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Documenti di Professioni
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Inclusive Revitalisation?
1970s: The influx of the middle
classes to Islington and its effect on
housing, public space and social
relations.
University of
Liverpool
Liam Howley,
BA History V100
0
- Introduction -
Words: 10,285
- Introduction Contents
-
Introduction
P.2
P.15
-
Conclusion
P.51
- Introduction -
Introduction :
- Introduction professional middle class couples looking for a new place to live now
that they could own their own property.
and immigration also have their place in defining the decade. 6 In the
wake of Enoch Powells 1968 Rivers of Blood speech, 20 million
people regularly tuned in to the black and white minstrel show and
Enoch Powell was voted Britains most popular politician for three
years on the trot.7 It has also been said that since the mid-70s,
divisions between a prosperous minority and a depressed minority
have indeed deepened, as private rents have become higher and
council housing harder to get.8 These issues had an impact on Inner
London. Increased globalisation and the need for London to be a
centre for international trade, plus the rise in consumerism meant
cities needed to redesign themselves; leading to a rise in the
amount of new service and consumer industries (especially in
London). Post War immigration was also concentrated on inner
London.9 Thus the housing market was put under pressure (indeed
today London has the worst index for overcrowding) and issues of
race and diversity were a hot topic in 1970s Islington. 10
- Introduction -
Finsbury museum
. Ed. Loretta Lees et. Al The Gentrification Reader, Ruth Glass: London: Aspects
of Change (1964) P.7
13
Ed. Loretta Lees et. Al The Gentrification Reader, Loretta Lees A reappraisal of
Gentrification: Towards a Geography of Gentrification (2004) PP.382-395
12
14
Florida, Richard Cities and the Creative Class (New York 2000) P.33
Florida, Richard The Rise of the Creative Class Review by Ted Naylor Canadian
Public Policy, Analyse De Politiques, Vol.29 No.3 (Sep 2003) PP.378-379
15
- Introduction -
Source: <http://www.islington.gov.uk/islington/maps-statistics/Pages/borough_map.aspx>
Raymond Whatley
and Pete Fabbri:
Spa Green Estate
(Finsbury)
Figure
1.2:
The
the
difference
in
interviewees had within
- Introduction -
Cauline Braithwaite:
Battledean Road
(Highbury)
Cauline Braithwaite:
Bryantwood Road
(Holloway)
- Introduction -
Oral History
Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London) P.8
Abrams, Lyn Oral History Theory (London 2010) Glossary
18
Elizabeth Tonkin Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History
(Cambridge 1995) Introduction
17
This
19
Tosh, J., The Pursuit of History, 3rd ed. (London, 1999) P.31 and Thompson, Paul.
The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.4
20
Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.1
21
Thompson, Paul. The Voice of the Past: Oral History (Oxford 1978) P.3
10
- Introduction -
Name
Year of
birth
Place of
Birth
Residence in the
1970s
Peter
Fabbri
1947
Islington
Raymon
d
Whatley
1944
Islington
Cauline
Brathwai
te
1957
Guyana
(Community
housing)
Spa Green Estate,
Rosebery Avenue,
London,
EC1R
(Community
housing)
Spa Green Estate,
Rosebery Avenue,
London,
EC1R
(Squatted in)
Battledean Road,
Higbury,
London,
N5
--------------------------------(Shared house with
teacher from school)
Priorswood Road,
Highbury,
London,
N5
Hassan
(surnam
e not
disclose
d)
Betty
Foley
Russell
Craig
Est. late
40s, early
50s (not
disclosed)
Cyprus
1939
Scotland
1948
New
Zealand
(Privately rented
accommodation)
Rosebery Avenue,
London,
EC1R
(Privately rented
room)
Colebrooke Row,
Islington,
London,
N1
(Privately rented
accommodation)
Upper Street,
Islington,
London,
N1
Gender,
occupation during
the 70s and social
class
- Male
- Catering
- Working class
Male
Train signal box
Working class
Female
Student/political
activist
Working class
Male
Hairdresser
Working class
Female
Social service
secretary
Working class
Male
Self-employed
theatre stage
director
Middle class
11
- Introduction -
Slater, Tom. International Jorunal of Urban and Regional Research Volume 30.4
The Eviction of Critical Perspectives from Gentrification Research.
