C.H.M.

Nooy-Palm

Introduction to the Sa'dan Toraja people and their country

In: Archipel. Volume 10, 1975. pp. 53-91.

Citer ce document / Cite this document :

Nooy-Palm C.H.M. Introduction to the Sa'dan Toraja people and their country. In: Archipel. Volume 10, 1975. pp. 53-91.
doi : 10.3406/arch.1975.1241
http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/arch_0044-8613_1975_num_10_1_1241

ringkasan
1) Ny. C.H. Nooy Palm (Jurusan Ilmu-ilmu Sosial, Koninklijk Institut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam)
terlebih dulu akan me- nyampaikan suatu gambaran umum tentang orang-orang Toraja dan daerahnya
(lokasi, bahasa), selanjutnya membeberkan dengan singkat organisasi daerah tata praja, susunan
sosial dan kekeluargaan dan penulis akhirnya menutup artikel ini dengan suatu pendapat tentang sifat
Toraja. Kemudian penulis menya- jikan sebuah ikhtisar dari agama Toraja dengan membahas
pandangan alam, roh dan dewa, dan terutama rituil mereka. Rituil tersebut dibagi dua : di satu pihak
rituil Timur dan Timur laut ialah rituil kehidupan yang bersangkutan dengan dewa-dewa, dan di pihak
lain rituil Barat dan Barat daya ialah rituil kematian yang bersangkutan dengan nenek moyang yang
belum didewakan. Dengan singkat diuraikan tujuan, tahap- tahap terpenting dan pendeta masingmasing rituil itu.
Abstract
II. 1) Mrs. C.H.M. Nooy Palm (Department of Social Sciences, Koninklijk Instituut vor de Tropen,
Amsterdam) gives us first a general presentation of the Toraja and their country (locale, language), then
a rapid expos of their territorial, social and family organisation and concludes with a glimpse of the
Toraja personality. Then the writer presents in brief the Toraja religion. He speaks of their world-view,
gods and spirits, and above all of their rituals which are divided in : on one side East or North-East
rituals, life rituals related to gods; on the other side West or South- West rituals, death rituals related to
the ancestors who are not yet divinised. The aim, the main stages and the nature of the officiants of
each of these rituals are briefly expounded.
Rsum
II. 1) Mme C.H.M. Nooy Palm (Dpartement des Sciences Sociales, Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen,
Amsterdam) nous donne d'abord une prsentation gnrale des Toraja et de leur pays (localisation,
langue), puis nous expose rapidement leur organisation territoriale, sociale et familiale et conclut par un
aperu du caractre toraja. L'auteur prsente ensuite un utile rsum de la religion toraja, traitant tour
tour de leur vision de l'Univers, des dieux et esprits, et surtout des rituels, qui se distinguent en rituels
de l'Est ou du Nord-Est, rituels de vie lis aux divinits, et rituels de l'Ouest ou du Sud-Ouest, rituels de
mort lis aux anctres non encore diviniss. Pour chacun de ces rituels nous sont indiqus brivement
leur intention, leurs principales phases et la nature de leurs officiants.

53

INTRODUCTION TO THE SA'DAN TORAJA PEOPLE AND

THEIR COUNTRY
by C.H.M. NOOY-PALM
I General data
a.

Boundaries of the Sa'dan area.

a.l. Ethnic boundaries.

In ethnographical literature Toraja is the general name for the
non-Islamic ethnic groups living in Central- and South-Celebes. They
are divided into East-, West- and South-Toraja. The southern group
is also referred to as Tae'-Toraja, after the negation tae*, this in
imitation of the Bare'e-Toraja. See N. Adriani and A.C. Kruyt, De
Bare'e sprekende Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, 3 vols. P.T.O. The
Sa'dan-Toraja belong to the group of the South- (Tae') Toraja. *) The
name "Toraja" is in fact as confusing as for instance "Dayak", which
has the same meaning originally. The mutual differences between the
various groups of Toraja are rather great ; this refers in the first
place to the diversity in language. Adriani already experienced that
in his time and he, therefore, wrote : "Indeed I am of the opinion that
the Sa'dan-Toraja do not closely link with our (Bare'e) Toraja, their
language has a more Buginese character than the Eastern and Western
Toraja languages" (Adriani 1918). Besides, between these groups there
is also a difference in religion, social stratification, house building,
agriculture, weaving techniques and so on.

*) See paragraph a 3 : The language.

54
However, resemblances in culture do exist; I shall refer to these
at the end of this paragraph.
I may remark that no special attention is paid to an extensive
comparison of the various aspects of this culture such as these appear
in the ethnic groups, referred to as Toraja.
What do the Toraja, who are the subject of this study, call
themselves ?
They use neither the name South-Toraja, nor the names Sa'danor Tae'-Toraja. In the first place because these names are rather long.
Moreover, they have objections to the word Tae' as a prefix for
Toraja because it means a negation, something that they consider
incorrect or odd. They like to confine themselves to one word, viz.
Toraja. The word should actually be written as Toraya, because Toraja
is the Buginese spelling (j or dj in Buginese language is pronounced
as y in Toraja language).
Toraja (Toradja) is the general name given by the Buginese to
the people of the interior and the highlands. It is generally accepted
that this word originates from the Buginese To-ri-aja (To-ri-adja),
literally, people from the interior, from inland. To means people. The
Buginese
"interior" aja
or "inland".
(adja) is According
nowadays "the
to Adriani
West", and
but originally
A.C. Kruyt
it meant
(1912,
vol. 1 : 2 and 3) the old meaning of aja (adja) is raja (in Macassarese :
raya, in Malay daya and dayak, in South Toraja daa or daya), which
refers to the north or upstreams. The name "highlands" does not refer
so much to the hills but rather to the upper area (in contrast to the
seaside). Another explanation of the word Toraja, according to their
own account, is the name given by the English, which named them
after a place called Raja (which lies in the region of Kanna'). The
Toraja also emphasize the word raja, which means in Indonesian
"king" or "ruler". Therefore, the meaning is considered to be "a person
of high esteem" *). So Toraja is supposed to refer to a people of status.
The ethnic boundaries of the area, inhabited by the Sa'dan-Toraja,
coincide for the greater part with the linguistic boundaries.
The Toraja, who are discussed in this study, mainly live in the
area referred to by Van der Veen as Kl, that of the Sa'dan linguistic
group (See Van der Veen 1929, map : Schetstaalkaart opposite page
96). Belonging to this group are :

*) The proper meaning of the word raja in Toraja language is: splendid-looking
or magnificent

55
a.

The inhabitant of the upper reaches of the Sa'dan-river to the

point where this big river reaches the border, which separates the
kabupaten Enrekang and Tana Toraja.
This area, therefore, form the greater part of the kabupaten Tana
Toraja*).

b.

The members of the adat-communities of Pantilang, Maindo, Kanna',

Bolu and
Luwu'
**).Ranteballa, which were formerly part of the kingdom of

c.

The villages of Ba'tan, Kujang, Bure, Lewandi, Sampeong, Uru,

Simbuang, Paranta', Kadinginan and Tombang in the Walenrang
territory (in Luwu'). Also the villages of Bonelemo, Tampa and
Tampumea in the Ponrang territory (also in the kabupaten Luwu).

The inhabitants of Tampa originate from the small kingdom of

Sanggalla', in Tana Toraja Van der Veen 1929). In the Bajo' territory,
Sa'dan is spoken in the villages of Kaili, Sampean, Saronda, Tetekan and
Buntu Rura (see Van der Veen 1929 : 60). Sa'dan-Toraja is also spoken
in the villages of Buntu Siapa, Pandoso and Buntu Batu in the Suli
territory. The inhabitants of these villages originate from Kanna' and
Ranteballa. The Sa'dan-Toraja language is also spoken in the villages
of Tallang, Bulaan and Paradoa', which are also founded by Sangalla'
people (see Van der Veen 1929: 64).
Moreover, Sa'dan is spoken in some villages of the Larompong
territory, in the kabupaten Luwu. This is also the case in some
settlements in the vicinity of Palopo, the capital of Luwu (the villages
of Salubulo, north of Palopo, and Songka, Peta and Marante, south of
Palopo; see Van der Veen 1929: 63).
From the above-mentioned we can conclude that in the time of
Van der Veen's linguistic research, settlements of Sa'dan-Toraja people
already existed in Luwu', in the mountaineous regions as well as in

*) We will not discuss the inhabitants of the villages in this linguistic area, wrich
are ly.ng in the country of Duri : Rante Lmbong, Parombean, Sarang and
Malba (in the former district of Cirio) and the settlements Tangsa, Taoe,
Alla', Redak and Mundan (in the former district of Baroko'), Sa'dan-Toraja in
a narrower sense. From a cultural point of view, these villagers are to be
considered as Duri (the Sa'dan-Toraja and Duri, however, are closely related).
) Modern Indonesian spelling : Luwu. The former kingdom of Luwu' was referred
to as the subdivision Palopo at the time of the Dutch colonial rule. As a
kingdom Luwu' was recognized as a semi-independent native state. Ranteballa
was under jurisdiction of the sanggaria of Bajo', a territory which formed part
of the subdivision Palopo. The sanggaria was the governor of the king of Luwu'.
During the Dutch rule be became a district chief.

