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For a metapsychology of
the psychoanalyst: Sndor
Ferenczi's quest
Andr Haynal M.D.
a

a b c

Professor of Psychiatry , University of Geneva

Training and Supervising Analyst and Former

President of the Swiss Psychoanalytical Society
c

20 B, Gradelle, Geneva, CH1224, Switzerland

Published online: 20 Oct 2009.

To cite this article: Andr Haynal M.D. (1997) For a metapsychology of the
psychoanalyst: Sndor Ferenczi's quest, Psychoanalytic Inquiry: A Topical Journal for
Mental Health Professionals, 17:4, 437-458, DOI: 10.1080/07351699709534141
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07351699709534141

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For a Metapsychology of the

Psychoanalyst: Sndor Ferenczi's Quest

A N D R E H A Y N A L , M.D.

YOUNG CHILD is FAMILIAR with much knowledge . . . that later

becomes buried by the forces of repression" (Ferenczi, 1923
[257], p. 350).1 Small children are often amusing because they put into
wordssometimes a bit awkwardlywhat they (still) perceive without repressing; adults for whom the same material has already been
repressed then receive their words as a kind of revelation. The effect
can either be the amusement of liberationa sort of "aha!" experienceor, because of their own repression, one that creates tension
and even hostility: "How stupid!" or "One doesn't say things like
that!" which corresponds to an intention to reinforce the adult's
repression and at the same time to inculcate in the child the "do-notsay," indeed the "do-not-think."
"Wise baby"he himself used the English term in the German text
(Ferenczi, 1923 [257] and Ferenczi, 1932 [308], p. 274)is what
Ferenczi was to remain all his life. In that, he differed from his fellow
pioneers and even from his master, Freud. His perceptiveness

"THE

Dr. Haynal is Professor of Psychiatry at the University of Geneva; Training and Supervising
Analyst and Former President of the Swiss Psychoanalytical Society.
Translated from the French by Linda Butler, Washington, DC.
1
Ferenczi's writings are quoted, as customary, by reference to the year of their original
publication; the number in square brackets identifies the work in Balint's numerical list of
Ferenczi's writings (S. Ferenczi, Bausteine zur Psychoanalyse, Vols. I-IV. Bern: Huber, 1964).

437

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ANDRE HAYNAL

preceded his encounter with psychoanalysis, so it is not surprising that

the problems that would be central to the work of Ferenczi the psychoanalyst had already emerged in Ferenczi the pre-psychoanalytic.
In saying that children are "wise," that the infant is wise, Ferenczi
thus introduced the idea that the child's perception, ideation, and
expression of feeling and sensation are not yet distorted by the
defenses, insincerity, and inauthenticity that will later be imposed
upon them. In this core, we already find the notion not of a certain
"childish innocence"as has recently been incorrectly understood; it
is not a question of innocence in the "asexual" sense, but rather of an
infantile authenticity, to use today's vocabulary. That indeed was the
program of Ferenczi the analystto attain sincerity and authenticity,
not only in the analysand, but first and foremost in the analyst; as he
would later write to Freud, one should be able to "tell the truth to
everyoneto one's father, one's professor, one's neighbour and even
to the king" (109 Fer., 5.2.19102). Similarly, he aimed at bringing out
the child in the adult, in the human being, for it is that part which
represents the individual's greatest value. And if he noted that "the
idea of the 'wise baby'" could be discovered only by a "wise baby"
(Ferenczi, 1932 [308], p. 274), he thus presented himself as one, as
someone close to the child, to the child's desires, and to sufferings
imposed by others.
It is interesting in this context to evoke the epistolary discussion
that took place between Ferenczi and Freud as early as 1911, when
they hardly knew each other, in which Ferenczi wrote that, since very
small children do not repress, they do not need the symbolic to represent the repressed (228 Fer., 7.6.1911): "no need of indirect language"
(226 Fer., 3.6.1911). In this exchange of ideas, we see already
Ferenczi the proponent of the authenticity of the child. We also see the
kernel of an idea he would elaborate in what was to be his swan song,
"Confusion of Tongues Between Adults and the Child" (Ferenczi,
1933 [294]); for Ferenczi, it is for this reason that children and adults
do not understand and even "misunderstand" each other.

Ferenczi's letters to Freud are designed "Fer." and those from Freud to Ferenczi by "Fr." The
letters are numbered according to the nomenclature of the Freud-Ferenczi Correspondence, of
which the first and second volumes were published by Harvard University Press (see Freud and
Ferenczi, 1991, 1996).

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In the pre-Freudian Ferenczi, we encounter the principal themes

that were likewise to preoccupy him as an analyst.
1. The first of these is communication in its most occult forms, in
the true sense of the term (Ferenczi, 1899). The profound relationships
in hypnosis (Ferenczi, 1904a), as well as the study of communication
in love (Ferenczi, 1901), very early took their place in this line of
inquiry; later was added his preoccupation with the problem of
change, notably in psychoanalysis.3
When he was still an intern at the St. Rokus Hospital, one of the
oldest in Budapest, already he showed his bent for matters of the
psyche. Working under a very authoritarian and even spiteful supervisor ("a hard man," Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288) who made him attend
to prostitutes instead of letting him devote his energies to the study of
psychological phenomena within the framework of the neuropsychiatry of the day, he experimented through exploring himself ("lacking
another material for observation, I carried out psychological experiments on myself" [Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288] using the "free association" method of the time as well as the "autonomic writing" "much
talked about by spiritists" (Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288).4
Thus, a kind of self-analysis was already unfolding, in solitude, in
unhappy conditions. It was during this period that he conceived his
article on spiritism (Ferenczi, 1899), an astounding article where
already there is a question of the functioning of the unconscious:
"What we know today proves beyond any possible doubt that in the
3

