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Ilaria Ramelli
I. INTRODUCTION
The notion of the divine as an inaccessible object of human knowledge
and reasoning is prominent in philosopherstheologians of the first four
centuries ce who display a refined cognitive approach to religion and a
sophisticated treatment of the problem of theo-logy. Greek
means reasoning and speaking ( ) about the divine ( ), but if the
divine is unknowable, how can theology work? Notably, these thinkers all
belong to the same philosophical tradition, that of Platonism (so-called
Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism), but they come from three different
religious traditions. Philo of Alexandria (first century bce to first century
ce) comes from Judaism, in particular Hellenistic Judaism. Plotinus (third
century ce) comes from so-called paganism, a general term for ancient
cultic traditions other than Judaism and Christianity that is more useful
than correct from the point of view of historians of religions.1 Finally, Origen of Alexandria (second to third centuries ce) and Gregory of Nyssa
1
For a discussion of paganism/Hellenism as religion or culture in late antiquity see
e.g. Aaron P. Johnson, Religion and Identity in Porphyry of Tyre. The Limits of Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013); also Johnson,
Ethnicity and Argument in Eusebius Praeparatio Evangelica (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2006); Johnson, Porphyrys Hellenism, in Le traite de Porphyre contre les chretiens, ed. Sebastien Morlet (Paris: Institut dEtudes Augustiniennes, 2011), 16581.
Copyright by Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 75, Number 2 (April 2014)
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(fourth century ce) come from Christianity. Philo was a Jewish Platonist,
Plotinus a pagan Platonist, and Origen and Gregory of Nyssa were
Christian Platonists.
Notwithstanding their affiliations to different religious traditions, these
thinkers reflections on the divine as an impossible cognitive object for
humans are remarkably homogeneous. It will be argued that this homogeneity is mainly due to their common philosophical tradition, which provides them with a shared epistemological and ontological pattern. All of
these philosopher-theologians share a dialectic and a tension between a
declared apophaticismthe awareness that the divine is indeed an inaccessible object of knowledge and expression for humansand a discourse
about the divine in which they nevertheless engage. It will therefore be necessary to clarify this dialectic. This will not have to be sought on the religious plane, since the dialectic at stake is trans-religious and common to all
of these imperial and late antique Platonists.
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theology as part and parcel of philosophy, its highest part in fact, on the
one hand; and on the other hand made it clear that theology could not be
studied alone, without philosophical bases. In his Homilies on Genesis
14.3, too, he admitted that the learned of this world thanks to the study
of philosophy [per eruditionem philosophiae] were able to grasp many
truths.3 Among these truths he included theological tenets. For instance,
many philosophers write that God is one [unum esse Deum] and created
everything [cuncta creaverit]. In this respect they agree with Gods Law.
Some also add that God both made and governs all by means of his Logos
[per Verbum suum], and it is Gods Logos that regulates all.4 Origen in
this passage cited the traditional (Stoic) division of philosophy into logic,
physics, and ethics, but interestingly ascribed to logic the realm of metaphysics and theology as well: Logic is that part of philosophy which confesses God the father of all.5 The incongruence results from the fact that
the tripartite division of philosophy was Stoic, and in Stoic immanentism
both metaphysics and theology were reduced to physics. But Origen, who
was no immanentist, could by no means accept such a reduction.
For Philo, theology was essentially exegesis of Scripture, which is all
about God, and this interpretation was to be performed through the lenses
of philosophy, especially Platonism. His attention focused primarily on
the Bible, as Valentin Nikiprowetzky, David Runia, Peder Borgen, and
David Winston have rightly emphasized.6 Philos approach was therefore
exegetico-theological, but philosophy offered him an indispensable framework for his exegesis. In Plotinuss view, too, philosophy included the investigation of the divine realm, which was metaphysics at its highest level.
Indeed, Aristotle himself treated theology as a synonym of metaphysics as
opposed to physics: Three are the theoretical branches of philosophy: mathematics, physics, and theology [, , ].7 Thus,
Plotinuss discourse on the Oneattempted, suggestive, and limited at the
same time, as will be pointed out shortlyis both protological and theological.
Origen, Homilies on Genesis 14.3.
Origen, Homilies on Genesis 14.3.