56
the plains. After the Second World War migration to the lowlands was
intensified by the political unrest during the period 1955-1965, when
groups of Toraja vacated the insecure highlands and settled in the
plains. About half of the Pantilang group is now living in the vicinity
of Palopo. In addition, the fertility of the North Luwu plain is an
important factor. There are some recent settlements in the Luwu
highlands, not only because of the fertile soil, but also because this
area is not yet so densely populated as Tana Toraja. Groups of Toraja
settled in Lamasi and Bone-Bone in the North-Luwu area. This process
in continuing. The scale of this migration is estimated at 150 households
per year.
In many ways the Sa'dan-Toraja and the Luwu' people are closely
related; however, from a religious point of view, there is a difference.
The original inhabitants of Luwu' were converted to the Islamic faith,
while the Sa'dan-Toraja who live in this region, are mainly Christians
(see for cultural resemblances paragraph 1 and 3 of this chapter).
The total number of Toraja, living in the kabupeten Luwu, is not
known ; in this context I may refer to my remark regarding the total
number of Toraja in Ujung Pandang (formerly Macassar). After the
second World War we notice another migration of a large number of
Sa'dan-Toraja viz. to Ujung Pandang, the capital of the province of
Sulawesi Selatan (South Celebes).
In 1970 the number of Toraja in the kabwpaten Tana Toraja
amounted to 304.762.
Little is known about how many Toraja live at present in Ujung
Pandang because of the fact that the Indonesian Government, when
taking a census, draws no distinction between ethnic groups. *)
The present administrative division of Tana Toraja envelops the
greater part of the Sa'dan Toraja. The inhabitants of the villages in
the territories (former districts) Balepe', Bau, Buakayu, Mappa' and
Simbuang are no Sa'dan-Toraja from a cultural point of view, as they
are closely related to the Mamasa-Toraja (Van der Veen 1929: 61).
This is particulars the case with the inhabitants of the area of
Simbuang, who are closely related to the people of Tanda Tangau, an
area situated at the right bank of Masuppu' river in Mamasa.
It is rather difficult, however, to make classifications.
This is also the case with the Tallulembangna : the "Three Proa's,"
three mini-states in Tana Toraja, ruled by a puang (king). What is
> According to the Reverend A. Schipper, the number of Toraja living in Ujung
Pandang is estimated at 25.000 to 30.000 (personal information obtained in 1973).
See also Sarira 1972: 10. Statistic Anggota Gereja Toraja (Klasis Makassar).

57

saluputi
POLEWAUMAMASA

V
\

.., "\ ^Nn>;V~7\

mjtikale\ ,'***. Isangalla Jt
t
*- /makald #

* ^

'/ mengkeVidek
bonggakaradeng

PINRANG

ENREKANG

V.

'v

boundary of th kabupaten
. boundary of the kecamatan
main road

1.

Map of the kabupaten Tana Toraja

map t

58
peculiar to the major families in these three realms is that they have
a common ancestor, namely Tamborolangi', different of that of the
other distinguished families in that kabupaten.
Also the social stratification of the Tallulembangna differs from
the other adat-communities in Tana Toraja. In many ways the Three
Proa's played an important part in the cultural life of the Toraja.
With reference of the previous pages we can conclude : there
exists a relationship from a cultural point of view between the
Sa'dan-Toraja and the other groups called Toraja studied by A.C.
Kruyt and J. Kruyt. The buffalo plays an important role in the life
of all these peoples. Certain rituals, particularly the tribal feasts
(called bua' by the Sa'dan- Toraja) show a great resemblance (see
A.C. Kruyt 1935).
However, we consider of equal importance from a cultural point
of view the common traits between the Sa'dan-Toraja, the Buginese
people and the inhabitants of Luwu'.
This does not only concern the resemblance in language, something
that Adriani hal already noticed (Adriani o.c). The Toraja draw our
atttention to the fact that the Buginese also know the rituals of the
East (these are, briefly, rituals associated with joy and with the
sphere of the deata, the gods). However, deata rituals connected with
the West, the sphere of death, do not take place with the Buginese.
There have been mutual contacts in the past between the Buginese,
the Luwu' and the Toraja, particularly with the Tallulembangna. This
is notably the case with the ancient realm of Luwu', which belongs to
the cultural sphere of the Buginese *), and with Bone.
According to the myths, these cultural contacts reach further, viz.
to Goa.
The Tallulembangna still have ties with the above mentioned areas.
Ties of blood connect the puang-family of Sangalla', one of the states
belonging to the Three Proa's, with the courts of Goa, Bone, Wajo'
and Luwu'. This counts also for the Toraja and the Duri. The latter
group lives in the kabupaten Enrekang. They are considered as
islamized Toraja.
The constitution of the state of Duri show much resemblance to
that of the Three Proa's.

*) According to the informat-on of Zainal Abidin Farid, professor of the Hasanuddin

Luwu' as Buginese.
University,
of UjungOther
Pandang,
persons,
someequally
adat-cxperts
versed consider
in the adat,
the refer
inhabitants
to them
of
as To Luwif, Luwu* people. (Zainal Abidin Farid, personal information).

59
Moreover, there are marriage ties between the family of the arung
of Alia' (one of the federations of Duri), and between the lineage of
the Puang of Ma'kale (one of the states of the Tallulembangna).
The relationship between Sa'dan- and Mamasa-Toraja is also great,
This is demonstrated in the funeral rites, the social organization and
the house-building in both areas.
There are, however, some differences in the religion (see Koubi
1972). Moreover, the Mamasa-Toraja have a different ancestor than
the Sa'dan-Toraja, viz. Bonga Karadeng (H. van der Veen, personal
information).
The Sa'dan-group springs from Londong diLangi' (or Londong
diRura; in this regard, there seems to be varying versions).

a2. Local government system; administrative units.

As stated before, most of the Sa'dan-Toraja live in Tana Toraja )
3.178 square kilometers in area, about one tenth of the size of the
Netherlands. It lies between 240 S.Lat. and 325 S.Lat. and 11930
and 12525. E. Long.
As an administrative unit Tana Toraja is called a daerah tingkat
II or a kabupaten. The head of such a unit is called a kepala daerah
or a bupati. He is appointed by the Indonesian government ; as this is
the case with other Indonesian officials, the bupati holds a high rank in
the Indonesian army. As the daerah has an autonomous status (since
1957), the bupati is not without power. He is assisted by the D.P.R.D.
(Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, a council of representatives of
the daerah people, consisting of 30 members) and the B.P.H. (Badan
Pemerintahan Harian, composed of 5 members, a council which has the
task of running daily affairs). The kabupaten is divided into smaller
units.
Between 1950 and 1960 the 32 districts of the Dutch colonial rule
were redivised into kecamatan. Each kecamatan comprises several
lembang consisting of a combination of former districts. The word
lembang means proa in Sa'dan-Toraja language. Another meaning of
this word is adat-community, in a territorial sense.
For these old and new administrative divisions**), refer to
appendixes 1 and 2 ; se also maps 1 and 2.
*) As mentioned before a large number of Sa'dan-Toraja live outside Tana Toraja.
**) Because of references in the ethnographic literature dafng from the Dutch colonial
period and also in connection with references n the Tae' (Zuid-Toradjasch)
Nederlandsch Woordenboek of Dr. Van der Veen we often use the division of
the Dutch colonial time, using the words: former district, area.

60
The chiefs of the 9 kecamatan are united in the Pamong Praja, a
council under the chairmanship of the bwpati. For population figures
reference is made to appendices 1 and 2.
The name Tana Toraja (Land of the Toraja) is a new one and
dates from post World War II. The mythical name for the country,
where the ancestors of the Toraja had settled, is Rante Bulaan, the
Golden Plain (to be distinguished from the land of origin, Pongko*
and from Rante Bulaan, a region in the Pitu Ulunna Salu district).
The major centers of maintenance are the small towns Makale
(7.644 inhabitants in 1970) and Rantepao (11.037 inhabitants in 1970).
The government offices are situated in Makale, the capital of
Tana Toraja. Makale and Rantepao have both a post office and
telegraph office, hospitals, policlinics, banks, schools, moderate hotel
accommodation, and a bus depot. Both places have a busy market,
particularly Rantepao has a brisk trade. The stores are situated round
the market place. Buses maintain a daily service with Ujung Pandang
via Pare-Pare to the South and with Palopo to the East.
a3. The language.
The Sa'dan-Toraja speak an Indonesian language*). Dr. H. van
des Veen was the first linguist who made a profound research of the
South-Toraja language group (1929). Attention is drawn to the fact
that this language group is larger than that of the Sa'dan-Toraja in
a narrower sense. For the boundaries of these languages reference is
made to the "Schetstaalkaart" mentioned already (Van der Veen 1929,
opposite page 96) covering the Sa'dan, Luwu', Masenrempulu and Pitu
Ulunna Salu language groups.
The great Sa'dan language group, which are marked here under
with a capital letter**), covers also:
K 1 The area of the Sa'dan language (in a narrower sense, to which
the greater part of the Toraja belong which are under review in
this study).

) "IN languages occupy an area stretching from Madagascar to Timor, the

Philippines and Formosa. The generally agreet subdivisions of the group are (1)
Western, (2) Northern, (3) Eastern."
"The northern group includes the languages of the Philippines, the In languages
of Formosa, and, within Micronesia, those of Pulau and the Marianas (Chamoro).
It includes also the languages of Northern Celebes and the entire west of the
island (Gorontalo, Tombulu, Makassar, Bugis
" (Capel 1962)).
) This n correspondance with Adriani and A.C. Kruyt. 1914, De Bare'e sprekende
Toradja's van Midden-Celebes (Landsdrukkerij, Batavia) vol. Ill: 1 etc.

28

29

map 2
2.

Map of the former subdivisions Makale and Rantepao (former

Netherlands-Indies) ; the districts are numbered (after G.R.
Seinstra, 1940).

1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.

Kesu'
Tikala
Buntao'
Rantebua
Tandon
Nanggala
Balusu
Sa'dan
Pangala'
Dende'

11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.

Madandan
Kurra'
Piongan
Ulusalu
Seseng
Bittuang
Pali
Ratte
Balepe'
Malimbong
Talion

22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.

