Arab. arch. epig.

2011: 22: 232242 (2011)

Printed in Singapore. All rights reserved

New Arabic-Christian inscriptions from Udhru,

southern Jordan
This paper sheds more light on Udhru during the Byzantine and Islamic periods,
based on both historical sources and archaeological data. It presents new unpublished
Arabic-Christian inscriptions that were found inside the sites Byzantine church,
which conrm the continuity of Christianity in the region during the Islamic period.
Keywords: Udhru, Arabic inscriptions, Byzantine and Islamic Udhru, Byzantine
and Islamic periods, Arabic-Christian inscriptions

Zeyad al-Salameen1, Hani

Falahat2, Salameh Naimat3 and
Fawzi Abudanh4
1
Department of Archaeology,
Al-Hussein Bin Talal University,
Wadi Mousa-Petra, PO Box 270,
Jordan
e-mail: zmslameen@yahoo.com
2

Maan Antiquities Ofce, Maan,

Jordan

e-mail: hani_petra@yahoo.com
3

Department of History,
University of Jordan, Amman,
Jordan

e-mail: s.alnaimat@yahoo.com
4

Department of Archaeology, alHussein Bin Talal University,

Wadi Mousa-Petra, Jordan

e-mail: fawziabudanh@yahoo.co.uk

Udhru: historical introduction

Udhru is located approximately 15 km east of the world
heritage site of Petra in southern Jordan (Fig. 1).
Fieldwork studies indicate human activities at Udhru as
well as at adjacent sites as early as the Palaeolithic and
Neolithic periods. Evidence from the Palaeolithic (Mousterian) and Neolithic periods was uncovered at Udhru as
early as the 1980s (Killik 1987: 174; Abudanh 2006: 196).
Other prehistoric periods are still vague and archaeologically unknown either at Udhru or its vicinity. However,
the evidence from the rst millennium BC is better dened
and well attested archaeologically. Iron Age (II) architectural elements and pottery sherds, for instance, have long
been reported from the site of Tell Udhru. Edomite
pottery sherds as well as some Iron Age structures were
also found at various sites within the region of Udhru
(Killick 1983a: 236; Abudanh 2006: 197199).

232

By the end of the rst century BC, the settlement

developed within the region and the sites material remains
show that its prosperity continued throughout the rst
millennium AD. Historical accounts as well as archaeological evidence convey a picture of a prosperous and
culturally vibrant town of some importance during the
classical periods (Killick 1982; 1983a; 1983b; 1986;
1987). The town is mentioned in Roman sources such as
Ptolemys Geography where Udhru is referred to as
and is located in Arabia Petraea (Ptolemy Geographia V.16.4; Abel 1967, ii: 178). Udhrus proximity to
Petra made it an ideal settlement for commercial exchange
and trade during the Nabataean period. Nabataean material
culture remains have been found at Udhru, including
coins dated to the reign of the Nabataean king Aretas IV (9
BCAD 40), pottery, an ostracon and a pottery kiln
(Killick 1987: 175).

NEW ARABIC-CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDHRU

Fig. 1.
The location of Udhru (drawing by Z. al-Salameen).

The Romans annexed Nabataea in AD 106 and

established the Roman province of Arabia, which became
an important military frontier. Consequently they constructed the so-called Via Nova Traiana in AD 111114,
which connected Bostra in southern Syria with Aqaba in
the southern Levant (Graf 1995: 264; Parker 1986: 2) and
followed the major caravan route used during earlier
periods (Isaac 1990: 120). Udhru prospered during the
Roman period. According to a Latin building inscription
discovered at the site in 2005 (Kennedy & Falahat 2008),
Udhru was the base of a Roman legion and fortress in the
early fourth century AD. The inscription, which consists of
eight lines, ended the debate over the date of the Roman
occupation of the site. It reads: Camp of the Legion VI
Ferrata Fidelis Constans rebuilt from its foundations under
the initiation of the Most Accomplished Dux Aurelius
Heraclides and the Most Illustrious Governor of the
Province, Aelius Flavianus, under the charge of Aurelius
Mucianus, Prefect of the same legion (2008).
The main Roman architectural feature within the region
of Udhru is a trapezoidal fortress (measuring 248 207
246 177 m) constructed around the third century AD and
covering an area of about 4.7 ha (Parker 1995: 258). There
is a gateway in the middle of each of its four walls. The
faces of the walls are built of large ashlars bonded by
mortar and there is a horseshoe-shaped projecting tower at
each corner of the structure. The northern and southern
walls are furnished by six projecting towers, while the
western and eastern walls have four projecting towers
(Killick 1986).