23
Butler, Tim. Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its 'Others' in North London,
Urban Stud 2003 40: 2469 P.2473
12
13
- Introduction communities displaced) and does not give enough attention to acts
of unity in the face of increased class polarisation. So the most
pressing questions will be about whether gentrification and the
right to buy affected the tenants using cheaper privately rented
accommodation and council flats; whether change in Islingtons
public space since 1970 affected ordinary people and whether
revitalisation provided social integration and inclusion.
14
- Introduction -
15
- Chapter One -
16
- Chapter One Firstly, to understand the extent of the threat to the council
tenants in Islingtons property, one must have some understanding
of the changing attitudes to council housing nationwide. Since the
70s there has been less government investment in the production of
council housing, the introduction of right to buy rule (which gave
council tenants a chance to buy up their property for a subsidised
price) and a change in law (brought in means testing) which meant
that council housing was only made available for those who were in
dire need of it.2 Nonetheless, local authorities were not allowed to
use the profit of the sales from right to buy for reinvestment in to
housing. Instead, they were barred from using the capital made by
such sales.3
17
- Chapter One decorate their homes.6 On the other hand though, it has allowed
government and flat-livers to prioritise individual wealth over
preserving the collective wealth of the country. 7 Such class
fragmentation within blocks threatens Council Tenants influence
over decisions made about where to spend money on the estate (as
their interests may differ from the transient incomers) as well as
increasing the potential for their social alienation (even if they are
not directly displaced from their homes).
18
- Chapter One Thus, Spa Green Estate (as a well-made piece of modernist
architecture by Lubetkins firm and in an up and coming area in
Islington opposite Saddlers Wells Theatre) would surely be more
desirable than most tower blocks and so lose more flats to privateowners. Indeed, a certain pride concerning the durability of the flats
is reflected in the interviews with Peter and Raymond. Their praise
of the quality of the housing is indicative of its durability. This is
evident here in Raymond Whatleys tale of two painters (from
English Heritage) who came to his flat:
Peter Fabbri supports this with his declaration that: he lived here
(Spa Green) for 63 years and never wanted to move anywhere
else.11 These interviews agree then, with the Sunday Times that
It is a tribute to the late, great architect Berthold Lubetkin that
while modernism came to be blamed for every ill-planned, ugly
10
11
19
- Chapter One council block, the tenants of the real thing never wanted to
leave.12 If it has been argued that council tenants voices struggle
to be heard in the average tower block or council home as they
are written off as an underclass, surely this situation would be
worst in Spa Green (as it an attractive block for private investors).
Raymond Whatley and Peter Fabbri, council residents in Spa Green
for the past half-century have noticed some changes. Raymond has
recognised a transformation of the social structure: Some flats
have been bought upYou might bump in to people (private
tenants) coming in and out of the block, but who they are I
havent the faintest clue Its not being anti-social you just dont
see em!13 While similarly, Peter Fabbri explains differences in
interests between private and council tenants regarding the
management of the estate: The leaseholders now they dont care
about the tenants, all they care about is their own property, and
they care about the estate grounds, they want to put plants there,
this that and the other. 14 On top of this, Peter Fabbri tells a story of
how
the
better-off
leaseholders
pinched
their
playground:
Motorists, were coming in, driving over the wire fencing and using
our playground as a car park, thats how its been ever since. 15
Here we see again the divide in interest and lack of correspondence
between the tenants and the leaseholders. The legitimacy of these
quotes must be taken with caution, however, because in his
12
13
14
15
20
- Chapter One younger days Raymond virtually knew everyone in this block.
Upstairs, downstairs we knew em all. 16 Furthermore, Peter used to
be heavily involved in the Tenant Managers Association. 17 Due to
contrasts
between
then
(their
younger
days
of
more
able
flat-owners
on
Spa
Green
Estate
were
not
completely
21
- Chapter One estates.20 As Peter Fabbri explains, Spa Green was one of these
estates:
dirty.
we
kept
on
complaining,
said
whats
TMO?