Sangalla'
Ma kale
Mappa'
Mengkendek
Buakaju
' Simbuang
Rano
Bau
Banga
Palesan
Tapparan

62
K 2 The area of the Rongkong language.
K 3 The area of the Mamasa language.
K'4 The area of the Mangki (Makki) language. (Van der Veen o.c).
In his dictonary (1940 : *) Van der Veen remarks that he prefers
in this context the name south- or Tae'-Toraja for this larger group (K),
and this because he feels the word Sa'dan suitable but rather limited.
The Sa'dan-Toraja language which is to be spoken by priests, has
t-o be distinguished from the average speech. It is not so much the fact
for using alien (non-Toraja) words, as it is of using florid expressions,,
parallelisms ; in brief, it is more lofty.
After obtaining independence, the Indonesian government did not
encourage the teaching of regional languages, due to its unification
policy. This attitude changed about 1966 and at present local languages
are again being taught at schools and are being integrated in the
schedule.
At the Christian Theological College (Sekolah Tinggi Theologia)
of Rantepao lectures in the traditional priest language are delivered,
probably because this language, with its elevated style and figurative
speech, parables, metaphors etc. is more closely related to the sphere
of the Old and New Testament than the language of daily life.
a 4

Physical anthropological traits; racial affinities and differences.

In the absence of a thorough recent study of the physical

anthropology of the Toraja only general statements can be made.
Racially these people belong to the Palae-Mongoloids, a branch of the
great Mongoloid family ; the Palae-Mongoloids differ from the Mongol
oids,being of smaller size (158-182 cm) and brown-skinned**). The
Palae-Mongoloids are round-headed, their index cephalus varies from
79-83.4
To the non-specialist, however, the Sa'dan-Toraja appear as a non homogeneous people. The nose form is variable : some people have
small noses but others have ones that are rather high and .convex.
The eyes are dark ; the mongoloid fold is rare. The hair is black and
ranges from straight to wavy. In the La'bo' area (in the former district
of Kesu') there are individuals which have very curly hair, sometimes
in combination with a chocolate-brown skin. In Buntao', however,
*) This in correspondance with Adriani and A.C. Kruyt, 1914, De Bare'e sprekende
Toradja's van Midden-Celebes (Landsdrukkerij, Batavia) vol. Ill : 1 etc.
**) Howells, Mankind so far, Doubleway, Doran and Co. Inc., New York, 1944 : 315.

63
people of high rank especially women have a light skin, often
with freckles and brown hair.
The only person who did a physical anthropological study in the
South-Toraja region was Mrs. W. Keers. In her work she uses the
distinction between Proto-and Deutero-Malays, which was en vogue
at that time (Keers 1941).
We conclude from her study that there is a difference in physical
characteristics between social classes on one hand and between high
class people in the different regions of Tana-Toraja on the other.
However, the statements are not very clear.
b.

Brief geographical review.

The area, inhabited by the Sa'dan-Toraja, and mainly covering

the kabwpaten Tana Toraja, is a mountainous country, 1.000-2.000
meters above sea level.
It consists for the greater part of tuffs and limestone rocks, often
of a phantastic shaped formation which gives the landschape its peculiar
character and beauty. The geomorphological situation, however, is not
extremely favourable for agriculture ; moreover, large areas suffer
from erosion.
The Sa'dan and its tributaries, of which the principal one is the
Masuppu', traverse these highlands. These streams are innavigable in
Tana-Toraja. Rainfall : the annual deposit in mm amounts to 2.500-3.000
per year, with peaks in March (327 mm) and April (339 mm) (in Makale
and Rantepao). A new period of rainfall (West-monsoon) begins in the
months of November, at which during the months of November, Decemb
er,
January and February the rainfall amounts often more than 200
mm (Martin Kornrumpf, Mensch und Landschajt auf Celebes, Breslau
1935, pp. 60-61, diagram p. 60).
c.

Density of population and adat-communities at the turn of the

century and later.

c. 1. Density of population.
Highlands are often quite isolated ; this is also the case with the
area inhabited by the Toraja. While the Dutch already had contact
with the Macassarese and the Buginese since the beginning of the
XVIIth centurie, the first reports by the Dutch dealing with the
Sa'dan-Toraja and their country date from the end of the 19th century,
viz. by Van Rijn, who paid a visit to this area in 1897 (Van Rijn 1902).
Previously, in 1890, the cousins De Sarasin, two Swiss scientists,
had already traversed this area. Van Rijn, as well as these Swiss
scientists had little to report on the numbers of people. Only Van Rijn

64
concluded that the density of population was heavy. This conclusion
was based on crowded markets.
The first reliable figures date from 1930, for which we refer to
appendix I.
The population density amounted to approximately 60 inhabitants
per square kilometer in 1930. At present this figure amounts to about
100 per square kilometer. Because only one third of the country
consists of cultivable land and no industries exist, the population
pressure is rather high.
c 2. Adat-communities.
The first European ethnographers who visited the country of the
Sa'dan-Toraja give in fact no specific information concerning the adatcommunities, which were found there at the turn of the century.
From later works among which we mention the publications of Nobele
(1926), Seinstra (1940) and Tandilangi' (1968) we obtain some info
rmation
about these communities.
The communities are territorial. The largest adat-community is a
lembang, which we mentioned before.
Three of these lembang, Sangalla', Ma'kale and Mengkendek, form
a federation called Tallulembangna (the Three Vessels).
Each of these small kingdoms is ruled by a puang. These rulers
stand in a genealogical, political and ritual relationship to each other.
Structurally these lembang are more complicated than other adatcommunities. The exceptional position of this federation is due to the
common ancestry of the rulers of these small kingdoms. As said before,
their famous ancestor was Tamborolangi'. Three other lembang, which
are also referred to as Tallulembangna (Three Proa's), viz. the lembang
Rano, Buakaju and Mappa form another federation. But the status of
this Tallulembangna is not as high as those of the combined puangstates. Kesu', an other lembang is also more complicated than other
large adcrt-communities. It is composed of several smaller organizations
on a ritual and territorial base bua', and patang penanian, about which
more information is given below.
The structure of the other adat-communities is more simple. A
lembang *) is sometimes called a patang penanian, an organization of
4 penanian, cf. Buntao'. This patang penanian celebrates a ritual of
superior rank (bua' kasalle, merok).
A penanian- (=bua'-) circle is a community which celebrates the
rice-ceremonies, particularly those to beseech a good harvest from the
*)

In the sense of an adaf-community

65
deata. Consequently, these are ritual communities on a territorial
base. *) This small bua'-(padang) is not to be confused with the big
bua'-jeast (= bua' kasalle, la'pa' kasalle, la'pa padang) in which
according to the opinion of the Toraja, all other rituals are utimately
embodied. (See Van der Veen 1966 : 21 note 21).
Though of smaller size, the tondok (settlement) is an important
community too. The lembang and patang penanian are composed of
several tondok. Each tondok may encompass one penanian or (small)
bua'-circle. Some tondok consist of two bua'- communities. Another
division of the settlement is in four tepona tondok, four subsections
(tepo : one fourth, tepona tondok : one fourth of the village) . Each
tepona tondok is composed of a number of saroan, organization of
mutual aid (see also paragraph c).
Ultimately, the Tallulembangna, Kesu' and other large territories
are composed of many of these smaller communities : patang penanian
(bua') etc. When the Dutch government was established in this part
of Celebes (1905), the lembang and patang penanian were converted
into districts. Sometimes several patang penanian were united ; these
new divisions were also denoted by the word lembang (see map 2
for these divisions).
In many cases old adat-chiefs became head of a district. If a
lembang was composed of several bua', the most important chief of a
large bua'-cirle was appointed as a district-chief. If, for some reason,
a non-cooperative attitude for instance, such a chief was abolished, he
was as a rule replaced by a near relative.
Before World War II the Dutch planned to join several districts
(lembang) into large units. However, this was not realized before
Indonesia became independent. At present Tana Toraja consists of 9
kecamatan (districts). The name lembang is applied to smaller units
(65 in number). For a greater part these units have the same bound
aries as old bua' and patang penanian communities.
For the greater part the old adat-communities still function, as they
did under Dutch rule. This is particularly the case, when the majority
of the members of the community cling to the old faith, aluk to dolo,
the ritual of the ancestors.
d.

Sustenance and basic economy.

Farming is the principal means of subsistence ; 90% of the

inhabitants of Tana Toraja are farmers (see Data-data Perekonomian
*) The word bua' means "usefulness" or "intention." The word penanian relates to
menani, which is the term used for the singing of the chorus PTO.

66
Sosial, Bank Rakyat Indonesia, Kantor Cabang Makale 1917). About
10% are employed in government services. Less than one per cent are
engaged in trading. No important industries, using modern machinery,
exist. About 60 small industries are producing bricks, furniture, shoes ;
amongst them are repair shops (of bicycles and watches) and carpentry.
There are quite a lot of artisans in the traditional sense of the word :
gold- and silversmiths, wood-carvers, potters, weavers etc. As a rule
these artisans are also farmers by profession.
In fact no fundamental changes are demonstrable in the sustenance
pattern since the turn of the century. People grow rice, corn etc., raise
buffaloes and pigs. Even the cultivation of coffee is not a recent
introduction ; it was a cashcrop before the first Europeans visited
Toraja country. However, pig raising for the export trade is recent
and tourism is also developing. Some professions are new, for instance
that of government official, medical practitioner, schoolteacher, pastor,
nurse, midwife, shopkeeper, truck driver and some categories of small
entrepreneurship.
e.

Social organization; kinship system.

The distribution of ranks may be visualized as forming a diamond.