He would write: "It is this confidence that establishes the contrast between the present and
the unbearable traumatogenic past, the contrast which is absolutely necessary for the patient in
order to enable him to re-experience the past no longer as hallucinatory reproduction but as an
objective memory" (Ferenczi, 1933 [294], p. 160). ("Dieses Vertrauen ist jenes gewisse Etwas,
das den Kontrast zwischen der Gegenwart und der unleidlichen, traumatogenen Vergangenheit
statuiert, den Kontrast also, der unerlasslich ist, damit man dir Vergangenheit nicht mehr als
halluzinatorische Reproduktion, sondern als objektive Erinnerung aufleben lassen kann")
(Ferenczi, Bausteine zur Psychoanalyse, 1964, Band III, S. 516).
4
"I believed that the late hour, fatigue and a little emotion favored the 'psychic splitting." I
would thus take a pencil and, holding it lightly, would place the point on a sheet of white paper;
I was determined to abandon completely the instrument to itself, to let it write what it pleased.
First came meaningless scribblings, then letters and a few words (which I had not thought of),
and finally coherent sentences. I soon reached the point of carrying out veritable dialogues with
my pencil: I would ask it questions and received totally unexpected responses. With the eagerness of youth I first questioned it about the grand theoretical problems of life, then moved on to
practical questions. The pencil then made the following proposal: 'Write an article on spiritism
for the review Gyogyaszat, the editor would be interested' - (Ferenczi, 1917 [199], p. 288).

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ANDRE HAYNAL

psychic functioning there exists many unconscious (ontudatlan) and

semi conscious elements" (translated from the Hungarian). Furthermore, he wrote, "there are cleavages in psychic life". He was already
thinking that it is probable that most phenomena of spiritism are based
on the splitting of the psychic functions into two or more parts, only
one of which is placed in the foyer of the convex mirror of the
conscious mind, while the others function outside the conscious level
ipntudat nelkiit) in an autonomous fashion. It is this that explains how
the medium can carry out [her experiments] outside the conscious
level and unintentionally (translated from the Hungarian) (Ferenczi,
1899, p. 478).
Ferenczi's conviction that occult phenomena would shed light on
aspects of tranference, that the Gedankeniibertragung (the transfer of
thought) would make it possible to understand the Ubertragung
(transference per se) and would persist throughout his evolution; it
was a conviction that was also shared by Freud. Furthermore, his
experiments in hypnosis, and notably the deep "connection" ("rapport") it entailed, suggested to him metaphors utilized to study regressive states in transference, states that made possible "the re-living of
the events of the trauma in the analysis" (Ferenczi, 1934 [296],
p. 242). This idea will reappear in his Journal as well (Ferenczi, 1985).
2. A second theme, which appeared some years before his
encounter with Freud, was sexuality, sometimes in its most unusual
forms, as in the case of Roza K (Ferenczi, 1902).
In his article "Love and Science" (Ferenczi 1901), which preceded
by 4 years the "Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality" (Freud,
1905b), he asked himself how the szerelem, or "sexual love" (which
Hungarian is able to render, through a distinctive linguistic feature, in
a single word, in contrast to szeretet, which means simply "love,"
especially in its affective aspect), "frees up immense psychic energy
whose destructive and constructive activity shows the individual and
the species at the height of his capacity to act" (Ferenczi, 1901, p.
190). He emphasizes "the disadvantageous influence of prejudice for
free examination" and quotes Mobiusthe franc-tireur (he uses the
French word in his text) of psychiatry of the timeas saying that this
chapter of science is still to be written. This being the case, Ferenczi
declares that "the only sources for the psychology of love, even today,
are poetry and the literature of novels" (Ferenczi 1901, p. 191), and

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that one can learn more from Maupassant and Heine than from
weighty tomes of psychology. He also makes links between love,
possessiveness, the masochistic love of the "misunderstood" person,
jealousy, and these states of lovetoday we would call them regressive statesthat can "threaten the individual with psychosis, licentiousness, criminality or drunkenness" (Ferenczi, 1901, p. 192). As
can be seen, Ferenczi the pre-psychoanalytic is in truth already
psychoanalytic without knowing it.
The biography of Roza K, "a veritable odyssey," is based among
other things on the autobiography of an individual who today would
be categorized as a lesbian, a transvestite, or perhaps even a transsexual. This article, as well as his activity in defense of homosexuals, has
been cited to show Ferenczi's sensitivity to the need to struggle
against repression and to the importance he attached to the role of the
doctor, particularly the psychiatrist, in this struggle. What is striking
about the case study itself is the author's capacity for subtle identification with this unfortunate woman and his willingness, even at the
risk of raising speculations, to give her a certain intelligibility.
3. The third theme in the early Ferenczi that would remain with him
throughout his life was the idea of associationism, the unconscious
connections between different elements of our imagination, thought,
and representations. This idea, already present in his experiments with
"automatic writing," would lead him to Jung, who in 1906 had
published his book on word associations (Jung, 1906a). Ferenczi, with
that capacity for enthusiasm for everything that struck him as likely to
uncover the mysteries of the human soul, immediately seized upon the
method of experimental study of word associations, bought a
chronometer and carried out his "experiments" everywhere, including
in the literary cafes he used to frequent (such as the Cafe Royal of the
grand boulevards of Budapest, near the old National Theater, since
destroyed by the Stalinist bulldozers).
It might be noted that it was that same year of 1906, on 27 May,
that Jung defended Freud's work on Dora (Freud, 1905c) against a
virulent attack by Aschaffenburg at the Congress of Neurologists and
Psychiatrists of South West Germany in Baden-Baden; it was at that
moment that Jung brought his research together with the ideas of
psychoanalysis (Jung, 1906b). He sent a copy of this publication on
this subject to Freud, and Freud's letter of thanks constituted the first