Parker compared this fortress with the Roman fortress

of al-Lejjn and concluded that the extant fortications
must be late Roman, contemporary with al-Lejjn c. AD
300 (Parker 1995: 258). Bowersock, however, dates the
site to the sixth century, based on the report of amzah alIfahn who mentions that al-Qaal and Udhru were
constructed by the Ghassnid Jabalah bin al-rith who
was the father of Ab Karib and al-rith (1976: 226).
During the Byzantine period, Udhru was a major town
in the Palaestina Tertia that included the territories of
southern Jordan up to Wad al-as, Sinai and the Negev
(Ward 2008: 127). Stephanus of Byzantium mentions in
his Ethnika (mid-sixth century?) that A was the
largest town in Palaestina Tertia (see Killick 1983b: 110).
The site was mentioned in the tax edict of Beersheba of the
sixth century AD, which recorded Ao/Udhru at the
top of the list of the towns of Palaestina Tertia. The town
paid a tax of 65 gold pieces, indicating its importance
during this period (Mayerson 1986; De Segni 2004).
The sixth-century Petra papyri frequently refer to a site
called Augustopolis. Some of the documents were even
issued or written in Augustopolis (Caldwell III 2001: 116,
120). Many scholars, particularly those who study these
scrolls, identify Augustopolis with modern Udhru (Fiema
2002: 209). The list by Hierocles, known as the Synekdemos and written in c. AD 720, records conditions in the
fourth century and shows that each region of Palaestina
Tertia had its own administrative city. Included among
these were Aila, Petra, Augustopolis (Udhru), Arindela
and Zoora (Hierocles Synekdemos 721.111).
It is also evident that Udhru had gained ecclesiastical
status. Two bishops, probably from Udhru, both named
Johannes of Augustopolis, attended church councils held
during the fth and sixth centuries in Ephesus and
Jerusalem (Fiema 2002: 210). Byzantine settlement sites
were also found in the vicinity of Udhru (Abudanh 2006:
218).
Udhru was an important site during the Islamic period.
The Prophet Muammad gave peace to the people of
Udhru in c. AD 630 by allowing them to pay a poll tax of
100 dinars (Al-Wqid 1966, i: 65). Additionally, the site
hosted the famous arbitration between the representatives
of Al bin Ab lib and Muwyah bin Ab Sufyn
following the battle of iffn in AD 657. The meeting
resulted in the establishment of the Umayyad state based
in Damascus (al-Wqd 1966, iii: 1032; Ibn Saad 1957, i:
290).
The Islamic conquest of southern Transjordan did not
result in sudden changes to residential patterns within the

233

ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN ET AL.