5
Origen, Homilies on Genesis 14.3.
6
Peder Borgen, Philo of Alexandria (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Valentin Nikiprowetzky, Lexege`se de Philon dAlexandrie, Revue dHistoire et de Philosophie Religieuses 53 (1973):
30929; Nikiprowetzky, Le commentaire de lecriture chez Philon dAlexandrie (Leiden:
Brill, 1977); David T. Runia, review of La philosophie de Mose, by Richard Goulet,
Journal of Theological Studies 40 (1989): 588602; Runia, Philo of Alexandria. On the
Creation of the Cosmos According to Moses (Leiden: Brill, 2001); David Winston, Philo
and the Wisdom of Solomon on Creation, Revelation, and Providence, in Shem in the
Tents of Japhet, ed. James Kugel (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 10930.
7
Aristotle, Metaph. 1026a18.
3
4
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III. PHILO
Philo of Alexandria interpreted the Hebrew Bible (in its Greek translation,
the Septuagint or LXX) in the light of Platonic philosophy, and indeed he
has many themes in common with so-called Middle Platonism.8 He could
read Scripture with Platonic lenses thanks to an allegorical interpretation.
This is what Christian interpreters of the Bible such as Origen and Gregory
of Nyssa would do as well. However, unlike some extreme Jewish Hellenistic allegorists against whom he seems to have reacted, Philo did not reject
the historical aspect of Scripture. He kept both the historical and the allegorical planes at the same time.9
Likewise, the roots of Philos apophaticism and mysticism, too, are
found in his biblical exegesis.10 Philo interpreted some biblical episodes as
the allegorical expression of the necessity of apophaticism: this meant the
awareness of the limit of human cognitive and discursive-expressive power
when it came to the divinity in itself, that is, its nature or essence as distinct
from its activities and their products. This clearly presupposed a transcendent notion of the divinity, which squares with Platonism but not with an
immanentistic system such as Stoicism (the latter influenced Philo as well,
but more on the ethical than the ontological plane). These allegorical
expressions appeared precisely in passages which have been fruitfully compared11 with the parallel interpretations of Origen and Gregory of Nyssa.
This meant that there was a strong continuity in this respect between Philo,
Origen, and Gregory of Nyssa.
Indeed, Philo inspired Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Gregory of
Nyssa with the principle that the divinity is unknowable in its essence
(), and therefore also ineffable, but knowable through its activity.
Indeed, What Is cannot be grasped from itself alone, without anything
else, but only through its works, either qua creator or qua ruler.12 The
8
I limit myself to referring to the synthesis offered by David T. Runia, Philon dAlexandrie, in Dictionnaire des philosophes antiques, ed. Richard Goulet, vol. 5/a (Paris:
CNRS, 2011), 36390.
9
See Ilaria L.E. Ramelli, The Philosophical Stance of Allegory in Stoicism and its Reception in Platonism, Pagan and Christian: Origen in Dialogue with the Stoics and Plato,
International Journal of the Classical Tradition 18 (2011): 33571.
10
On the relation between biblical exegesis and mysticism see Steven Katz, Mysticism and
Sacred Scripture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000).
11
See Ilaria Ramelli, Philosophical Allegoresis of Scripture in Philo and Its Legacy in
Gregory of Nyssa, Studia Philonica Annual 20 (2008): 5599.
12
, "# #
% % , Philo, Abraham 122
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Union with the One must therefore escape the duality of knowledge
and expression.34 It is especially noteworthy that Plotinus in this connection
shows the awareness of the following tension on the cognitive and communicative plane. The One cannot be expressed or even thought, since this
immediately implies a duality and multiplicity, but the philosopher, nevertheless, does speak of it. He or she does so not in a positive or assertive way,
but by way of indication, to give hints to those who want to contemplate:
The One cannot be said or writtenand nevertheless we speak
and write, to lead people toward it [ 6 ] and to
awaken them from the slumber of words / reasonings to the wake
of contemplation ["
* ], as
though we indicated the way [= ; ] to those
who want to contemplate.35
This methodological statement by Plotinus is also fundamental to keep the
mystical union with the One (which he is going to describe) within the
realm and scope of philosophy. Union with the One thus becomes a kind of
apophatic culmination of the theological branch of philosophy. At the same
time, Plotinus likely wanted to mark the distinction between this union at
the limit of philosophy and any such experience promoted by mystery religions. Plotinuss philosophical theology is notoriously different from later
Neoplatonists religious-theurgical drift. Olympiodorus classified Proclus,
together with his inspirers Iamblichus and Syrianus, among the religious
exponents of Neoplatonism, as opposed to the philosophical exponents
such as Plotinus and Porphyry: Some, such as Plotinus, Porphyry, etc.,
give priority to philosophy; others, such as Iamblichus, Syrianus, Proclus,
and the whole priestly school, give priority to the priestly art, >.36
For Plotinus the One cannot be known intellectually (by the intuitive
intellect,
), let alone reached by means of a discursive approach
(through 2 or discursive reason), but can be contemplated in ecstasy.