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ANDRE HAYNAL

missive of a long correspondence, encompassing more than 350

letters, that was to continue without interruption until 1914.
Ferenczi, meanwhile, sought a personal contact with Jung at the
beginning of 1907. Jung, after a visit at the beginning of March 1907
to Vienna (where he met Freud on 3 March and participated in a
meeting of the Wednesday Society on the 6th), stopped by Budapest
where he spent a few days with Dr. Fiilop Stein, a friend and colleague
of Ferenczi. It was on this occasion that Ferenczi was able to meet
Jung personally. Later, Ferenczi, pursuing his interest in tests of word
association, travelled to the Burgholzli, the Psychiatric Clinic of
Zurich, to see Jung. We might note here parenthetically that the
importance of the Burgholzli has been much underestimated in the
historiography of psychoanalysis; we should not forget that this was
the first institution that accepted psychoanalysis as such and made
available to it, as material for observation, a larger clientele than that
of the private practitioners, notably of the world of psychoses. Let us
recall, too, the more or less long associations with the clinic of Karl
Abraham, Ludwig Binswanger, Abraham Arden Brill, Imre Decsi,
Max Eitingon, Sandor Ferenczi, Johann Jakob Honnegger, Smith Ely
Jelliffe, Ernest Jones, Alphonse Maeder, Hermann Nunberg, Franz
Riklin, Hermann Rorschach, Eugenie Sokolnicka, Sabina Spielrein,
and Fiilop Stein. In 1908, it was thanks to an introduction by Jung that
Ferenczi, still in the company of Dr. Fiilop Stein, met Freud.
4. The fourth grand theme of Ferenczi's scientific preoccupations
was the child.5 This was the topic on which he would speak when
Freud invited him, the summer of the same year they met, to present a
paper at the Psychoanalytic Congress of Salzburg. There, he evoked
new perspectives on education for children inspired by Freudian
works (Ferenczi, 1908 [63]). He pursued this same line, among others,
in his work on little Arpad (Ferenczi, 1913c [114]), a clinical essay
that showed Ferenczi the analyst at work in a multistage endeavor in
the best tradition of a clinical Sherlock Holmes: to discover the underpinnings of symbolism in the "little Chanticleer" (Ferenczi, 1913c
[114]). In his "Stages in the Development of the Sense of Reality" of
the same year (Ferenczi, 1913b [111]), he developed the idea of the
omnipotence of the child at the beginning of his evolution and, in
5

Back in 1904, he had already taken an interest in the scientific literature concerning "the
development and the functioning of the infantile psyche" (Ferenczi, 1904b).

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greater detail, the play of introjection and projection: the work of

Melanie Klein was without doubt powerfully influenced by Ferenczi's
ideas.
Klein later wrote that she had a debt of gratitude toward Ferenczi
and that he had "a streak of genius" (Grosskurth, 1986, p. 73). Indeed,
it was Ferenczi who encouraged her to go into the psychoanalysis of
children. Moreover, his position when Melanie Klein and Anna Freud
were separated by differences of opinion and tensions was misrepresented in widely circulated accounts. Ferenczi was close to the Freud
family and had invited Anna to Budapest on a number of occasions
(for instance, in 1914 [458 Fer., 18.2.1914], 1917, and 1918 [YoungBruehl, 1988, p. 79). It even seems that Freud wanted Ferenczi to
marry his other daughter, Mathilda. The relationship with Melanie
Klein, on the other hand, became difficult in keeping with the developing tensions between Ferenczi and Jones during the 1920s.
Nonetheless, Ferenczi remained "equidistant" between the two during
their quarrel.6 Michael Balint, his spiritual heir, was later to maintain
the same position in London.
Although Ferenczi was never actually a child psychoanalyst and his
predominant professional activity was always the analysis of adults,7
the Wise Baby in him would always remain very close to the child
within the adult, as can be seen in his last writings: "The Adaptation
of the Family to the Child" (1928a [281]), "The Unwelcome Child and
His Death Instinct" (1929 [287]), "Child Analysis in the Analysis of
Adults" (1931 [292]), and in particular his last (completed) published
work: "Confusion of Tongues Between Adults and the Child" (1933
[294]). This paper, presented at the Congress of Wiesbaden in
September 1932, was his spiritual testament. It was also the subject of
some reservations on the part of his colleagues and even of Freud who
wondered whether Ferenczi should or could present these innovative
ideas at this time, or was it premature? With his concept of the analysis of the child in the adult, a new door undoubtedly opens, as was the
case with his prior work, which treats the conflictuality between
adults and children in a new light (Ferenczi, 1931 [292]).
6

He wanted both to expose his experiences and the ideas that came out of them and
recognized in the same breath the merits of Melanie Klein and Anna Freud, whose "systematic
works . . . are universally known and esteemed" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], p. 128).
7
"I for my part have had very little to do with children analytically" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292],
p. 128).