Tenant
Manager
Organisation.21
The lack of influence Peter felt, when the council was in charge is
noteworthy here. The lack of influence Peter felt prior to the creation
of the TMO is reinforced by another symbolic tale of the local
authoritys unfair control over a council tenants lifestyle in Spa
Green Estate:
20
Banchin, Paul and Rhoden, Maureen Housing Policy: an Introduction 4th Edition
(London Routeldge 2002) P.182-183
21
Peter Fabbri P.3
22
- Chapter One said remove that, thats not allowed (there was a drying
room upstairs in the block that tenants were supposed to
use) you know, n so this fella went in and he got a knife
an cut the rope. My mum nearly shinned him.
Peter tells two more tales; one of a woman who owned a dog
despite a ban on pets and another tale of his father removing the
door from the kitchen despite this not being allowed. 22 These tales
may be symbolic of the fact the local authorities in charge of council
housing were seen as an enemy in some respects. This supports
Lynsey Hanleys idea that in a lot of council estates the lack of
control and the feelings of dependency (on a faceless local
authority) were bad for a council tenants well-being and implies
that Peter felt a need for something like a TMO.
23
the
Tenant
Management
Organisation
has
been
23
- Chapter One classes on Spa Green, the creation of the Tenant Management
Organisation in 1995 has meant that council tenants voices have
not been displaced even in the face of gentrification.26
<http://www.islington.gov.uk/islington/historyheritage/heritage_borough/bor_plaques/Pages/peoplesplaques.aspx> Islington
Peoples Plaques accessed 27/03/2013
27
Betty Foley interview P.1
24
- Chapter One by other stories told on this Radio 4 Programme and in other
secondary literature of winkling which refers to the concept of
people being thrown out of their homes and techniques of displacing
low rent tenants. One example on Radio 4 was given of a landlord in
Islington threatening to shoot a tenant if she took legal action
against him.28 With gentrification: Betty Foley, Hassan and Russell
Craig all mentioned a significant change in rented housing since the
1970s, some with more of a sense of loss than others. For example
Betty Foley tells a story of her mother-in-law being forced out of her
dwelling by an American couple who wanted the house due to the
fact it was Charles Lambs old house Colebrooke Cottage and
because it was an up and coming area. The sense of loss was clear:
my mother in law moved down there and died, and she never
wanted to go and we never wanted her to go. 29 Similarly Bettys
brother also lived on Colebrooke Row and was displaced in the 70s. 30
Russell Craig explains: Upper Street was quite run down The
real reason for living in upper Street was that rent was cheap. He
has given me a document which shows that his rent was 84 pounds
a month for a two-bed sitting room.31 Hassan agreed that rent has
increased dramatically in Islington.32 Thus, for those in cheap rented
accommodation gentrification was a worry and a problem. The
28
25
- Chapter One interviews here have been useful in confirming the argument that
since gentrification, dearth of supply of cheap housing in inner
London has worsened, as have mobility rates and inequality. 33
Those (apart from the poorest who qualify for council housing)
who did not have the resources to stay have been displaced from
areas they sustained throughout periods of neglect. Not many
interviewees noted the poor conditions of houses in the 60s and
70s. Russell Craig did. He moved to Islington due to the cheapness
of the property and its convenient location, but notes it was quite
run down.34 The other interviewees do not really mention the rundown nature of 1970s Islington. Perhaps this is due to the
interviewees wanting to retain their composure; composure may
have led to certain issues (that the narrators did not feel
comfortable talking about and/or did not feel would help them
compose the correct image of themselves) being left out of the
testimonies. In these cases, being born and bred in Islington and
Finsbury, perhaps means that criticising the history of the area may
tarnish their presentation of self.35 Furthermore, the freedom of
youth is often remembered in contrast to later life where one tends
to have more commitments; this is why youth is often spoken about
in an optimistic tone in the transcripts.36 Thus, although Betty,
Raymond and Peter are not critical of the quality of housing in their
33
Lynsey Hanley, Estates an Intimate History P.100 and Dr Tom Slater BBC Radio 4
Russell Craig interview P.1
35
Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London)P.8
36
Samuel, Raphael and Thompson, Paul The Myths We Live By (1990 London)P.8
34
26
- Chapter One younger days this must not wholly take away from the contradiction
that they put up with poorly maintained housing, only to be
punished with the threat of displacement during gentrification.
complex
than
some
academics
have
assumed.