At the epistemological level, this difference is decisive. Philosophical discourse on God, on the supreme Principle (the One), is a hint to mystical
union with God. Humans cannot gaze at God, neither with their physical
nor with their intellectual sight, but they can experience God in another
way: in a mystical experience. This is an ecstasy, a mystical union:
Nelson Pike, Mystic Union: An Essay in the Phenomenology of Mysticism (Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1992).
35
Plotinus Enneads 6.9.4.
36
Damascius, Commentary on Platos Phaedo 1.172.
34
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]: an idea pointed out above in Plotinus and very well known to
Gregory). Now, this something does not at all indicate what divine
nature is in its essence [' ].71
The divinity, invisible in its nature, becomes visible in its works, and
can thus be understood by human intellects in some respects concerning its
nature (literally, again: about/around it [* ]). Here, too, Gregory relies not only on Plotinus, but also on Origen, Against Celsus 6.65,
who used in a similar sense the expression what is around/about, #
. This phrase in turn was already employed by Clement of Alexandria,
between the second and the third century ce, in a passage that deals precisely with the abstractive process in the human cognitive grasp of God.72
Origen elaborated on the same concept and expression in Commentary on
the Gospel of John 13.21.124: it is possible to find in Scripture clues to say
something () regarding Gods nature or essence, *
.
The same concept and expression is also found in Plotinus, in Enneads
5.3.14: the One is ineffable, , because to say something about it
is, after all, to say something, , but the One is not merely some thing,
that is, a thing among all others. The very same idea and expression will be
found again in another Origenian, a milestone in Christian apophaticism: the early sixth-century Neoplatonist called Ps. Dionysius the Areopagite, who was deeply influenced by Proclus.73
Gregory specifically follows Philo in his interpretation of Exod. 20:21,
the passage in which Moses enters the darkness where God is.74 Like Philo
and Origen after him, Gregory draws a distinction between Gods essence
or nature, unknowable, and Gods existence, knowable and actually
known. He draws the same connection as Philo did between Exod. 20:21
(Moyses went into the darkness where God was) and Psalm 17:12 (He
made darkness his hideaway; around him was his tent, dark water in clouds
of air) in reference to the very same allegorical interpretation of the cognitive inaccessibility of Gods nature. Now, this connection had already been
Gregorii Nysseni Opera 3/1.4243.
Clement of Alexandria Miscellany 5.11.71.3.
73
Ps. Dionysius the Areopagite Heavenly Hierarchy 2.3. On his negative theology I limit
myself to referring to the most recent work, Charles Stang, Apophasis and Pseudonymity
in Dionysius the Areopagite: No longer I (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012). On
Ps. Dionysius in the tradition of Christian mysticism see Andrew Louth, The Origins
of the Christian Mystical Tradition (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); cf. Louth,
Mysticism: Name and Thing, Archaeus 9 (2005): 921; Bernard McGinn, The Presence of God: A History of Western Christian Mysticism, vol. 1. The Foundations of
Mysticism (New York: Crossroad, 1991); McGinn, ed., The Essential Writings of Christian Mysticism (New York: Modern Library, 2006).
74
Gregory of Nyssa The Life of Moses 1.47 and 2.110.