The class of freemen (to makaka) occupies the middle ; quite a number
of individuals, not outnumbering the to makaka class, however, fit into
the base ; this rank was called to kaunan, the unfree. To quote
Crystal, "the subject of caste is extremely sensitive in Tana Toraja
today; the term kaunan (serf caste) is never uttered in public" (Crystal
1074, 122). The heads of the great lineages (to parengnge') and their
family form the pinnacle. A still greater stratification exists in the
puang-states, the Tallulembangna. Here the pwang-family forms the
top of society. The nobility to which the higher officials of these states
belong comes next. Their members are intermarried with the puangfamily. The to parengnge' are next in the ranking order, contrary to
Kesu', where they do form the elite. For these social classes and for
the kinship terms, we refer to appendix 3 and 4.
The kinship system and the ranking organization remind us of
those of the Polynesians.
Society can be divided into ambilineair groups, *) each of which
traces its descent from two definite ancestors, man and wife. As in
Polynesia, a process of branching occurs herewith. This ramification
runs in Toraja social organization via the tongkonan, the adat-houses
*)

Fox: cognatic descent groups. See Robin Fox, Kinship and Marriage, 1967, 146175.

67
already mentioned. Each tongkonan has its own name. This name is
memorized as well as those of the ancestor who founded this building.
When comparing this whole system with a tree as in fact is
done then it is clearly shown that the tongkonan of the first ancestor
is situated at the trunk of this imaginary tree. This is a tongkonan
referred to in myth, and often it does not exist any more. The tong
konan which was founded next is situated where the first big branch
sprouts from the tree and so on. The order in which the tongkonan
were built represent the family ramifications. Thus each new tongkonan
was as much a literal branch of the old as was the newly formed
family.
A family branch, tracing its descent from a deified ancestor, is
called a rapw.
Family trees are valued. The tongkonan of the nobles are kept
firmly in mind and the relationships are noted carefully.
Commoners, though not so proud of their genealogical trees, have
their affiliations too. Because of the intermarriage (see below) they
can nearly all claim some position, even in a "noble" tongkonan. Slaves
as a rule have no tongkonan, but in case of intermarriage they can
claim a small part of noble blood.
But nobles count first. They alone have big death funeral feasts,
which are very important in the social and religious system. And because
it is obligatory to follow the mortuary rites of mother's family, even
though one's father is of noble descent, it is impossible to carry out
elaborate mortuary rites for a deceased kaunan (kaunan : the former
class of serfs).
There is much intermarriage between the noble families. As said
before, the puang married into all royal families of South Celebes.
There is quite a lot of intermarriage between ranks too. Formerly,
however, it was not allowed for a woman of free rank (a noble or a
commoner) to mary below her status. Death was at now time the
punishment for this.
To some tongkonan a title is attached. This title belongs to the
family-group of that particular tongkonan. The titleholder will be
elected by his family. Nobles and commoners have their titleholders,
which function in the important bua'-, merok- and rice-rituals.
Some new positions, emerging within the society since this century
have not been reviewed above, although these positions such as
pastor, schoolteacher etc. can carry high social esteem, (see also
paragraph I d 1).
This paragraph, although written in the ethnographic present,
gives an impression of a society at the turn of the century.

68
For the greater part, however, this society is still existing now,
although notice should be taken of the fact that, since the actual
establishment of the Dutch colonial rule in that area, slavery was
abolished officialy.
However, in the framework of a patronage system certain servitude
relations remained practice for a long time.
To summarize : the Toraja status system is organized around
principles expressing genealogical distinction, supernatural power, and
sanctity, along with respect for outstanding competency in warfare,
in economic managements, in crafts and political leadership (see also
paragraph I f).
f.

Villages.

A village is called tondok. It is composed of several houses

(among which the tongkonan), rice barns, plaza for ceremonial purposes.
Fields and forest belong to the village ground. A synonym for
tondok is padang, a word which in the first place denotes the cultivated
land of the settlement. We mentioned before the bua' padang ritual,
the feast for the benefit of the ricefields of the village.
Though not as big as the large bua' festival, the bua' kasalle,
it is an important ritual. As territorial groupings in Toraja country
have the trend to coincide with corporate groups, celebrating some
ceremony, the bua' padang is one of these ritual circles. So a village
community may be at the same time a bua' (padang) circle.
As stated before, the saroan is an organization on a still smaller scale.
A village may be composed of several tepopadang. The tepopadang is
composed of saroan, wards based on mutual aid. The saroan, too, has
its harvest ritual.
During Dutch colonial rule the tondok were denoted by the
Indonesian word kampung, settlement, village. Sometimes several
tondok were grouped into one kampung. A kepala kampung was
elected by the vote of all taxpayers (only male villagers vote). After
this election he was appointed village head by the Dutch government.
He was assisted by the hadat kampung *), the village council. This
council was composed of to parengnge' (Kennedy 1953: 149). As a
rule the village chief had already an important status in the old adat
structure of the tondok ; he might be the titleholder of some important
tongkonan.
*) There are Indonesian words : hadat means council, kampung : settlement.

69
The titleholders are chosen ; as a rule they are males. A village
in Kesu' is divided into two parts : "high" and "low". In the traditional
structure of the village in Kesu' the principal titleholder is called
sokkong bayu ("the one who supports the jacket") or datu muane
(lord, prince). The second adat chief is called datu baine (princess),
even if he is a man. The datu muane resides in the "high" part of
the village, the datu baine in the "low" part.
The villages are composed of households, approximately 225 in
Marante, Kesu' (Kennedy 1953: 153). The inhabitants of a village
may number 800-1.200. An average in the former district of Buntao'
had 800 inhabitants in 1940.
The former district of Balusu counted approx. 550 inhabitants per
village (Seinstra 1940).
After the independence of Indonesia the villages have been united
to bigger karrvpung for some time ( 1946-1969). But recently the
Government reverted to the old state of things.
g.

Tordja character.

There exists a close relationship between character and culture.

Prestige economy, sibling rivalry and mutual aid, class distinctions
and fear (of ghosts, of infringing sexual taboos) are some factors which
may influence Toraja personality.
Two important points of orientation in society are the ramage
and the ceremonial system. In this context, there is cooperation on the
one hand and competition on the other.
1.

Rivalry and mutual aid ; prestige economy.

As a member of the ramage (rapu), an individual has to do his

utmost in joining the efforts of his relatives in making a complete
success of the big ritual feasts of the family. In the context of the
existing prestige economy, the rapu strives to outdo other ramages
in a joint enterprise of all the members of this group. Siblings may
aid each other. This can take an extreme form, accompanied with
sacrifice.
But at the same time, as an individual, a person tries to defeat
his kinsmen in the competitive system of Toraja culture. For example,
he will do his utmost to bring a most expensive buffalo to a funeral,
trying to steal the show.
To accumulate wealth (sawahs, carabaos, pigs) in one of the most
important goals in the culture. Buffaloes enjoy a high value in bestowing
on their utility value is small. The use of cattle is largely for purposes
of sacrifice, to establish the power of a deceased person. So everybody

70
will accumulate buffaloes, which will be slaughtered at the death
ritual of some near relative.
2.

Character, class and sex.

The ideal personality depends on the class, to which the bearer

belongs. Certain personality traits are attributed to the different sexes.
He, who is rich and of high birth, is considered the most successful
one. If he is well versed in adat and genealogies he will be held in
high esteem. If he is wise and eloquent, it will add to his image. Even
when he is poor, he will be often consulted in adat matters.
The titleholder of a tongkonan will often be in the possession of
wordly goods and appreciated virtues as he precedes the big rituals.
Being honoured in this culture is a matter of ascribed and achieved
status. Only people of rank can organize a feast of merit or some other
costly ritual. Therefore, being rich is the necessary condition for
giving those feasts.
A kaunan, a serf or slave, cannot, in principle, hold such a feast,
it would be embarrassing if he did, and as a rule he cannot afford it.
He has to be obedient to his master and industrious. Yet, even a slave
could raise pigs, trying to accumulate wealth. If he is prosperous he
can ransom himself (often with the aid of his relatives). After having
achieved the status of a free man he can also hold a feast of merit
as a thanksgiving ritual.
However, as stated before, not only wealth gives prestige but
wisdom and knowledge count too.
For a to minaa (a ceremonial priest) it is not necessary to be
rich. If he has an extensive knowledge of the ceremonial system and
of the genealogical trees, people will respect him on account of these
merits.
For a to indo' padang (a rice priest) too it is not essential to be
wealthy. As the sphrere of the rice and the mortuary rites are separated
rather strictly, the to indo' padang has to avoid death rituals, so he
is not involved in the potlatch system.
Another category of priest, the medicineman, may be of a different
character from other priests. He is a shaman, falling into trance
occasionally. This kind of priest does not belong to the high society.
The warrior is the enterprising individual who vents his antisocial
trends outside his village.
Brave persons have a lot of prestige in this society, they are usually
feared, particularly if they are of the dashing 'brigand' type. The
Toraja is brave : in this context we refer to the war leader Pong Tiku,

71
who fought the Dutch, and to Bombing and his brother Ua Saruran,
who defended themselves in the fortification of Alia*.
In the old days (up till 1905) a lot of small local wars were fought
in this area. For a warlike person there might be a reward: land and
prestige. For a person who lacked such a soldierly spirit, this culture
offered another goal, he might become a homosexual (transvestite)
priest, a burake tambolang.
The possibilities for females were more restricted. Although some
important functions can be occupied by women ; for instance the
position of the holder of the title of a tongkonan. However, because of
her sex, a woman can not carry out the ceremonial part of this function
for this purpose and has to ask for her husband's assistance or that
of a to minaa, a priest, who takes the ritual part. Nevertheless, some
women have an important role in ritualism. The burake tattiku* is a
priestess who has the most important role in the bua' kasalle feast, a
ritual of the highest order (she officiates in the western territories of
Tana Toraja ; in the eastern part the above-mentioned transvestite act
as a burake).
The function of burake tattiku' is hereditary.
The position of the woman is rather strong, though secondary.
She can have a prestigious status if she is a chief or a priestess. A
woman might be a poetess or a well-known singer.
Consequently, the whole social system is a mixture of ascribed
and achieved statuses. A child is quite aware of his place in the ranking
order ; the haircut of a to parengnge' (a high class of people) youngster
was different from that of a serf. And even a small boy is keen to
maintain his status in his negotiations when he has to herd buffaloes
or to do some job for an outsider : he will ask money for it. He is as
businesslike as the grown-ups, and already taken in by the prestige
economy system in which many adult try to spin his special web.
Presenting a gift means expecting one in return. When the gods are
given their legitimate share, they (the deata) will bestow their bene
volence
on men, their descendants. So the ceremonial order is kept
rather strictly.
The Toraja like order : ricefields are laid out in a neat pattern,
houses are decorated with motives in a geometric design. Everything
has its place in the system.
Disorder occurs as a result of transgression, of a taboo broken.
The worst of these tresspasses is incest, for instance sexual intercourse
between a sister and a brother, whether real or classificatory. A
buffalo has to be killed and the whole offering is burnt ; nothing of
the sacrified animal is eaten, as is customary. The smoke of the burnt