The
interests
to
themselves.
Despite
this
worry,
the
become
clear
in
regards
to
housings
change,
as
the
27
- Chapter One neglected by some interviewees. So, houses may have improved in
condition since the 70s, but this has been at the expense of those
renting cheap accommodation and has threatened council tenants
interests in their own estates. Nonetheless, it must not be forgotten
that some degree of resistance to displacement of council tenants
has been shown by those in Spa Green Estate throughout its recent
history.
28
- Chapter Two -
29
cultural
image
synonymously
with
the
surrounding
local
population
in
keeping
with
this
original
ideal
of
regeneration; Cauline states that five years ago, she went to redo
her maths GCSEs there and: It was amazing, a fantastic college
because the staff were amazing, and the college provided for a
range of people: It was the first time ever I had really got to
1
2
Florida, Richard Cities and the Creative Class (New York 2000) P.33
Appendix 2
30
- Chapter Two mix with people who were new refugees and asylum seekers. 3
Nonetheless,
the
term
regeneration
(which
should
provide
31
- Chapter Two help the area improve (aesthetically), in reality the area has largely
become more privatised and more exclusive.
Ibid P.79
Ibid P.79
9
Ibid P.77
10
Ibid P.79
11
Watson, Sophie and Studdert, David., Markets As Sites for Social Interaction:
Spaces of Diversity (Bristol 2006) P.1
12
Ibid P.3
8
32
- Chapter Two at home.13 (For example, in Sophie Watsons study of Ridley Road
Market in Hackney it was concluded that it provides every
imaginable fruit and veg and provides everything from fish, to
loans, to African hair pieces; objects of use value to a range of
consumers. Many interviewed from there in saw the market as a
place for meeting old acquaintances).14 It is important to consider
that, even in the most gentrified areas of Inner London, such as
Islington, the middle class is never a numerical majority. 15 Ideally
then, a positive and inclusive redevelopment of Islington would take
into account the surrounding cultures needs, including the working
class. Indeed, Exmouth Market was described in 1968 as a cheery
oasis in a desert of concrete, and a place where people of Finsbury
still pack looking for a bargain. 16 Nonetheless, since 1968 there
have been many changes in rules about what the market space can
be used for and it now attracts a totally different cliental.
on
Exmouth
Market)
describes
the
struggle
for
13
33
Perhaps this was after 1996 when a change to letting policy allowed
50% non-retail frontage from below 33%, which led to business,
entertainment, service and leisure industries all having a new
opportunity to invest in space on the market. 18 Before this, space
had been designated to accommodate retail businesses serving
more useful purposes. With this change, the plan of inclusive
redevelopment in 1976 was contradicted. So, the lifting of a limit on
how many types of each business there was, allowed harsher
competition and this competition has adversely affected Hassans
hair-salon.
34
bars.19
For
example,
The
chair
The
Chair
of
Urban
19
20
21
22
Ibid P.84
Ibid P.84
Ibid P.87
Betty Interview P.5
35
- Chapter Two Raymond also says Exmouth market is half what it used to be and
explains how shops such as old furniture shops a bike shop
(where hed get his bike done up) and a little grocer have
disappeared as a result of redevelopment and the creation of flats
for incoming residents. The feeling of loss of relevant, local
businesses is further reinforced by Hassans interview as he tells a
tale of a family opposite his Hair Salon which moved away: The
Estrada across the road... That was a family business which was a
cafeteria restaurant you know, because he tried to open a classy
business up the road but did not have the quality food despite
very good dcor.23 This tale indicated the pressure to respond to
the changing shape of the market environment, and the increased
competition
to
family
business.