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Ferenczi entered the psychoanalytic scene in 1909 with his first grand
original work (Ferenczi, 1909 [67]): one senses that in the current of
great traditions established by Freud, a new voice and a new sensibility had seen the day. The "transference" of Ferenczi, without any
doubt, differs from the "transference" in the writings of Freud. It was
clear that this man, then 36 years old, would introduce new and original views, especially in his work of the late 1920s, which would make
of him "the father of modern psychoanalysis" (Green, 1990, p. 61).
It is fascinating to see how the themes that emerged so early in the
work of Sandor Ferenczi were pursued throughout his entire life,
across his entire creative activity. Just as, in our fantasy life, our
elaboration always turns around the same basic ideas, so it is that the
scientific work of Ferenczi, so spontaneous and so inventive, seems
but the elaboration of a handful of fundamental themes, an elaboration
drawn across various internal and external obstacles to the very end.
In the work of 1909, above and beyond the projective sides of the
transference on the blank screen of the psychoanalyst's person,
already established by Freud, Ferenczi stressed the desire of introjection, which he conceived as a kind of addiction: the subject, particularly the "neurotic," is driven by a constant desire to receive, to enrich
his inner self, to take "into the ego as large as possible a part of the
outer world, making it the object of unconcious fantasies" (Ferenczi,
1909 [67], p. 47). Here, in embryonic form, we find the idea of the
formation of an internal object by introjection and, in his highlighting
of the complementary aspects of introjection and transference, we find
the kernel of the later "projective identification" dear to his student,
Melanie Klein (Klein, 1946). In the constitution of the transference, he
apprehends displacement in the line of the continuity and contiguity of
the associations, for example the role of minor physical resemblances,
despite the "fact that a transference on the ground of such petty analogies strikes us as ridiculous" (Klein, 1946, p. 42). He thus makes a link
with the work of dreams or with jokes examined several years earlier
by Freud (Freud, 1905a), emphasizing as well that these introjections
are for the most part unconscious.
We already glimpse in this article one of the future characteristics
of Ferenczi the mature analyst: he is far from rejecting what he

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learned in the profound relationship in hypnosis. But he links these

effects to a revival of late parental influences, recovering in the
profound connection between the hypnotist and the hypnotizedlike
the connection between analyst and analysand in profound psychoanalytic sessionsthe relationship between the loving mother and the
father representing authority, the "remains of the infantile-erotic
loving and fearing of the parents" (Freud, 1905a, p. 93).
The link between this clarification of his experience (whereby he
lays the foundations of his future theory) and the small clinical jewels
published the following years is obvious. Thus, the phenomena
of psychoanalytic treatmentnotably "On Transitory SymptomConstructions During the Analysis" (Ferenczi, 1912 [85]) and "To
Whom Does One Relate One's Dreams?" (Ferenczi, 1913a [105])
show clearly the plan of transference and countertransference. A little
later, he presents an astonishing opening for different kinds of experimentation in analytic treatment ("Discontinuous Analysis," Ferenczi,
1914 [147]).
Over the following years, the problem of transference was elaborated in the course of a close exchange between Sigmund Freud and
this intuitive, deep, curious, innovative Wise Baby that Ferenczi was
increasingly becoming, even at the price of certain very painful
ordeals. This implies, on the one hand, the discovery through experience of the immense mobilization that transference brings about in a
hidden manner in the two protagonists of the analysis. Freud had
already been thrown off balance by the failure of the Dora case, the
publication of which was a long tale of confusion, ambivalences and
unexpected incidents up until the narrative of the case could finally be
made public in 1905 (see Strachey, 1953, pp. 3-5). The following year
began the story of the "crown prince" Carl Gustav Jung and Sabina
Spielrein, in which Freud became involved (Freud and Jung, 1961;
Carotenuto, 1980). In 1911, it was Ferenczi who fell in love with one
of his patients, Elma Palos.
The pain originated in the affective mobilization of the analyst. As
Freud wrote to Jung:
To be slandered and scorched by the love with which we operate,
such are the perils of our trade, which we are certainly not going
to abandon on their account. Navigare necesse est, vivere non

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ANDRE HAYNAL

necesse. And another thing: "In league with the Devil and yet
you fear fire?" [Freud and Jung, 1961,134 F, 9.3.1909].