71
72
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There are further proofs of how Gregory did know Philos exegesis of
a biblical passage, but decided to keep closer to Origens exegesis of that
passage. Gregory links Exod. 33:23 (interpreted as an exhortation to follow
God) with Deut. 13:4, which speaks of walking after God, and with
Psalm 62:9, about sticking to the back of God. The same connection had
been drawn by Origen.80 Gregory, on the other hand, chose not to interpret
the words my back, what is behind me in an eschatological sense.81 In
so doing he left aside the eschatological exegesis of those wordsperhaps
to be traced back to Philo, On Flight 165: what comes after and followswhich Origen knew and developed.82
In the second of Gregory of Nyssas Homilies on the Song of Songs,
the soul, personified as a character in a dialogue, addresses God as follows:
Your Name is beyond any other name and is inexpressible and incomprehensible to any rational being. Likewise in Homily 6: How is it possible
that the One who is beyond every name be found by means of the pronunciation of a name? Indeed, the divine, from the point of view of its
nature, is ungraspable / untouchable ["] and incomprehensible
[" ] . . . ineffable [ ] and inaccessible ["] to
reasoning.83 This is why we know only its existence, and not its essence.84
This is what Philo also maintained, as has been remarked above.
In his sixth Homily on the Beatitudes, Gregory insists that the divine
nature, in what it is per se, is beyond any thought that can comprehend it,
inaccessible and unapproachable to every conjectural intuition. Likewise
in Against Eunomius 2.67ff. he illustrates the impossibility of grasping
intellectually and expressing the divine substance. He does so by interpreting the migration of Abraham as an allegory of the souls ascent to the One,
that is to say, the Plotinian One identified by Gregory with God the Trinity.85 Gregory explains that from knowledge based on sense-perception,
symbolized by Chaldaean wisdom, one can pass on to the intelligible
realm by analogy. Abrahams first acquisition is negative knowledge of God
and the awareness that Gods nature is unknowable:
Origen Fragments from the Exegesis of Psalms, Patrologia Graeca 12.1489B.
# ( : Exod. 33:23.
82
See Origen, Homily on Psalm 36.4: posteriora mea quae in novissimis temporibus
implebuntur, my back / what is behind me what will take place in the eschatological
times, at the end of all; Commentary on the Song of Songs 3.4; Homilies on Jeremiah
16.24; On First Principles 2.4.3.
83
Gregory of Nyssa Against Eunomius 2, Gregorii Nysseni Opera 1.26566.
84
Ibid., 24748.
85
Ibid., 8496.
80
81
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who is invisible in its nature, becomes visible in its activities.91 Per se,
God transcends every movement of our mind or 2, the discursive
mind.92 That is to say, the divinity is an inaccessible cognitive object.
VII. CONCLUSION
The notion of the divine as an inaccessible object of human thought and
reasoning is very similar in these philosopher-theologiansPhilo, Plotinus,
Origen, and Gregorywho belonged to the same Platonic philosophical
tradition, but to three different religious traditions. The similarity of their
reflections on the divine as an inaccessible epistemic object for humans,
which can nevertheless be experienced in a meta-cognitive way, seems due
to their common philosophical tradition.
Most interestingly, all of these thinkers show a tension between the
apophaticism they declarerepeatedly proclaiming that the divine is an
impossible object of human thought and languageand the discourse
about the divine (-) that none of them gives up developing. In
order to be able to say something of the divine, notwithstanding all, they
pursue the strategy of differentiation. That is, they establish that the
divines intimate nature or essence is inaccessible, and indeed does not offer
itself as a cognitive object, but that the divine manifests itself in its effects.
For Philo, Origen, and Gregory, moreover, the divine manifests itself
through Scripture. Unlike Plotinus, they considered the Bible to be the revelation of the divinity. However, Plotinus also postulated a direct access to
the divine, not through a cognitive, intellectual process, but through the
mystical experience, which allows one to touch what one cannot see
with the eyes of the body or of the soul. This possibility, too, was admitted
both by Philo and by Origen and Gregory of Nyssa. Philosophical discourse
about the divine, theo-logy, is thus described by Plotinus as an indication, a hint, that points to the mystical, non-dualistic experience of an
object (God) that, qua object of knowledge and therefore qua epistemic
object, is inaccessible.
Catholic University of the Sacred Heart and Durham University.
91
92
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