town. The settlement patterns, which seem to have been
mainly rural in character during the early Islamic period,
remained as they were during the late Byzantine period
(Al-Nasarat 2005: 7780).
Udhru remained an important site during the late
Islamic period. Ayyubid, Mamluk and Ottoman pottery
sherds have been found in Udhru (Abudanh 2006: 227
230).
The site was an important station during the Ottoman
period. There is an Ottoman fort at Udhru with walls
standing 6 m high. Although the forts precise date is
unknown, Killick (1983b: 231) suggests that it represents
the last period of Ottoman occupation before the current
village was built in the 1930s. The rectangular fort
measures approximately 21 16 m and has a wide interior
courtyard surrounded on all sides by two storeys of rooms.
The general plan is similar to other Ottoman forts (see alHousan 2008).
The fort was built to protect Ottoman affairs in the region
and serve as a station on the Syrian pilgrimage route
(McQuitty 2001: 569). Three limekilns were found near the
fort but their dates are uncertain (Killick 1983b: 231).
During the Islamic period, Christianity continued to be
practised in Udhru as indicated by various texts written
on the interior walls of the towns medieval church. The
church was converted into a mosque probably during the
late Ottoman period. The texts discussed here conrm that
Christianity was still practised in Udhru during the
medieval period.
From the above overview, we can draw a number of
historical conclusions about Udhru. First, during the
classical period the city was an important administrative,
religious and urban centre that depended on agriculture
and its role as a crucial trade station in southern
Transjordan. Second, during the Roman and Byzantine
periods, when Udhru reached its economic and cultural
zenith, the population was principally Greek-speaking.
Due to the changing political fortunes of the region during
the early Islamic period, the citys population became
more mixed.

The inscriptions
Inscription 1 (Figs 2 & 3)
THE TEXT
The carefully engraved text was found written on a small
limestone block within the church. Beside it are other texts
written in ink or inscribed, but they have partially
disappeared because of later plastering. The inscription,

234

Fig. 2.
Inscription 1.

Fig. 3.
Inscription 1 (drawing by Z. al-Salameen).

which is 17 cm long by 18 cm high, can be easily read as

follows:

TRANSCRIPTION

AND TRANSLATION

:1
Oh God have mercy upon your sinful

NEW ARABIC-CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDHRU

:2
Miserable (and) guilty servant arf
:3
bin Ab al-Karam bin Lath
:4
And send (your) mercy upon his parents and (upon) all
the sons of
:5
Baptism, father to son and he wrote
:6
Sali in the year seven hundred and ve

Commentary
This easily read inscription consists of six lines. The whole
text is tidily and beautifully engraved and its letters are
provided with diacritical points. The text consists of a
request for mercy from Allah for arf bin Ab al-Karam
bin Lath, followed by a request to send mercy upon his
parents and all the Ban al-Mamdyah, or sons of
Baptism.
The text, however, does contain some spelling mistakes.
The nal word in the inscription, al-khti sinful has its
nal hamzah omitted, while the rst word in line 3 (bin)
has its initial alif omitted. There is also a grammatical
mistake in line 4 where l is added to the word jamy all.
The writer of the text uses the word Sali, which means
strip off, pull off, scratch (Lisn, Sali), to describe how
he wrote the text.
Even though the text is dated to the year 705, the text
offers no clues as to how the author understood this date.
Christian texts in Jordan were normally written in Greek or
Syriac. For the rst time in the region, we have unique
evidence for the use of Arabic in a religious Byzantine text.
Greek and Syriac texts are dated normally according to
one of three ofcial calendars:1 (a) the Pompey era which
started in 63 BC; (b) the Antioch era which started in 48
BC; and (c) the Provincia Arabia era that began in AD 106
after the Roman annexation of the Nabataean kingdom. If
the above-mentioned dating formulas are applied to our
text, it should be dated between AD 642 and 811.
1

For more details regarding the dating system in the Christian

texts uncovered in the Byzantine churches in Jordan, see Qqsh
2007: 184ff).