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A few months later Freud returned to the subject, again to Jung, in the
following terms:
Such experiences, though painful, are necessary and hard to
avoid. Without them we cannot really know life and what we are
dealing with. I myself have never been taken in quite so badly,
but I have come very close to it a number of times and had a
narrow escape [in English in the original]. I believe that only
grim necessities weighing on my work, and the fact that I was ten
years older than yourself when I came to psychoanalysis, have
saved me from similar experiences. But no lasting harm is done.
They help us to develop the thick skin we need and to dominate
"counter-transference", which is after all a permanent problem for
us; they teach us to displace our own affects to best advantage.
They are a 'blessing in disguise'' [in English in the original]
[Freud and Jung, 1961,145 F., 7.6.1925].
It was also in this same letter that the word countertransference is
mentioned for the first time; a year later, it would appear in a
published work (Freud, 1910).
The implications of the affective forces that were clearly at play in
transference led the trio Freud-Jung-Ferenczi towards the occult, a
new pursuit that began during their journey to Clark University in
America in August 1909. Jung's thesis had been on the occult, and as
we have seen, the subject had interested Ferenczi from the outset. It
was hoped that in the intersection of the lines of transference and the
mysteries of the occult, the Gedankenubertragung ("transmission of
thought," or literally "transfer of thought") would shed light on the
Ubertragung (the transference). With his usual enthusiasm, Ferenczi
combed Europe for seers and prophetesses, and Freud participated in
the various experiments; the three took turns playing the role of
medium.
This line of inquiry would not be exhausted for some years. Thus, in
1925, Freud could still remark to Karl Abraham that Anna had a
"telepathic sensitivity" (Freud and Abraham, 1965, 9.7.1925). Nor

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should we forget that at the famous meeting of the Secret Committee

in 1921, in the Hartz Mountains, Freud read a memorandum on
"Psychoanalysis and Telepathy," meant only for his intimate circle
and which would only be published posthumously (Freud, 1941).8
For the time being, there was an exchange of ideas on the subject
between Freud and Ferenczi, a kind of exaltation and a resolve to
deepen the impact of affective forces operating in transference and
countertransferencea resolve that apparently was not carried out,
however, to the point that Freud's plan to publish an "Allgemeine
Methodik der Psychoanalyse" (Freud and Ferenczi, 1991, 22 F,
26.11.1908), a general methodology of psychoanalysis, would never
see the light of day. The same held true for the planned work on
metapsychology, and the only works that actually appeared were later
said by Freud to be meant for "beginners" (Blanton, 1971, p. 48) and
essentially negative9 (1113 Fr., 4.1.1928). Since his intuition of genius
had always guided him with the certainty of a sleepwalker, as it were,
one can consider that his renunciation of these two systematic works
(on metapsychology and technique) was not merely indicative of a
failure of synthesis, but of a new way of constructing his theory and of
moving forward in flushing out the deep forces of the human psyche;
it was this ability that gave his work the characteristics of a
postmodern edifice, moving from islet to islet, from insight to insight,
making it, in its very structure, far in advance of the scientific ideals
of his time (Haynal, 1991; Haynal and Falzeder, 1994).10
Ferenczi was always at his side during this period: it was not
coincidence that the crowning of his interest in technique was his
presentation at the Congress of 1918 in Budapest; this also marked the
consecration of Ferenczi's efforts to introduce psychoanalysis to his
8
Freud was supposed to have read his 1922 work on "dreams and telepathy" before the
Viennese Psychoanalytic Society but, for reasons unknown to posterity, did not do so. But the
text, already under press, appeared anyway in Imago (Freud, 1922) (also see Strachey's remarks,
1958, p. 196).
9
"Meine Ratschlage . . . waren wesentlich negativ."
10
It may be worth clarifying that in Freud's Vienna and milieu, the term technique did not
evoke first and foremost technology, as is the case today, but rather technique in the arts, the
technique of the painter or pianist. We should not forget that for Freud, the first Hippocratic
aphorism "Ho biols brakhus, he de tekne makra," in Latin "ars longa, vita brevis" was on everyone's lips, especially among medical students, and that in this context, obviously, "techne"
equals "art." The technique of psychoanalysis, then, is the art of psychoanalysis, as opposed to
its theory.

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city, and no doubt his hour of glory. It was at this same conference
that Freud threw wide open the need for diversification in psychoanalytic technique, notably by saying that it "grew up in the treatment of
hysteria
But the phobias have already made it necessary for us to
go beyond our former limits" (Freud, 1919, p. 165).n
One has the impression that, as of this moment, Freud expected his
students to bring him insights in the technical domain. It is known that
he proposedonly oncea prize for those who would illuminate this
path, especially the links between technique and theory. Already in
1912, he had begged Ferenczi to take charge of this field ("I don't
want to see technique in the hands of Stekel," 272 Fr., 28.1.1912), and
to this end was pleased at the rapprochement between Ferenczi and
Otto Rank ("I am very pleased by the growth of your intimacy with
Rank, it promises good things for the future," 909 Fr., 24.8.1922; and
to Rank on 8.9.1922: "As you know, your alliance with Ferenczi has
my entire sympathy").
The rest is known and followed directly upon the radicalization of
the concept of transference in 1926. In describing the development of
his thought, Ferenczi (1926 [271]) stressed the importance for him and
his analysis of
Rank's suggestion regarding the relation of the patient to the
analyst as the cardinal point of the analytic material and [the
need to] regard every dream, every gesture, every parapraxis,
every aggravation or improvement in the condition of the patient
as above all an expression of transference and resistance [p. 255].
At a more personal level, Ferenczi during this period was dissatisfied with certain aspects of his analysis with Freud and with the
persistence of certain inner problems, notably of a depressive nature,
his depression having taken the form of hypochondriac symptoms. It
was thus that he turned to another fellow analyst, Georg Groddeck,
who became a partner in the exchange of ideas and even in mutual
analysis. It was under the influence of his interactions with Rank and
Groddeck that Ferenczi was able to produce the works that give him
"Earlier, in 1912, h'e stated that "This technique is the only one suited to my individuality;
I do not venture to deny that a physician quite differently constituted might find himself driven
to adopt a different attitude to his patients and to the task before him" (Freud, 1912, p. 111).