72
offering is compared to clouds, which might cause rain. When the abovementioned crime (incest) is kept secret and no offering took place,
severe droughts and plagues will be the result. Harvest may fail.
Order becomes disorder, peoples fall ill. Several rites called maro take
place to cure the patients. Trance manifestations and auto-agression
are part of them.
In headhunting agression is also associated with restoring order :
the headhunting party has to avenge the death of an important kinsman,
slain in a battle or treacherously murdered. Since the beginning of this
century no headhunting occured.
Agression is part of Toraja culture. It becomes manifest in war,
headhunting, trance, performances, cock-fighting, gambling, in the
slaughtering of buffaloes and in kick-fighting (sisemba). In this kind
of duel feelings ran high ; with distorted faces the boys and often
the grownup fight, trying to deal a severe kick*).
Another duel is also fought, but not with weapons or feet, but
with the tongue, in the form of songs. These retteng can take a kind
of singsing contest, sung as a part of the funerary rites of a person
of rank ; this kind of song is also presented in the rituals of the
cosmological east side. If the singer feels offended, he will give vent
to his feelings in a song, and his opponent will compose a song in
counter-attack. Sometimes a dying person will ask a friend or a relative
to sing a song after his death, in which his grievances are expressed
(Van der Veen 1966; 16-17 and 74-86).
As a rule men are more aggressive than women. Probably the
foundations of the aggressive attitude is laid in early childhood, in
which kick-fighting plays an important part.
The Toraja likes laughter and has a keen sense of humor. Wit
is an appreciated virtue. Once an Indonesian official made a remark
to a Toraja working on the roads about the smallness of his spade.
The road worker answered : "Though my implement is small, its
capacity is great". Yet, however merry, the Toraja is aware of the
ephemera of his earthly existence. This feeling is expressed in songs.
"Bayo-bayonaki'
timbayonaki' pangleon
lino
anginaa sa'de banua"
(Van der Veen 1940: 34, Dictionary).
*)

See for the rules of this sport And Lolo 1969.

73
"We are like the shadows of this world
like the ghosts of the region
like wind blowing along the side
of the house".

II.

Religion.

The autochthonous religion is called aluk to dolo, the 'ritual of

the ones, who lived in times long ago" (or the 'old ones', i.e. the
ancestors). In this religious system the cult of the ancestors plays a
prominent part. The progenitors are honoured ritually, and if the rites
of these rituals are carried out properly the ancestors are supposed to
show their benevolence to their offspring. About 45% of the Toraja
still cling to the faith of their forefathers ; however, the proportion of
older people in the above-mentioned percentage is greatest.

Division oj the Cosmos.

The cosmos is divided into three partitions : the Upperworld, the
Earth and the World under the Earth.
Each partition has its deity.
The Earth (padang) is supposed to have a head (ulu), which is
projected towards the northeast and a tail, engkok, towards the
southwest. The Upperworld consists of twelve layers and a zenith ; the
Underworld is also composed of twelve layers.
Another division, which the Toraja consider very important, is
that of the sphere of the southwest, the realm of the to matua or
forefathers of the past, and that of the northeast, the realm of the
glorified ancestors or deata, who reside in Heaven. The World of Men
is between these two spheres.
By carrying out an elaborate set of rituals and by taking care
not to transgress the rules set by the ancestors equilibrium will be
maintained.

74
The Gods ; ghosts and spirits *)
Each of the partitions has its own god :
Gauntikembong ("the self-expanding cloud") is the Lord of Heaven;
Pong Banggairante ("lord whose plain is large") is the Lord of
the Earth :
Pong Tulakpadang ("he who supports the Earth") is the Toraja
Atlas, the Lord of the World under the Earth.
"That is Pong Tulakpadang,
that is the lord who holds [the earth] on the flat of his hands,
who bears [the earth] on his head".
(Van der Veen, Merok Feast o.c, Passomba Tedong, 46-47, strophe 170).
Gauntikembong took out his floating rib and thereupon gave life
to Usuk Sangbamban ("the one-special rib"). This god married Simbolon
Manik, "the hairknot, shininglike beads" ; (alias Lokkon Lo-erara', "the
roll of hair, hanging down like a golden necklace"). Their child Puang
Matua "the old Lord", (alias To Kaubanan, the greyhaired one), created
the first human being, a female, from a pair of bellows. This female
ancester was called Datu La-ukku'.
(H. van der Veen 1965, 88-89, strophes 435-437).
Puang Matua is the most important god of the Sa'dan-Toradja. He
is "the old Lord", "God in the centre of the firmament" : lord of the
shining sun. The god whom we see ascending, lord whom we behold
rising upwards" **). He is the god "who balanced the period of the day
and the night against each other", the god "who laid out the rice fields"
the god "who created mankind". (H. van der Veen 1965, o.c. 28-29).
Pong Banggairante married Tallo' Mangka Kalena ("The egg that

*) The
Sa'dan
section
Toradja
on the
(fPassomba
gods is Tedong,
based on the
H. Consecration
van der Veen,invocation
The Merok
(1965,
Feast18-165).
of the
Translation Mrs. Jeune Scott-Kemball.
The Passomba Tedong deals with the birth of the gods ; the origin of mankind ;
of the (three-eared) rice, which originates in Heaven ; it deals with the first
sawah laid out in the Upper World, with the animals which are prescribed in
ritual and with the origin of these animals. The first human being was created
in Heaven and so were important animals and plants. The first house,
the prototype of the house of mankind, was built in the Upperworld. The
principal rituals were instituted in Heaven.
The Passomba Tedong was taken down by Van der Veen's language assistent,
J. Tammu, from the to tninaa (priest) So' Sere, a priest from the Kesu' territory.
The myths in other parts of Tana Toraja, for instance those of Riu, may differ
from the Kesu' versions.
) Van der Veen 1965, The Merok Feast of the Sa' dan Toradja, 26-27, strophes;
46-47.

75
had come into being of itself"). Of their eight children should be
mentioned :
Pong Tulangdenna, "the Lord who stays in a definite place", who
dwells on Mount Sopai and in the Sa'dan river, flowing below this
mountain. He carries off people who do not offter him a gift when
they want to cross the river ;
Tandiminangga, "the support of the river mouth", who is the god
living in or near the mouth of the Sa'dan river and in the sea. He
makes the vessels of those who commit a tresspass of the rules set
out by the ancestors capsize.
Indo' Pare'-pare', "mother, small kind of rice" and Indo Samadenna
(= Indo' Sadenna), "mother, everything is in hand", are the daughters
of Pong Banggairante and his spouse. These female deities are both
related to the cult of rice. According to a folktale, Indo' Sadenna is
another name given afterwards to a little girl, called Tulangdidi'. This
folktale contains the vicissitudes of Indo' Sadenna in her earthly
appearance. She had been killed by her father, but was brought back
to life by her rooster. This cock flew up, into the sky, carrying Tulangd
idi'
with him (for the story of Tulangdidi' we refer to M. Radjab,
Dongengan Sulawesi Selatan, Djakarta 1950 : story 16 and to H. van
der Veen, Sa'dan-Toradja'sche volksverhalen. Verhandelingen BataviaaschSadenna
Tulangdidi'
Indo'
Genootschap
ascended
(Indo' van
Samadenna).
to Kunsten
the moonen
The
; in
Wetenschappen,
rooster
this appearance
became
Batavia,
a she
constellation,
isvol.called
65).
which is consulted by the principal rice priest when the planting season
starts.
Pong Lalondong is considered the most important of the eight
siblings, children of Pong Banggairante and his wife. He is the judge
in the land of the souls, Puya. This spirit realm is situated on earth,
to the southwest of the present country of the Toraja. It has to be
reached by a kind of tunnel. Pong Lalondong is considered a very
important god. Londong is the name for a male and for a cock. In
former times feuds which could not be solved by the adat-chiefs, were
settled by a cock fight. Therefore another name for the cock was: the
principal judge (informant: So' Bua' Sarungallo, Kesu'). Hence the
relationship between the cock as a "judge" and Pong Lalondong, the
judge of the land of the souls, Puya.
We mentioned already Indo' Pare-pare and Indo' Sadenna. Other
important female deities are :
Indo' Belo Tumbang, "mother, ornament of people in a state of
trance". She is the guardian of the medicine for the patients who are
treated at the maro feast, a ritual to cure the sick ; (Van der Veen,