Hassan
insinuates
that
this
36
- Chapter Two Camden Passage also had loads of little antiques shops and now
its a bit up market.25 Russell Craig agrees that there were good
local shops on Upper Street, and explains that it had a very
community atmosphere and describes how the last shop that was
there in 1983 has gone, not one place is the same, as shops have
either turned into 99p shops, Tesco Metros or estate agents. 26
Though this sense of loss may have been made worse by an
element of nostalgia and reverse-imaging 27; these descriptions of
useful public spaces and service-industry amenities being lost to
ones that provide for the more affluent has coincided with concrete
changes and is thus indicative of a change in prioritisation from
inclusive change in regeneration, to favouring aesthetic change
through encouraging superior private investors. Thus, some
businesses have thrived with the changes, while many local
businesses (of greater use value to working class residents) have
been forced out.
37
- Chapter Two built, but while the success of football as a cultural attraction owes a
lot to the working class it has been made unavailable to them.
that,
planning
decisions
often
work
in
favour
of
Raymond Whatley P.5 Iceland, Waitrose and all these, Marks and Spencers
Russell Craig P.1 and P.6
31
Simms, Andrew., Tescopoly, How one shop came out on top and why it matters.
(London 2007)
32
Ibid P.9
30
38
- Chapter Two culture of poverty33 is tied in to political decision; until 1964, price
maintenance existed. Price maintenance protected small shops by
preventing larger stores, with greater economies of scale, from
discounting many goods. By 1997 there were 1,102 superstores in
England as opposed to 457 in 1986. 34 Their market share over
groceries shot up to 30% with this change. So in other words: as
markets provide less affordable food, supermarkets (partly built on
the ideal of healthy eating) that seem detrimental to working class
health have progressed.35 So the changes that affected my
interviewees
both
relate
to
lack
of
regulation
regarding
competition against those who provide the community with usevalue goods and affordable cultural amenities. This contributed to
some market places alienating marginalised people from using
them.
So, critiques of revitalisation seem to have been supported
by this analysis. Though there is always the possibility of other
factors influencing the positivity in which the past is described, the
historical authenticity of the testimonies regarding public space
seems to be accurate. The affluent moving in to Islington means
the production of space progressively for their use. This change is
also bound up in a general switch to large-scale shopping. 36 The
aesthetic appeal is specific to the incoming young professionals.
Markets during revitalisation often in reality serve as a cultural
33
34
35
36
Ibid
Ibid
Ibid
Ibid
P.72
P.72
P.36
P.77
39
- Chapter Two attraction rather than providing what appeals to ordinary people. 37
Thus, though markets can ideally offer a space of integration and
diversity and although regeneration often intends to provide this,
the reality is often redeveloped market places are often only
available to those who can afford it. For example (as Whitelegg says
of Exmouth market) table football at expensive caf Kick is there
for those with funds, while the glaring reality of a lack of a youth
club for locals remains.38 While similarly, Upper Street seems to
have become increasingly exclusive.39 The reality then, is that to
commodify space of consumption degrades opportunities for real
social interaction.40 This is what has occurred in several public
spaces in Islington, denying the ideology of revitalisation as being
beneficial for all.
37
Ibid P.84
Ibid P.89
39
Butler, Tim Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its Others in North London
Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 12, 24692486, November 2003 P.2476
40
Watson, Sophie and Studdert, David., Markets As Sites for Social Interaction:
Spaces of Diversity (Bristol 2006) P.1
38
40
- Chapter Two -
41
- Chapter Two -
42
- Chapter Three -
43
- Chapter Three experiences of social life and only limited conclusions can be made
from this.
44
- Chapter Three This (although not this alone) created a reaction where Cauline (to
stand up for herself) became a fighter and got involved in black
politics.7 Cauline was made to feel different; this lack of social
inclusion, both institutionally and in social life at school was
something that prompted a reaction, but it does not seem as though
Cauline strived in the first place to distinguish herself as other.