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his place in the history of psychoanalytic ideas, a place that is only

beginning to be recognized.
Indeed, Ferenczi's contributions were largely ignored by two
generations of analysts, partly as a result of Jones' biography of Freud,
which treated Ferenczi in an entirely inadequate manner. To quote
Balint, "The aftermath of Jones' biography was a spate of acrimonious
publications" (Balint, 1969, p. 220).
The reevaluation of Ferenczi's place is a consequence of the
renewed realization by almost the entire psychoanalytic community of
the central role of transference in analysis. By the same token, there is
the revived importance accorded in analysis to the mother (above and
beyond the oedipal link) and, for many, to traumatism. Historically,
this was part of Ferenczi's legacy in the 1920s, when he was more or
less close to Freud, who moreover recognized on a number of occasions the importance of Ferenczi's contributions. Thus, he said he
"value[d] the joint book [of Ferenczi and Rank] as a corrective of my
view of the role of repetition or acting out in analysis" (Freud and
Abraham, 1965, letter to the Committee, 15.2.1924, p. 345).
Ferenczi's research made it possible to conceive of a field of interactions and finally of intersubjectivity (though, to my knowledge, he
never used the term). But this interactionism never became facile; his
passionate engagement with the Freudian heritage protected him from
that, as well as from the trap of simplification. His various experiments with changing the analyst's role ("active therapy" and "relaxation therapy") were caricatured both in the work of Jones and in other
writings on Ferenczi. But these experiments, along with his realization
of the importance of the psychoanalyst's attitude in the analytic
treatmentwhich could be said to have broken a taboo12 by taking
into, account the analyst's feelings and inner reactionsended up
by centering his interest on countertransference and (its logical
consequence) on the metapsychology of the analyst's mental
processes during analysis, his cathexes, his legitimate pleasures at
work, that is, his way of functioning (Ferenczi, 1928 [283], p. 98),
wanting to create a transparency in this respect, opening up a whole
line of psychoanalytical thinking as it appears in the works of
Winnicott, Little, Heimann, Bion, and the contemporary literature on
12

Although the so-called "neutrality" does not exist in the original writings of Freud, it does
appear in Strachey's English translation.

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countertransference (Coltart, Bollas, etc.), on the emotional experiences of the analyst and their value for a better understanding if the
"dark spots" of his/her analysand. The emphasis put on projective
identification as a means of communication has also in Ferenczi his
forebear (see his Clinical Diary, passim).
His taste for experimentation led him still further, and after a few
experiments of "mutual analysis" with Georg Groddeck,13 he continued "mutual analysis" even with several analysands, keeping a record
of these in his Clinical Journal (Ferenczi, 1985 [1932]).
The direction of Ferenczi's workhis preoccupation with the role
of deepening regressive states, the reliving of traumatism in the
analytical interaction, and above all the central role of countertransference (and hence the need for a metapsychology of the analyst)
became the subject of controversies with Freud, especially from 1927
up to Ferenczi's death (Haynal, 1987, 1991, chap. 12). As Balint
recalls, these controversies were traumatic for the analytic community
and for years were taboo subjects cloaked in silence. Ferenczi, if not
actually erased from the history of psychoanalysisin certain North
American psychoanalytic institutes he was not even taught, remaining
practically unknown to the students14at least he came to be seen
(along with his erstwhile friend Rank) as one of those madmen who,
according to Jones, slipped into psychosis, as in some Greek myth or
drama as punishment for their alleged revolt. In reality, what these
men had dared to do was bring an original contribution to the practice
of psychoanalytic theory.
A part of Ferenczi's legacyhis ideas about countertransference,
traumatism, the metapsychology of the analystwas transplanted by
Michael Balint to London, where it found fertile soil in the English
Middle Group and later reinforced the inquiries of the "Kleinian"
group. Melanie Klein's projective identification of 1946 has its roots
in Ferenczi's work and certainly not in Abraham's. So, too, do the
works of Rosenfeld and Bion (indeed, Bion initiated a contribution to
13
Perhaps he would have also liked to carry out such experiments with Freud. Let us not
forget that when Freud fell ill with his cancer, Ferenczi offered to analyze him, an offer that
touched Freud greatly but that he declined, choosing this time the route of somatic treatment,
among others the Steinach operation supposed to be a hormone therapy (cf. Jones, 1957, p. 104).
14
The tactic of Totschweigenthe silence of death (the idea came to me through a personal
letter from Patrick J. Mahony of 10.2.1991). Clearly, the "political" interests of the movement
get the upper hand, as is the case in other movements (e.g., the "non-persons" of Soviet history).