76
1965: 142-143, strophes 729-730). Arrang Dibatu, the Radiance in the
Stone, is the spouse of Puang Matua. "Then the noble lady came
straight out of the stone of basalt, whereupon the woman of exalted
rank stepped directly out of the miraculous rock". She was called
Arrang Dibatu, and her other name was Sula Tarongko Malia'"*).
She ordered Puang Matua to go to the west, in order to obtain
pure gold. Eight siblings, amongst them Datu La-ukku', were created
out of this precious metal ; it was Gauntikembong's wife Simbolon
Manik, however, who stimulated her husband to institute important
rituals.
Indo' Ongon-ongon is the spouse of Pong Tulakpadang ; she resides
in the Underworld and can cause earthquakes. This may be the reason
that she is not mentioned among the gods in the Passomba Tedong,
the Consecration of the buffalo (see Van der Veen 1965, o.c, 18-156)
as in Kesu' earthquakes do not occur very often. She is known, however,
in Tikala and in Riu on Mount Sesean, where earthquakes are frequently
experienced.
Considered very important by the Toraja and also called deata
(gods) are the first ancestors who descended from Heaven upon a
mountain or a rock ; their other name is to manurun, the descending
ones. Their spouses, emerged from the rivers or wells (nota bene: the
spouse of Puang Matua dwelled in a rock). The names of these to
manurun (and of prominent ancestors in general) are carefully rememb
eredand are recited in the genealogies of the to minaa and of other
experts in this matter.
Another set of ancestors are the already mentioned to matua, the
forebearers of the southwest (which may be more or less coincide with
the land of origin of the Toraja) . They are associated with dark colours,
with black. The colour of the deata (situated in the northeast, in the
region lying opposite of the dwelling place of the to matud), is gold
or yellow. The deata are the glorified ancestors who ascended to Heaven
after the proper (and costly) death rites have been held for them.
Of nearly equal importance and sometimes feared are the ghosts,
who dwell in stones of a peculiar shape, in wells, mountains or trees.
The to kengkok, the ones with a tail, are spirits who live in the
Underworld, the realm of Pong Tulakpandang. The Toraja are
particularly afraid of malevolent spirits (batitong), who eat the liver
and the intestines of sleeping people and of the po'pok, who fly in
the night.
*)

Quoted from H. van der Veen, 1965, 84-85, strophes 411-413. Sulo Tarongko
Malia': The Torch of the Hard Rock.

77
The spirits of the deceased, the bombo, for whom the death rites
are not yet carried out and who still roam on earth, are also feared.
The Paragusi (Parakusi) is a werewolf, eating the liver of men. Datu
(Datu Maruru', Datu Mangambo') is a spirit, who brings smallpox.
The rituals.
The rituals of the (north) eastern sphere (the realm of the deata)
are separated from those of the (south) western region (the abode of
the to matua). The death ritual belongs to the spere of the West, as
does headhunting. All other rituals fall in the Eastern zone : the rites
de passage (with exception of the death ceremonies), the rituals con
cerning
the renewal of the tongkonan, the maro feast, the merok and
the bua' kasalle rituals and the rice ceremonies.
There is however, a connection between east and west : after a
dead person, who was a person of high status during his life, has been
buried in a rock chamber or in a boulder and after all death ceremonies
for him have been carried out, his spirit goes to Puya which, according
to the Toraja, lies between Kalosi and Enrekang, near Mount Bambapuang. From here his soul ascends to Heaven, where he forms part of
a constellation, which is supposed to guard over the rice (Van der Veen
1966 : 6) . This, however, applies to high class people only. "Though,
in general, the spirits of the dead of all classes are said to be revered
as ancestors, in reality, this does only apply to people of high rank for
whom an elaborate ritual has been carried out. It is thought that their
spirits become lords, gods, membali puang". (Van der Veen o.c.) *)
As mentioned before these gods protect their offspring, the living.
Rituals of the West (aluk rampe matampu') **)
a) Death rituals (aluk to mate).
There is a ranking order in the death rituals : those of the (former)
slaves, the kaunan class, those of the poor and those of infants and
small children are held without any pomp. Each ritual is named after
the time it lasts : the ritual which lasts one night (sang bongi), the
three nights' ritual (tallung bongi), the five nights' (limang bongi),
the seven nights' ritual (pitung bongi). This last funeral is one of a
high ranking order, especially in the tallung lembangna (the three
*) Membali puang : becoming a god.
**) ^4/ik=ritual ; rampe=side ; matompM'=West, the place where the sun descends.

78
miniature states, each of which was ruled by a puang). Of greater
importance, however, is the dirapa'i, the ritual with an interval in the
middle, which may last from one year to several years. This feast gives
much standing.
Death rituals may only be held after the rice is stored in the alang
(rice barns). Rice symbolizes life, which, as stated before, has to be
separated from the sphere of the death rather strictly. As long as the
mourning period is observed, the eating of rice is taboo for close
relatives and for those who want to join the mourning period. The
mourners eat corn instead of rice, as the eating of rice is taboo
for them. Moreover, only raw food is consumed by these people.
Consequently, rice and death are separated from each other. The rice
cult and the death ritual of high order, however, do form a cycle. The
identification of the rice and deceased of high rank is manifested
already by several rites in the death ritual. One of the last rites for
the deceased of rank is called ma'popengkalao alang, "the descending
to the rice barn" : the remains, wrapped in a roll (funerary sack) are
laid on the floor (sali) of this barn. There is another rite which may
suggest a connection of the rice and a dead person.
In certain regions (for instance in Kesu') the corpse, wrapped in
the above-mentioned sack, is laid during a short period *) in a coffin,
which resembles a dugout *) ; the rice-pounder (issong) has a similar
shape. The temporary coffin, however, is decorated with woodcarving ;
the rice-stamping block is not decorated. This rapasan may suggest an
association of a dead person of high standing and the rice.

*) This rite takes place during the first part of a dirapa'-i ritual.
**) This "coffin" (rapasan) is compared with a boat in the Sa'dan Toraja chants
for the deceased :
"He lay there in his curved prau,
He rested in his golden boat".
(Van der Veen 1966, 32 strophe 150).
In this context we may refer to note 150 of Van der Veen's The Sa'dan Toraja
Chant for the Deceased (1966 ; 32).
The use of the rapasan or erong may be a survival of boat shaped coffins of
a former period, in which the dead were placed in holes in the rocks. At
present no coffin is used in the death ritual (with the exception of the abovementioned rapasan in Kesu' c.s.). The use of a coffin is obsolete now ; the
body is wrapped, which is the task of the to mebcthin (the death-pr!iest). This
death-roll or funerary sack is placed in a rock-chamber (see Pamela and Alfred
Meyer, Life and Death in Tana Toraja, National Geographic 1972, vol. 141,
no. 6, photograph on page 813).

WEST

EAST

The order of rituals in Kesu', Tana Toraja

Rituals of the west-side (aluk rampe
matampu')
Sang bongi
Tallung bongi
Dirapa'i (the highest order).
The death rituals are held after the
harvest of the rice.

Rituals of the east-side (aluk rampe

matallo)
ma'tomatua
(= ma'nene', tmangeka),
which is held after a dirapa'i
or other death ritual. After the ma'tomat
ua
the mangrara pare or the manganta'
will be celebrated. The bua' kasalle
(= la'pa3 kasalle) is a concluding ritual,
which can only be held after the con
cluding
and purifying rites for all the
dead in the community have been
observed.

80
After the death rites are fulfilled (which is the duty of the family)
the deceased ascend to Heaven by climbing a tree :
"Then westward does he pass from view,
He goes down where the sun descends.
There he shall to heaven rise,
There in the all-enfolding dwell.
A deity shall there become
The all-enfolding shall he be
The Great Bear holds him
in his arms.
The Pleiades clasp him to them
The shining stars encompass him
We look for him to sow the rice
When is it to strew the seed
When we should scatter it about."
(Van der Veen, The Sa'dan Toraja Chant for the
Deceased 1966; 46, strophes 122-127).

On the death feast of a lower order pigs are killed. In the high
ranking rituals not only pigs, but also buffaloes are killed. Hundreds
of carabao's may be slaughtered.
The buffaloes are slaughtered because a rich person has to enter
Puya with a large herd. One special buffalo is the riding animal of
the deceased.
In every death ritual, however small, the to mebalun (death
priest) functions. He is in charge of everything connected with the
deceased. He belongs to the lower class of people ; in some districts
he had to belong to the kaunan class, the former serfs. To mebalun
means : the one who wraps (the body) . In Sangalla' this guest is called
to ma'kayo (kayo is the name of a kind of heron). The other name of
this priest is burake matampu', priest of the West.

b.

Other rituals connected with the west.

Headhunting (never practised on a large scale) belonged to the

sphere of the west. The leading priest was the to minaa. For the
headhunting, as practised among the Sa'dan-Toraja, we refer to A.C.
Kruyt, 1923-1924 : 259-274.

81
The rituals of the East (aluk rampe matallo) *)
Each death feast, whether of a simple kind or of a superior type
of funeral, is concluded by a special rite.
a.

Mangrara pare.

For the three death rituals of a high order (tallung bongi, limang
bongi, dirapa'i) this rite is called mangrara pare (= "to cover the rice
with blood"). "At this rite, the person who brings the offering to the
deceased turns, in this case, to the northeast and not to the southwest"
(Van der Veen 1965 : 7 ; the southwest is the region of the dead). This
change of directions is termed dibalikan pesungna (= the offering meal,
placed on banana leaves, is reversed for him). The word him refers
to the deceased (Van der Veen, o.c). There are some other rites or
rituals, in which this change of direction takes place ; the manganta'
may fall in this category (for this rite we refer to H. van der Veen,
The Merok Feast of the Sa'dan Toraja, 1965: 3). Perhaps we can
explain these rituals as follows : the deceased is purified, so the region
and the community, in which he stayed during his lifetime, is clean
again. And be has become an ancestor, who ascended to Heaven. As
the mangrara pare is a rite, performed after the harvest near one of
the rice fields of the deceased, once again we have to draw attention
to the fact that there is a relation between the deceased and the rice,
certain death rites and those rites which follow these rites of the
western zone, give the impression that a dead person of high rank
personifies the rice (he is laid in a rice-pounder), he is brought near
the rice (the remains are laid on the floor, which is constructed beneath
the place where the rice is stored in the rice-barn); he can promote
the growth of the rice (as in the mangrara pare rite).
All rituals, those of the Southwestern and those of the Northeastern
part, form a cycle. The order of this cycle may differ in the various
regions of Tana Toraja.
b.