We have other evidence from the Levant for the

Christian use of the Hijric calendar. In addition, six
different systems are found in the Greek papyri uncovered
in Nessana in the Negev: the eras of Gaza, Bostra, Roman
regnal, Roman consular, Roman indictions and the Hijra
(KA); all of these systems appear, sometimes in
conjunction with one another (Stroumsa 2008: 220228).
Palaeographically, the letters of the current text do not
resemble the letters of other Islamic inscriptions dated to
the period between the rst and the third centuries AH
(seventhninth centuries AD). Therefore, the above-mentioned calendars are not applicable to our text. A
comparison of the letter forms with a number of dated
Arabic inscriptions seems to indicate an Ayyubid-Mamluk
date for the text (see al-Housan 2007: 277284). Based on
palaeography, we may conclude that the texts Christian
author used the ofcial Islamic calendar to date his
inscription, rather than the ofcial dating system adopted
by the Byzantine churches in Transjordan. The text
therefore should be dated AD 1306.
Another intriguing issue in the text is the description of
the Christians as Ban al-Mamdyah sons of Baptism, a
description that is attested in some Islamic sources,
including the book of Fut ash-Shm by Al-Wqid
([n.d.]: 485). The name is attested frequently on inscribed
stone and plaster fragments from the site.

Inscription 2 (Figs 4 & 5)

TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION
:1
Oh my Lord Jesus Christ

Fig. 4.
Inscription 2.

235

ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN ET AL.

Fig. 5.
Inscription 2 (drawing by Z. al-Salameen).

:2

Fig. 6.
Inscription 3.

have mercy upon your sinful servant

:3
Isq son of George and show your mercy (upon)
:4
All (those who followed) Christian religion

Commentary
This text was written on a stone fragment found at the
entrance of the chancel inside the church. The stone
measures 27 21 cm and its left edge is damaged. The
lower part of the stone was intentionally defaced, indicating the original text was longer. The text, which consists of
four lines, was written by Isq son of George who seeks
mercy from Jesus Christ for himself and for all those who
follow Christianity. Although some parts of the inscription
are defaced, most of the letters are fairly well cut and the
reading of the text is almost certain. Of the two names in
the second line, there are enough traces to show that they
can be read as Isq son of George.
The inscriptions letter forms and writing style indicate
that it should be dated to approximately the same period as
that of Inscription 1.
Inscription 3 (Figs 6 & 7)
TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION

:3
Son of Yaqoub son of son of Mousa O Lord forgive
them all their
:4
Sins at intercession of [ ]the mother of Light Mariyam in
accordance
:5

:1

with intercession of George the Holy, may God have his

mercy upon him who writes, reads and says Amen

In the name of Father, Son and Holy Spirit

:6

:2
O Lord have mercy and forgive your sinful servant Yousef

236

Fig. 7.
Inscription 3 (drawing by Z. al-Salameen).

And the sinner wrote on their behalf on Wednesday of

the month of Shabn

NEW ARABIC-CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDHRU

:7
In the year sixty four and four

Commentary
The inscription was written on the northern wall of the
churchs northern aisle. Only the middle of the fourth line
is somewhat unclear; the rest of the inscription is clear and
the reading is certain. The letters of the inscription are
uneven and inelegant and there are some mistakes and
repetitions in the text, all of which betray the writers lack
of care in making the inscription. Traces of secondarily
written words are found in line 3 (bn) and line 6 (yam).
Carelessness is shown in the general character of the text,
both in the forms of the words and the sharp incisions used
to carve the text.
The date of the inscription is given as the year sixty
four and four (644) which, given the reference to the
Islamic month of Shabn in line 6, undoubtedly refers to
the Islamic Hijri calendar. This date, therefore, corresponds to AD 1246.
Inscription 4 (Figs 8 & 9)
TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLATION
:1

Oh Lord have mercy on your sinful servant

:2

Fig. 9.
Inscription 4 (drawing by Z. al-Salameen).

large and well written and can be read with certainty.

There is nothing in the inscription to distinguish it from
the other texts uncovered in the church, which invoke
Gods mercy upon the writers.
The studied texts ask God for forgiveness for both the
writers and their relatives. Two of the inscriptions are
dated, while the other two can be dated on the basis of
palaeography. The forms of the letters of these inscriptions
are Naskh, which replaced the Kf script around the
middle of the sixth century AH (Littmann 1904: 198). In
addition to the four texts presented here, there are
numerous grafti written on the walls of the church, many
of which remain undeciphered.
It is, however, a fact that Christian Syriac and Greek
inscriptions are entirely predominant in various sites in
Jordan, and no Arabic-Christian inscription has been
found so far in the region apart from the collection under
consideration in this paper.