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the metapsychology of the analyst's thought processes as it was

outlined in the wishes of Ferenczi).
In North America, on the other hand, the principal current, egopsychology, haughtily ignored Ferenczi's contributions. This is not
surprising, since Ferenczi warned of the dangers attendant upon an
overly emphasized and unilateral ego-psychology: "The critical
opinion, which has been forming in me during this period, is that
psychoanalysis practices in far too unilateral a fashion . . . a psychology of the Ego" (1165 Fer., 25.12.1929). The fact that Geza Roheim
(1950), in New York, dedicated his monumental Psychoanalysis and
Anthropology to the memory of Sandor Ferenczi may have contributed
to Roheim's remaining virtually unknown in psychoanalytic circles in
his country of adoption until recently. Franz Alexander in Chicago
and Sandor Rado in New York did come back to some aspects of the
Ferenczi heritage, notably through their interest in technique and their
taste for innovation. But it is Clara Thompson, Ferenczi's analysand,
who can be considered his main direct successor on the North American continent, through her general orientation and more specifically
through her articles on countertransference and the role of the
analyst's personality (Thompson, 1956).
In France, no doubt, the work of Jacques Lacan bears the mark of
his reading of Ferenczi, whose role he recognized as being
"inaugural" and who he says "anticipates by far all the themes subsequently developed on the topic" of transference (Lacan, 1958, p. 613),
notably in Ferenczi's work "Introjection and Transference" of 1909.
In recognizing the direct line that leads from Ferenczi to Balint, Lacan
likewise identified a historical continuity: "Outside the foyer of the
Hungarian School with its firebrands now dispersed and soon to be
ashes, only the English in their cold objectivity have been able to
articulate this gaping hole that the neurotic experiences in wanting to
justify his existence, and through that, implicitly to distinguish from
the interhuman relationwith its warmth and its deceptionthis
relationship with the Other where the individual finds his status"
(Lacan, 1958, p. 606).
There is no doubt that Ferenczi enriched the analytic world in the
second part of our century through the attitude that he inauguratedat
the price of a long and sustained inner strugglethat of contact with
one's own experience. He also put theory and the construction of

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hypotheses back where they belong: in a free inquiry on analytic

practice. Thus, it was no longer a question of the introjection of an
authority and its ipse dixit or autos efa, but a beacon in an exchange
between fathers and peers on experience and its formulation. This
leads to a more fraternalor, one might say, a more "egalitarian"
relationship between the analyst and the analysand, which is what
made it possible for Ferenczi to imagine a "mutuality" or "mutual
analysis," even if he quickly had to recognize the limits and the
exceptional nature of such an undertaking.
It has been feared that this passage from the father to the brothers is
an anti-oedipal movement (Grunberger, 1974) and that Ferenczi's
insistance on a "free inquiry" in the spirit of Aufkldrung would endanger the gains of psychoanalysis and ultimately contribute to its banalization. The rapid development of this approach to psychoanalysis in
different cultures and parts of the worldin the British "Middle
Group," in the North American interpersonal school, in certain aspects
of Kohut's self psychology, as well as, especially, in French psychoanalysisand the various degrees of influence exerted in the various
schools, make it clear that the seed has germinated.

To understand the history of psychoanalysis, we can distinguish three

separate strands: a history of the ideas of psychoanalysis, a history of
the persons who thought these ideas, and a history of the
"psychoanalytic movement," that is, the interactions between the
persons who constituted it. Each of these strands can be looked into
independently, although they are tightly interwoven.
Ferenczi, who had anticipated so many Freudian discoveries by
following his intuitions, entered into personal conflict with Freud
because of certain of these intuitions. Freud, of course, was seeking,
quite rightly, to protect his work, but at the same time was having
difficulties followingor perhaps did not intend to followthe
explorations of the man he called his "Grand Vizir"15 (1164 F,

15
Is it possible that Freud's reference to Ferenczi as his "Grand Vizir," the first minister of
the Ottoman Empire, showed a certain ambivalence? After all, the Ottoman Empire was for
centuries the principal enemy of Austria and at that time was still its rival in the Balkans.

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13.12.192916). Although the dialogue between the two was never

broken, the crisis witnessed ebbs and flows, and their divergencies
could not be resolved before Ferenczi's death: Freud returned in 1937
to a theme that Ferenczi had been formerly raising (Freud, 1937,
p. 236). Still, the tensions between Ferenczi and the Freud family were
not as important as the other members of the former Secret Committee
seemed to think. A letter from Anna Freud is significant in this regard:
"If there is one man whom I associate with the development of
psychoanalysis, who, for me, is inextricably linked with psychoanalysis itself, it's Ferenczi. My respect and my admiration for his person
and his performance go back so far" (letter from Anna Freud to
Michael Balint, 23.5.1935).17
In 1910, at the Second Congress of Psychoanalysis in Nuremberg,
Freud had used Ferenczi to propose the establishment of the International Psychoanalytical Association. One of Ferenczi's arguments to
the assembly on this occasion was that a grouping of analysts had
become necessary because psychoanalysis, although a "purely scientific question . . . touches so much on the raw the vital foundations of
daily life, certain ideals that have grown dear to us, and dogmas of
family life, school and church" (Ferenczi, 1911 [79], p. 299). Within
such an association, analysts could lend one another support and
exchange experiences without always having to return to the discussion of preliminary hypotheses.
But although Ferenczi went along with Freud's wishes, he was not
taken in. Thus, he (1911) said frankly:
I know the excrescences that grow from organized groups, and I
am aware that in most political, social, and scientific organizations childish megalomania, vanity, admiration of empty formalities, blind obedience, or personal egoism prevail instead of
quiet, honest work in the general interest [p. 302].
On the other hand,

16
"Thus, you have without any doubt distanced yourself from me externally. Internally,
I hope, not to the point that I should expect of you, my Paladin and secret Grand Vizir, a step
towards the creation of a new oppositional analysis."
17
Balint Archives, Geneva.

