an interviewee statedthatthe Prophethimself was unlettered,ummT.
65el-Sayedel-Aswad, "MagicBodily Members:HumanEye and Hand,"Archetypesand Motifsin Folklore:
A Handbook,ed. Jane Garryand Hasan EI-Shamy(Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 2005), 139-45. The folk
belief in the extraordinaryability of al-Badawi to extend his hand from the window of his shrineto salutehis
followers constitutesa motif widely spreadin the Arabculture.
66PninaWerbner,Pilgrims of Love: The Anthropologyof a Global Sufi Cult (Bloomington, Ind.:Indiana
University Press, 2003), 67. Wonders are signs used for legitimizing the spiritual authority of saints. In
Pakistan, the Muslim saint Baba Qasim was aging, and no longer accepting vows of allegiance. He was
replaced by his biological son, Nazir. When Zindapir,who later became a renowned saint, enteredNazir's
room with varioussupplicantsto take the vow, he hearda voice in his rightear telling him he should give the
vow to BabaQasim. Later,ZindapirapproachedBabaQasim who, recognizinghis supremespiritualqualities,
passed him "the power of sainthoodin a matterof seconds."
67IraM. Lapidus,A History of lslamic Societies (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1988), 254.
68el-Aswad,"SacredNetworks,"130. EdwardW.Lane,TheMannersand Customsof the ModernEgyptians
(London:Everyman'sLibrary,1966), 249-50. Out of the fourpoles, Ahmadal-Badawiand Ibrahimal-Dasuqi
established their Sufi orders,the Ahmadiyya and the Burhamiyya,in the Nile Delta. The other two poles are
'Abd al-Qadiral-Jilani(d. 1166), the founderof the Qadiriya,and Ahmed Al-Rifaci of Iraq(d. 1178).
69el-Aswad,"SacredNetworks," 126-27.
70Ibid.
al-delta, 2 vols. (Cairo:al-AhramPress, 2000). As a
71SayyidWahbi,al-Mawsua al-masiyya
li-muhafzat
place of regional sanctuaries,Tantacomprises 40 saints.