Merok

After the mangrara pare rite is finished, people (= those who

belong to the rapu of the deceased) celebrate the merok ritual. In this
sense it is an offering of thanks. This feast, however, can also be given
by a man who has become prosperous ; so the ritual bears a resemblance
to the feast of merit of the Naga and other ethnic groups of Southeast
Asia. As this merok feast promotes at the same time the welfare of
*)

Aluk = ritual ; rampe region ; matatto = the East, the place where the sn rises.

82
the rapu, the difference between our first type of merok is small. In
both types all members of the ramage participate.
A merok feast could also be celebrated by a kaunan (a slave or a
serf) who had become a freeman by performing a ceremony known as
ma'talla' or ma'tomakakai at which he had to give a certain number of
buffaloes and pigs to his master for obtaining his freedom (see Van
der Veen 1965 : 128 note 657). Only a kaunan, who had been a to
makaka but who had become a slave, could ransom himself in this
way due to certain circumstances.
The tongkonan is the centre of the merok feast, which is a ritual
of the rapu, the big family group.
The principal rite of this ritual is the consecration of a waterbuffalo
(passomba tedong) by the datu haine the "princess", an important adat
chief in Kesu'. (the to minaa can deputise for this chief too). Besides
this buffalo, a pig and a cock are offered.
For the merok ritual we further refer to H. van der Veen, The
Merok Feast of the Sa'dan Toraja (1965). In this treatise Van der
Veen gives a description of the feast (page 1-15), followed by the
Toraja text and the English translation of the offertories and the invo
cation
spoken at the consacration of the buffalo.
c.

Maro.

The maro-ritual may precede the merok. In the communities on

the western slope of Mount Sesean this feast is held as the concluding
ritual for the rites of the dead. *) The only animal sacrificed at this
feast is the fowl, of which a great number are killed. According to myth
the progenitor of the fowl, Puang Maro, committed incest in Heaven
with his sister, Lando Kollong ("she with the long neck") alias Lando
Barako ("she with the long throat") **). Incest (a sexual relation with
a closely related member of the family) is considered a tresspass in
Toraja culture, which may cause draught and illness of beasts and
men***). Ill people are supposed to have broken this taboo, which is
a tresspass of a more serious kind ; their illness is considered a
punishment.
*) It should be noted, however, that the maro feast is a ritual of the northeastern
sphere.
"*) Of this fact no mention is made in the Passomba Tedong, the consecration of
the buffalo, in which the birth of Puang Maro and his behaviour like mad,
is described (Van der Veen o.c, 439).
*) After this offence an offering called mangrambu langi' (covering the heavens
with smoke) is needed. Nothing of the offering (a buffalo or a pig) is eaten ;
the offering will be burnt entirely.

83
The main aim of the maro feast is to drive away sickness. This
is done by the to ma'dampi, the medicine-man. The maro rites have
an exorcistic aspect. People fall into trance ; they jump during a certain
phase of their trance. The aim of this jumping is to obtain a connection
with the Upper World or Heaven. Because of this jumping, these women
are called to tumbang, "the ones, who jump".
We did already mention the guardian of the maro feast, Indo'
Belo Tumbang, "mother, ornament of people in a state of trance".
For the final rite of the (great) maro feast the bate *) manurun (the
descending bate") is erected. This bate consists of a long bamboo to
which a red cloth is attached. Sometimes this structure is still more
elaborate, as it is composed of three bamboos decorated with old
sacred swords, old textiles, considered holy ; on top of this structure
the red leaves of the Cordyline terminalis are stuck.
There is a ranking order in the maro feasts. The simplest maro
has the bate uai, a bamboo to which a small cloth is tied, as its banner.
The bate manurun is a maro feast of the highest order.
d.

Buaf kasalle (la'pa' kasalle).

After all rituals those of the western and those of the eastern
sphere, are performed, the big bua' feast (bum' kasalle) will be
organized. It is a culminating ritual, which is attended by a large
audience (as is a high ranking maro feast and a funeral of a superior
type). The aim of the feast is to promote the welfare of men of his
animals and of the food crops. It is a feast of the territory (a patang
penanian for instance). Several rapu participate in this ritual.
Buffaloes, pigs and chicken are offered. On the "big day" (allona)
of the feast, woman of rank are carried in litters (bullean), decorated
with a pair of buffalo horns, with banners and with the light green
leaves of the sugar palm**). A huge katik (bird's head carved from
wood) decorates the litters. Rice ears are suspended from the katik.
The women
rara'
(neck ornaments).
are clad in yellow
Some tumbang
sarongs and
wear
jackets.
holy maa'
They wear precious
clothes***) on
*) bate: flag, banner.
**) Because of their high status and because of the fact that people assume that
these women can obtain a connection with the Upper World, they are also called
tumbang, like the trance dancers in the tnaro ritual. They do not practise
trance, however. In Kesu' the tumbang are girls. Another name of these girls
is anak dara, virgin (it is also the name by which a man denotes his sister
or his cousin).
Maa'
: the name for old cloths, tjinde's and patola's, which the Associated East
***)
India Company (Vereenigde indische Compagnie) imported in Sulawesi (Celebes)
in the 17th and 18th century.

84
their heads ; others wear a string of fresh yellowish fruits called
tarrung (Solanum melongena) like a wreath on their heads. The litters
are carried rapidly around a large bamboo construction called gorang.
(This short description concerms the region Bori' and Riu).
After the women are honoured in this way, the men and the boys
are praised by the to minaa. The praising is called ma'singgi'. Particu
larly
praised is braveness. For the singg the to minaa climbs the
bamboo tower. A platform is constructed on top of this gorang. Several
to minaa, standing on the platform praise the men, who are sitting on
the earth or on a bullean near the tower ; some men are sitting on
the sports of the huge ladder, which leads to the platform of the
gorang. Each to minaa has his "listener", which is to be praised, and
with whom he is connected by a band or a cloth, or by a rope (one
end of the rope is held by the priest, the other by the man to
be praised). In his other hand the to minaa holds a bell of brass, which
he rings continually. As several priests are functioning at the same
time, the sound is enormous, and one wonders if those praised can
hear or understand the singgi' of his to minaa. I was told that a person
may faint, if he feels that the priest praises him too much.
So the to minaa have an important function in the ritual. The
bua'
principal priest of the big
festival, however, is the to burake. In
some regions (Ma'kale, Kesu', Madandan and Buntao') this burake is
called burake tambolang. This priest, supposed to be a hermaphrodite
by the Toraja, is a travestite, a man wearing woman's clothes. In other
regions the burake tattiku', a priestess officiates (the function is here
ditary in the female line). Tattiku' and tambolang are birds. The first
is a small bird, unidentified by me ; the second is a stork or a marabou.
For the important role of the burake, especially in, former times, we
may refer to Van der Veen (1966, note 36, page 23). At present no
burake tambolang is still in function.
One of the concluding rites of the bua' kasalle feast is related with
the lumbaa langi', a thick bamboo which stands upright in the middle
of the gorang. "A small basket, containing a white fowl, is attached to
the top of this bamboo, as well as a rope of rattan. The various (male)
participants at the feast tug at this rope until someone breaks the
bamboo and pulls down the basket ; he receives the white fowl" (Van
der Veen, The Merok Feast of the Sa'dan Toraja, 1965 : 96, and The
Sa' dan Toraja Chant for the Deceased, 1966 : 20). The winner is suppo
sed
to have good fortune and a longlasting life. The feast is more or
less concluded by bringing the anak dara to a barana'-tree (a Ficus
species, closely related to the Ficus religiosa) . This anak dara, composed
of four bamboo's and holy leaves, has the appearance of a big bundle
of leaves.

85
The anak dara, before being placed near the barana'-tree, was tied
to the main post of a tongkonan. Near this bundle the tumbang stayed
during her period of seclusion, which comes to an end ata the alloua.
This ritual is organized by a prominent person in the community.
Formerly, only for such a person the most elaborate form of the death
ritual, the dirapa'i, could be carried out.
e.

Bua' padang

A ritual of the east, which is held every year, is the small bua'feast, called menani pare in the Ma'kale region, which is held for the
fruitfulness of the rice. At the bua'-feast much singing goes on and
the leader of the chorus is called to menani. The rice-priests, however,
are the indo' padang ("mothers of the earth" ; the priests are men,
however). They are organizing and leading the rice ceremonies (for
these ceremonies we refer to Nobele 1926).
The indo' padang belong to the to makaka class, the freemen.
There is a ranking order of these rice-priests ; the most important one
is the bunga' lalan, "the one who opens the road" (= the rice cere
monies).
Because rice (life) and death are separated, no rice priest
may consume meat, originating from a carabao etc. killed at a death
ritual. A rice priest has to avoid death-feasts (as much as possible).
For every kind of ritual (East and West) the number, the kind
and the colouring of animals to be sacrificed, are prescribed. The
Toraja set a high value upon this. In this context we refer to H. van
der Veen's Merok Feast. In the Passomba Tedong, fowls with special
colours are mentioned. Each kind of fowl has a name, and each type
has to be sacrificed at a special rite (Van der Veen o.c. : 124-127).
For the buffaloes to be sacrificed at several rites, we refer to Van
der Veen o.c, pages 127-133. Every kind of ritual has its special
objects : offering structures, drums, banners, ornaments and special
kinds of trees, plants and leaves.
Every ritual has special places or centres, which may alternate
in the course of the feast : the tongkonan, the yard and the rice barn
a(merok,
place, where
bua' kasalle,
the menhirs
death rituals);
are standing
a plaza
and (the
where
rante
theorbuffaloes
pantunuan,
are
salughtered, for the final rites of the big bua' -feast); the rock-tombs
or the boulders, in which the remains are interred.
Only high class people (who have to be rich, to sugi') can
themselves afford the rituals of the superior type. These to sugi' are
associated with the precious metal gold and with yellow, the colour
of the deata and Heaven. The to sugi' wear golden ornaments ; the
kaunan (in former times) wear anklets of alloy or of clay. These serfs