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The psycho-analytically trained are surely the best adapted to

found an association which would combine the greatest possible
personal liberty with the advantages of family organization. It
would be a family in which the father enjoyed no dogmatic
authority, but only that to which he was entitled by reason of his
abilities and labors. His pronouncements would not be followed
blindly, as if they were divine revelations, but, like everything
else, would be subject to thoroughgoing criticism, which he
would accept, not with the absurd superiority of the paterfamilias, but with the attention that it deserved [p. 303].
The true history of this association, particularly of the Secret Committee of the Seven Ringholders of the elect around Freud that was to
watch over its "policy," in a certain sense is "neither written nor to be
written," to use Lacan's words (Lacan, 1956, p. 474). Perhaps with
one reservation: we are only beginningthrough the various correspondences of Freud's inner circleto understand the unfolding of
events. It seems clear today that the circle of the Ringholders was set
up thanks to the manipulations of Jones, who used the tensions around
Jung to this end (Paskauskas, 1988). It was thus that, little by little,
and notably in the 1920s, Ferenczi was crushed by the political forces
of two ambitions to establish respectable and organized world centers
of psychoanalysisthat of Jones in London, and that of Abraham in
Berlin.
Access to the various correspondences gives us a greater awareness
than in the past of the tensions that existed within Freud's entourage,
and especially within the Secret Committee, between Ferenczi and
(for a certain time) his ally Rank on the one hand, and between
Ferenczi and Jones and Abraham on the other. This is the political
history of the Freudian movement and its clashes between temperaments: Ferenczi, more intuitive and even playful; Abraham, more
conceptual, systematic, of a more classificatory bent; and Jones,
struggling for the scientific respectability of this same psychoanalytic
movement in the English-speaking world. The diverse temperaments
corresponded to diverging positions on the subject of "lay"
nonmedicalanalysis. Freud and Ferenczi were both radically on the
side of lay analysis, while Jones wanted to take more into account the
different sensibility of certain American groups. Abraham and Jones

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favored policies institutionalizing analytic training through the

schools they created in Berlin and London; Freud and Ferenczi
remained with the original practitioners: more marginal, more out of
the ordinary, true pioneers lacking a strong desire for organization. On
the one side, a certain conservatism, on the other the aim of deepening
the instrument of analytic treatment and theory at the price of sometimes painful setbacks, which Freud experienced many times and from
which Ferenczi did not shrink. The price of such setbacks, for
Ferenczi, was repeated reappraisalsan ongoing effort to strike a
balance between his desire for authenticity on the one hand and his
wish to take into account institutional considerations on the other.
The institutional tendency was demonstrated in his retrospective in
1928:
Eighteen years ago, the International Psychoanalytical Association was established at my initiative; it groups all those who are
interested in psychoanalysis and who do their best to preserve the
purity of psychoanalysis according to Freud and to develop it as
a separate scientific discipline. In establishing this Association, I
had decided on the principle of admitting only those persons who
adhered to the fundamental theses of psychoanalysis [today,
personal analysis is also a part of the entrance requirements]. I
believed, and I still believe, that a productive discussion is only
possible between people who share the same way of thinking.
Those who have adopted other basic principles as a starting point
would do just as well to have their own center of activity. This
principle, which we continue to apply today, has earned us the
not necessarily flattering term "orthodox", a term to which the
sense of reactionary has been unjustly joined [Ferenczi, 1928
[306], p. 242].
Still, when Freud asked him to accept the presidency of the International Psychoanalytical Association a few years later, in 1932, to
pull him from "the island of dreams where you live with the offsprings
of your imagination" (1216 Fr., 12.5.1932), Ferenczi chose to remain
with the "offsprings of his imagination"to explore his own fantasies
rather than rejoin the "fray," the pathology and vanity of which he had
clearly come to recognize. "I truly believe I can accomplish

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ANDR HAYNAL

something useful by pursuing my present mode of work" (1217 Fer.,

19.5.1932), he wrote. Ferenczi, faithful to his own functioning, his
"metapsychology of the analyst," thus chose to deepen his understanding of the human soul and its mysteries. The Wise Baby, in a last
effort, applied himself to knowing as deeply as possible the baby
within himself, his analysandsin each of us.
Toward the end, in trying better to define his position, he focused
on the problem of orthodoxy (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], p. 98), defining
himself as a "restless spirit" and as the "enfant terrible"18 of psychoanalysis. While stating that "Freud is certainly orthodox" (p. 99), he
hastened to add: "Let us thank the fates that we have the good fortune
to be fellow workers with this great spiritthis liberal spirit, as we
can proclaim him to be" (Ferenczi, 1931 [292], pp. 126-127).
Ferenczi was not to free himself from this ambivalence until the
final year of his life, as witnessed in his Clinical Diary (Ferenczi,
1985), which, according to Balint (Balint, 1969, p. 14), later won the
admiration of Freud. Thus, the straight line represented by the life and
work of Sndor Ferenczi resolved itself in the affirmation of self, in a
conclusion that, in its form, remains as impressionistic and full of
sensitivity and sometimes contradictions as the author himself had
always been. The Wise Baby would remain faithful to himself to the
end: the metapsychology of the/this analyst can be summed up in a
single word: authenticity.
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20 B, Gradelle
CH-1224 Geneva
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