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SpiritualGenealogy 517
72al-Shinnawi,Fi riyadal-tasawwuf,54-55. These orders(andtheirpresentshaykhs)are(1) al-Shinnawiyya
al-Ahmadiyya(Hasanal-Shinnawi),(2) al-Imbabiyyaal-Ahmadiyya(Hani CAbdal-Salam),(3) al-Kannasiyya
al-Ahmadiyya (MuhammadNuyto), (4) al-Sutuhiyya al-Ahmadiyya (cAli Zayn al-Din al-Sutuhi), (5) alMaraziqaal-Ahmadiyya (CIsamal-Din Shams al-Din), (6) al-Bayoumiyya al-Ahmadiyya (Ahmad Hamid
Fadl), (7) al-Tasqayaniyyaal-Ahmadiyya(IbrahimAhmadIbrahim),(8) al-Shibiyya al-Ahmadiyya(Muhammad al-Shi ibi), (9) al-Halabiyyaal-Ahmadiyya(inactive),(10) al-Salamiyyaal-Ahmadiyya(inactive),(11) alHamoudiyyaal-Ahmadiyya(Ibrahimal-Maghribi),(12) al-Manaiyfaal-Ahmadiyya(cAli al-Din al-Munufi),
(13) al-Zahidiyyaal-Ahmadiyya(Hasan al-Zahid), (14) al-Farghaliyyaal-Ahmadiyya (Ahmad al-Farghali),
(15) al-Ja fariyyaal-Ahmadiyya(CAbdal-Ghanial-Ja'fari),(16) al-Jaririyyaal-Ahmadiyya(CAbdallahJarir),
(17) al-Jawhariyyaal-Ahmadiyya(al-Husainal-Juhari),(18) al-Kattaniyyaal-Ahmadiyya(vacant).
73Thediscussion of the regional distributionof these Sufi ordersis beyond the scope of this study.
74al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf,241.
75Theapplicationincludes data thatmust be submittedby the new memberconcerning his name, identity,
job, and addressin additionto a photo and a statementthat he is not a memberof anotherSufi order.
76Onefeddan= 1.038 acres.
77al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf,223.
78JohnRenard, Seven Doors to Islam: Spiritualityand the Religious Life of Muslims (Berkeley, Calif.:
Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1996), 66. Similarexamples are found in differentMuslim places. For instance,
in OttomanTurkey,the "founderof the organization[tariqa], and often the spiritualleader's successors as
well, are buried within the structure,either in a separateroom or in a space continuous with that used for
communalprayerrites."
79SomeSufi leaders have been accused of encouragingtheir followers to deify them.
80DavidGriffin,"Introduction:SacredInterconnections,"SacredInterconnections:PostmodernSpirituality,
Political Economy,and Art, ed. David Griffin(Albany,N.Y.: State Universityof New YorkPress, 1990), 1-14.
81el-Sayed el-Aswad, "DeathRituals in RuralEgyptianSociety: A Symbolic Study,"UrbanAnthropology
and Studies of CulturalSystemsand WorldEconomic Development 16 (1987): 205-41.
82el-Aswad,"SacredNetworks," 125-26.
83el-Aswad, Religion and Folk Cosmology, 45-46.
84These villages are as follows: (1) Shinnu (located in the province of Kafr al-Shaykh, 35 kilometers
northeastof Tanta)is the village where Sidi CUmarand his son cAli and his daughterAdiya are buried in a
mosque named afterhim (CUmar).(2) Sijin al-Kaum(in the districtof Qutur,located 19 kilometersnorthwest
of Tanta)is where Shaykh Yousif al-Shinnawi is buried. (3) Mahalat Ruh (located 13 kilometers north of
Tanta)is a village that enjoys a good reputation,exceeding that of Shinnu, because in it is located the shrine
of the prominentShaykh Muhammadal-Shinnawi,a respected scholar and Sufi. Additionally,the village is a
place of four saints:Sidi CAbdal-Quddusal-Kabir,Sidi CAbdal-Quddusal-Saghair,Sidi Muhammadal-Misry,
and Sidi MuhammadBunduq.All of them are descendantsof Sidi Muhammadal-Shinnawiand buried with
him in his mosque. (4) Manyal al-Huyashat(located 11 kilometers northwest of Tanta)is where the shrine
of Sidi CAbdal-Rahmanis located. (5) Shibshir al-Hissa (located 8 kilometers north of Tanta)is where Sidi
CAbdullahand Sidi AhmadJamalal-Din are buried.(6) al-Rajdiyya(located 6 kilometersnortheastof Tanta)
is the place of the shrinesof ShaykhsMuhammadYusufand MuhammadSa id al-Shinnawi.(7) Abu al-Khaw
(belonging to KaumHamadadistrict,Buhayraprovidence,located 65 kilometersnorthwestof Tanta)is where
a shrineof one of the Shinnawiyyasaints has been erected.
85RichardWerbner,RitualPassage, SacredJourney:TheProcess and Organizationof Religious Movement
(Washington,D.C.: SmithsonianInstitutionPress, 1989), 275.
86PninaWerbner,"Stampingthe Earthwith the Name of Allah: Zikr and the Sacralizing of Space among
British Muslims,"CulturalAnthropology11 (1996): 309-38.
87el-Aswad,"SacredNetworks," 128. The annualbirthdaycelebrationof al-Badawi is held in October at
the end of the cotton harvestand lasts seven days. Almost two million people from variouspartsof Egypt and
the Muslim world come to celebratethe occasion. On Friday,the last day of the mawlid,the procession begins
at the mosque. The successor, khalifa, of al-Badawi,mountedon a horse, leads the procession of Sufi orders,
governmentrepresentatives,and ordinarypeople. The procession lasts until noon or the Fridayprayer.
88See notes 43, 44, 45, 63 of this study. See also David Buchman, "The UndergroundFriends of God and
Their Adversaries:A Case Study and Survey of Sufism in ContemporaryYemen,"YemenUpdate 39 (1997):
21-24. Religious festivals, visitations, and mawlids are not exclusive to the Nile Delta but are a common
phenomenonamong Muslim communitiesin differentcountries.

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518

el-Sayed el-Aswad

89Some of these phrases include, for example, "blessings and peace be upon the Prophet,his Family, and
his Companions."
90Trimingham,The Sufi Orders in Islam, 240. The color red, I was told, was chosen by Saint al-Badawi
to representthe sacrifice, blood, and martyrdomadherentsof the order are willing to pay to safeguardtheir
religion. Al-Badawi was an active opponentto the Crusadeof Louis IX.
91el-Sayed el-Aswad, "Religious Rituals and 'Ashura in Bahrain:Observationsand Reflections on Shi'a
163#more-163/. Sufi processions are
Bodily Symbolism,"Tabsir,27 March 2006, http://www.tabsir.net/?p=
different from mourningprocessions or Husayniyya rituals, performedby the Shica people of Bahrainand
elsewhere.
92Local pilgrimages served economic purposes because they frequently occurred within the context of
religious festivals accompaniedby commercialactivities.
93PierreBourdieu,Outlineof a Theoryof Practice, trans.RichardNice (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity
Press, 1977), 92-93.
94A brief accountof this incident is mentionedby al-Shinnawi,Fi riyad al-tasawwuf,232.

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