Similarly, social expectations affected Betty who talks of her lack of
work in the 1960s like so: cos you didnt (work) in those days (as a
woman).8 Further Peter and Raymond have casually depicted how
they entered work straight from school rather than entering higher
education. Perhaps this casual depiction can be put down to the lack
of expectation the school had of working class males rubbing off on
their outlook of their prospects. 9 Thus the interviews to some extent
confirm that institutions held suppositions and highlight the
consequent social barriers this causes.
study
of
Caulines
interview
highlights
the
potentially
45
- Chapter Three West Indian, Pakistani and Indian migration increased rapidly
between the 1950s and 1971; synonymously overemployment (the
cause of the original encouragement of West-Indian migration)
turned to underemployment; this led to social unease and political
agitation for immigrations control.11 Indeed the concept of a takeover by other, coloured immigrants was portrayed as a threat to
British society in some of the media. For example, muggings were
considered black crimes and were part of a media scare about black
culture, and the coverage of the phenomenon reflected some of
the general publics assumptions.12 As put by Stuart Hall blacks
become the bearers, the signifiers of the crisis of British society in
the 1970s Consequently; many in the 1970s saw the sending
away of those of another race as a way to solve societal
problems.13 It appears as though non-white people were subjected
to a hostile reception by many in Inner London; the following
paragraphs would like to explore whether this has changed with the
influx of commendable middle-classes to Islington.
Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London
Routledge 2000)Henry Louis Gates JR A Reporter at Large: Black London P.171
12
Find reference for pictures
13
Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London
Routledge 2000) Intro P.4
46
Furthermore,
Cauline explains how she went to live with some of the incoming
middle-classes in the 70s, when unemployed: if youve got
nowhere to stay you can stay at mine the woman (a teacher)
said.15 Thus, it could be argued that some of the incoming middleclass and the ever-present white working class residents in Islington
have integrated with people in the area considered by some as
different and threatening in the 1970s. Thus, although stereotypes
remain, the interview with Cauline includes an important reminder;
some of the incoming middle classes have attempted to integrate
and divisions between races are by no means concrete.
Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London
Routledge 2000) Henry Louis Gates JR A Reporter at Large: Black London (1997)
P.176
15
Cauline Interview P.5
16
Cauline interview P.7
17
Ibid P.7-8
47
- Chapter Three Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its Others in North London.
He explains the educational strategies of the incoming middle
classes involved sending their children to schools outside of the
borough or of a private nature. 18 (This lack of integration applies to
class too. Raymond and Peter spoke about their immediate entry
from school to work as if college was not even considered,
insinuating that they were never expected to go to higher education
as working class men). He concludes that the middle class and their
children inhabit entirely different spaces from the other; In a city
which is massively multi-ethnic, its middle classes group together. 19
One of Tim Butlers interviewees (a middle class incomer to
Barnsbury) said: my kid wont go out of fear of local gangs; we
have to collect our son from wherever he is here, a discourse of
fear of a class considered separate and threatening to theirs is
evident thus bringing into doubt the idea that the incoming middle
classes were totally in favour of integration. 20 Another respondent
to Tim Butler said: This end of the street was much more colourful
and mixed when I first came we even had a brothel! 21 Thus, the
idea of moving to a diverse area was perhaps seen as an edgy
attraction to some: an exciting social wallpaper as it were. The
stereotyped crime-ridden lives of these other cultures appear to
some to have been a cultural attraction to view out of the window of
18
Butler, Tim Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and its Others in North London
Urban Studies, Vol. 40, No. 12, 24692486, November 2003 P.2469
19
Ibid P.2469-2484
20
Ibid P.2479
21
Ibid P.2480
48
- Chapter Three a middle class house.22 Although the liberal middle class idea of
diversity is used a lot in reference to Inner London, the reality is that
real social relationships do not appear to have got a lot more
integrated with the middle class incomers.