86
were associated with hard labour and they had to perform certain tasks
in the death rituals of the high class people.
After organizing a ritual of a high order, which falls in the sphere
of the East, these high class people receive new names which enhance
their elevated status. These lofty names are a parallel of those of the
gods.
"Men are given names composed with the word 'sun' or the word
'heaven*. For example, Ta'dun Allo = "sun hat" ; Kambuno Langi'
= "sun hat of the firmament"
" "Women are also given such
names : Datu Manurun = "princess who descended from Heaven" ;
Datu Memonto = "far famed princess" ; and names composed with
the word 'sea' for example : Liku Tasik = "deep place of the sea" ;
Tiku Tasik = she who encircles the sea
".
By an edict (1969) the Aluk to Dolo is recognized by the national
government as a "sect" of Hindu Dharma*), so the religion has an
official status.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.
Atlas van Tropisch Nederland 1938. Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap. 's-Gravenhage, blad 26, Celebes.
Barge, J.A. J. Anthropologie, Hoofdstuk II : De Rassen der Menschheid. In : De Rassen der Menschheid (editor S.R. Steinmetz).
Amsterdam 1938.
Crystal, Eric. Cooking Pot Politics : A Toraja Village Study. Indo
nesia 18, Cornell 1974: 119-153.
Data-data Perekonomian/sosial wilayah B.R.J. Tjabang Makale, Bank
Rakjat Indonesia, Tjabang Makale 1971 (stencilled report, comp
iler Yan Yacobs).
Fox, Robin. Kinship and Marriage. An Anthropological Perspective.
Harmondsworth 1967.
Keers, W. Over de verschillende vormen van het bijzetten der doden
bij de Sa'dan-Toradja. Tijdschrift Kon. Nederlands Aardrijkskundig Genootschap 1939, vol. 56, 1939 : 107-213.
Kennedy, Raymond. Field notes on Indonesia, HRAF, 1953.
Kornrumpf, Martin. Mensch und Landschaft auj Celebes. Breslau 1935.
*)

"Hindu Dharana : a Ballnese-centered Hindu movement which has spread rapidly

in recent years, particularly in East and Central Java" (Eric Crystal 1974 : 144).

87
Koubi, Jeannine. Rapport de mission en pays Toradja (aot 71 - jan
vier 72). Asie du Sud-Est et Monde Insulindien, vol. 3 no. 3,
1972: 77-100.
Kruyt, J. De Boea' en eenige andere feesten der Toradja's van Rantepao en Makale. Tijdschr. Bataviaasch Genootschap, vol. 60,
1921: 45-77.
Kruyt, Alb. C. & J. Kruyt. Een reis onder de Toradja's van Sadan
en Mamasa. Tijdschrijt Aardrijkskundig Genootschap, Leiden,
second series, vol. 49, 1922 : 678-717.
Kruyt, A.C. De Toradja's van de Sa'dan Masoepoe- en Mamasarivieren. Tijdschrijt Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, vol. 63, 1923: 81-175, 259-401.
Nobele, E.A.J. Memorie van Overgave betreffende de Onderafdeeling
Makale, Tijdschrijt Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen, vol. 66, 1926 : 1-144.
Radjab, Muhamad. Dongengan Sulawesi Selatan. Djakarta 1950.
Rijn, A.P. van. Tocht naar de Boven-Sadang. Tijdschr. Aardrk. Gen.,
vol. 29, 1902 : 328-372.
Sarasin, Paul and Fritz. Reisen n Celebes. Vol. II, 1905, Wiesbaden.
Sarira, J.A. Sebuah Negeri diatas gunung (Stencilled report, publish
ed
by the Toraja church). Rantepao 1972.
Veen, H. van der. Sa'dan-Toradja'sche Volksverhalen. Verhandelingen
Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, vol.
65, 2d. part, 1924: 32.
Veen, H. van der. Nota betreffende de grenzen van de Sa'danse taalgroep en het haar aanverwante taalgebied. Tijdschrijt Bata
viaasch
Genootschap, vol. 69, 1929 : 50-97.
Veen, H. van der. Een Wichellitanie der Sa'dan-Toradja's. Feestbundel Kovinklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en
Wetenschappen, vol. II, 1929 : 396-411.
Veen, H. van der. The Merok Feast of the Sa'dan Toradja. Verhand
elingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 's-Gravenhage 1965, vol. 45.
Veen, H. van der. The Sa'dan Toradja Chant for the Deceased. Ver
handelingen
van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde, 1966, vol. 49.
Wilcox, Harry. White Stranger ; six months in Celebes. London 1949.

88
Appendix 1
The population census of the Sa'dan-Toraja according to the census
of 1930, when their country still formed part of the subdivision of
Luwu'. At first, the number c)f the inhabitants of each district is given
followed by the total number of inhabitants of the subdivision (Toraja
only).

Balepe'
Balla
Balusu
Banga
Bau
Bittuang
Buntao*
Buakaju
Dende'
Kesu'
Kurra*
Madandan
Ma'kale
Malimbong
Mappa
Mengkendek
Nanggala
Palesan
Pangala'
Pali
Piongan
Rano
Rantebua
Sangalla'
Sa'dan
Seseng
Taleon
Simbuang
Tapparan
Tikala
Tondon
Ulusalu

1.268
1.226
6.813
2.135
789
1.456
1.196
4.730
2.153
16.834
854
3.020
18.467
2.436
730
17.756
4.656
1.591
2.311
15.234
1.047
3.585
5.530
6.649
16.644
542
5.560
2.753
2.511
30.051
4.246
1.496
182.269

Volkstelling 1930, dl. V, Incheemse bevolking van Borneo,

Celebes, de Kleine Soenda-eilanden en de Molukken, pg. 132.

Appendix 2
Population census of Tana Toraja, according to kabupaten statistics in 1970

4. Saluputti

2. Mengkendek

1. Makale

11.847

5.044

8.761

4.682

6.940

8.569

male

5.503

13.186

5.559

9.240

5.531

7.983

9.028

female

11.009

5.039

12.953

5.061

10.043

5.588

8.372

8.776

male

10.332

11.400

5.228

11.882

4.767

10.563

5.391

8.355

9.913

female

149.7

21.3

20.7

10.9

24.8

10.1

18.8

10.2

15.3

17.3

ma

children

5. Bongakaradeng

5.951
11.051

11.328

77.831

grown-ups

7. Rantepao
9.715
10.132

78.169

Kecamatan
T^
j.

8. Sesean
10.040
77.213

6. Sanggalangi'

3. Sangalla'

9. Rindingallo
71.549

90
Appendix 3
Social classes in Tana Toraja (traditional structure).
a.

Social classes in Sangalla' (one of the states of the Tallulem bangna):

Puang matasak, the puang (prince) and his family ;
Anak disese, a class between the puang and the to makaka; the
offspring of a puang and a to makaka woman.
to makaka, the freemen ;
kaunan, serfs or slaves. For the division of this group into several
subclasses we refer to the social classes of Kesu' (appendix 3, b).
The kaunan bulaan, the "golden serfs", the serfs of the puang and
his family are a special category. These serfs were privileged ser
vants,
holding hereditary positions. Their tasks were considered
important.

b.

Social classes in Kesu'

To parengnge', the titleholders and their family ;
to makaka, the freemen;
to kaunan, the serfs (see below).
Another version of the rangking system in Kesu' is the following :
to makaka
a) anaJc pare pare nangka, the upper class of the
to makaka. From this class come the to pa
rengnge'.
b)

the to makaka proper.

to makaka direngnge', a class between the to makaka and the

kaunan ;
the kaunan (kaunan tfaronto
(kaunan mengkaranduk
(kaunan proper
(kaunan tai manuk.
As
parengnge'
a rule the
hasto to
parengnge'
be chosen
arefor
thehis
titleholders
function. of
Somebody
the rapu.ofAthe
to
anak pare pare nangka who is well versed in adat matters, but
who has no title in relation to a special function in the adat-system,
is called an anak patalo.
The name to parengnge' is derived from rengnge', the way women
wear loads in a basket (baka) on their back and held by a band
passing accross the forehead. It is a figurative term for those who

91
bear the responsibility for the adat community, who guide it. The
common people are called baka direngnge', the basket who is
carried.
Not mentioned in this appendix are the titles and functions of the
priests. As a rule the to parengnge' and the anak pare pare nangka
belong to the to sugi', the rich, but there are exceptions on this.
A kaunan mengkaranduk was not a slave originally, but a person
who had set himself under the protection of a rich, powerful man.
He could ransom himself.
A kaunan garonto' was more or less a servant, or a slave with a
special duty, which was hereditary. Such a slave could never be
sold. The kaunan tai manuk were the slaves of the slaves, the
lowest class of the society.
It was forbidden for a woman to marry below her rank. The
children of a person of high rank and a low class woman belonged
to the class of their mother.

Appendix 4
Kin terminology (terms of reference).
nene'
ambe'
indo'

FaFa, MoFa, MoMo, FaMo

Fa

pa'amberan
pa'indoran

Mo
FaBr, MoBr
FaSi, MoSi

sangmuane
sangntuane

(for a male ego) Br, FaBrSo, FaSiSo, MoBr^o, MoSiSo

(for a female ego) Br, FaBrSo etc.

anak dara
sangbaine

(for a male ego) Si, FaBrDa, FaSiDa, MoBrDa, MoSiDa

(for a female ego) Si, FaBrDa etc.