There appear to have been changes in terms of race relations
since the 70s. Divisions and stereotypes still exist however, for
example as Ambalavaner Sivanandan explains: a black intellectual is
considered un-black, but in his race is considered not-white. 23 With
black sports stars entertaining at club and national level in Britain,
there has been some praise for them in the media. There is,
however, now a worry about the education of black youth today
pushing them towards sport due to presumptions about innate
physical ability and intellectual interest being determined by race.
Indeed, as Cauline says: theres this narrative that black people
arent that fussed about education and they (academics) love to
write about you know, black youth and gangs... 24 In one sense the
media praise the success of black individuals in certain cultures
such as sports; but stereotyping often still exists in these
representations. These factors reflect popular notions of black
culture and reinforce them. Caulines interview echoes this idea;
Ibid P.2471-P2476
Ed. By Owusu, Kwesi., Black British Culture & Society; A Text Reader (London
Routledge 2000) The Liberation of the Black Intellectual A. Sivanandan P.70
24
Cauline interview P.8
23
49
- Chapter Three East London Shes a really well known thriller writer.
And she says that she was at school and she was doing
really well, at javelin or something and you know she
was told you really could go far and she was really pushed
to be professional and then she suddenly realised that
only the black girls were being pushed for sport and she
didnt even discuss it, she dropped it and she did her Alevels and she went on to go to LSE.25
25
26
27
50
28
51
- Chapter Three The Almeida started which was just round the corner
from there. I was a bit involved in that
Ibid P.89
Sharon Zukin P.2
52
- Chapter Three houses they knocked them all down and we got a
park. That wasnt such a bad thing because they were
old houses, and in the 70s, we only had one park in
Islington and that was Highbury fields
Anyway they made that in to a park and its one of the
best things they did with the old houses. You got a
football pitch over there, you got a play area for
children, youve got Martin Luther King place over
there, and you know its like a club for children.
33
Betty describes how the children on the local estate access the
park; the Martin Luther King adventure playground and a football
pitch which were made available by the council. Thus the
improvements that according to Betty, in reality, changed the lives
of local people had nothing to do with attracting private investors
with greater educational capacity. Similarly, Peter Fabbri describes a
lack of understanding and passion in terms of meeting the needs of
local communities from the incoming middle class private tenants:
53
- Chapter Three gotta get your hands dirty, you gotta go out and do
some work.34
34
35
54
- Chapter Three Thus, the idea of gentrifiers being commended for meeting
the other certainly overstates the overall impact of the influx of
middle classes since the 1970s. Though some attempts may have
been made at integration, the concept of a larger concentration of
educated people in an area being directly related to integration is
flawed. The reality is that this often means increasing investment in
amenities relating to middle class lifestyles and increased social
polarisation in the locale. Class and racial divisions have remained
to a large extent; schooling has largely remained segregated
between classes and the real, concrete questions of local needs
have largely remained unanswered by the incoming private
investors. Where social progression since the 70s has been praised
by my interviewees, there have been concerted efforts to inclusively
improve things for the public; this has required an understanding of
the local population which does not come from simply privately
investing in an area.
55
- Chapter Three -
56
- Conclusion -
Conclusion
In conclusion, the idea that gentrification is a sign of healthy
economic growth for future cities across the globe appears false.
1
council
tenants
interests
in
their
own
estates.
and,
encouraged
diversification
and
by
the
council
redevelopment,
under
instead
the
made
ideal
of
private
57
Appendix 3
58
- Conclusion working class and ethnic minority resistance in the face of hard
times; while regeneration puts too much emphasis on the aesthetic
changes made by private investment, neglecting the reality of
increased exclusivity of public space.
59
- Appendix Appendix 1.
Russell Craig 1976-1977 Upper Street House Cost, Self-employment
records
- Appendix -
Appendix 2.
Tenant
Management Organisations
statistics/Pages/1439.aspx>
in
Islington
2013-04-10
Source:
<http://www.islington.gov.uk/islington/maps-
- Appendix -
Appendix 3 PP: 4,5,6,7 and 9,10 of Clerkenwell Planning Committee, Non-Confidential Report 1976, Agenda Item
P(a)2
- Appendix -
- Appendix -
- Appendix -