Frag son of Barakah

Commentary
This inscription is written on a limestone block measuring
22 16 cm and was uncovered in the ruins of the chancel
area at the front of the church. The letters of the text are

Discussion Udhru during the Byzantine and

Islamic periods: continuity of Christianity
Christianity was legalised by the Edict of Toleration in AD
311 and the Byzantine period started in our region in AD
324. The new religion quickly spread in Transjordan, as
indicated by the presence of a bishop of Esbus at the
Council of Nicaea in AD 325.2 It is not known when
Christianity arrived at Udhruh. The presence of a
prosperous settlement at Udhru during the Byzantine
and Islamic periods is indicated by various references.
According to the Greek Byzantine archive3 found in Petra,

Fig. 8.
Inscription 4.

The earliest Christian community in Jordan dates to AD 66

when refugees arrived in Pella after eeing the Jewish Revolt in
Jerusalem (Bienkowski 1996: 24).
Two volumes on these papyri have been published (see Frsn,
Arjava & Lehtinen 2002; Arjava, Buchholz & Gagos 2007).

237

ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN ET AL.

which is dated to the sixth century AD, Augustopolis
(Udhru) was a signicant agricultural town near Petra.
Augustopolis (Udhru) is mentioned frequently in the
Petra papyri. Three requests to a tax collector in AD 538
mention property around Petra and Augustopolis. It is
clear from the texts that elds registered in Petra and elds
registered in Augustopolis (Udhru) were adjacent to one
another (Caldwell III 2001: 12).
The region of Udhru saw a rapid expansion of
settlement and increased population during the Byzantine
period and was characterised by a rural settlement pattern
and widespread cultivation (2001: 20). Another factor for
the prosperity of Udhru during this period may be
attributed to the trade routes that passed through the region
(Fiema 1991: 220221).
The Petra papyri mention the Church of the Saint and
Glorious Martyr Theodoros in Augustopolis (Frsn 2004:
142). A Byzantine church was constructed in Udhru and
is located outside the south-west corner tower of the
fortress. Although there is little evidence for new building
construction during the Byzantine period, there are signs
that some Roman buildings were reused. Some of the
features of the Roman fortress, for example, were restored
and some of its walls were strengthened (Fiema 1991:
219).
The Udhru church (Figs 10 & 11) is a rare example
of an Arab-Christian monument built and used so close
to Arabia, the place where the Islamic faith rst
appeared.
Nothing survives of the churchs roof and the date of the
churchs construction is uncertain. The church is a basilica
in plan, with a central rectangular nave anked by two
aisles on the northern and southern sides. This part
occupies more than half of the entire church. The nave
terminates in an apse, which is anked on both sides by
ancillary rooms which are part of the sanctuary area and
each of these terminates in an apse. This church was
preceded by a narthex and an atrium and there is one
entrance providing access to the church in its northern
wall. The church also contains a water well, baptism
basins and a sanctuary area. The sanctuary area is tripartite
the central apse is anked by the smaller semi-circular
apses of the prothesis (to the north) and the diakonikon (to
the south). A series of rooms anked the church along its
northern and southern aisles, two of which terminate in an
apse in their eastern sides.
The external walls of the church have a rubble core with
exposed mortar (Killick 1983a: 234). The interior walls
have successive layers of plastering, indicating that the

238

Fig. 10.
Plan of the church (based on an aerial photograph taken by David
Kennedy, drawn by A. Hasanat).

Fig. 11.
Aerial photograph showing the Byzantine church and the tower of the
Roman fortress (David Kennedy, APAAME_20090930_SES-0096).

church was reconstructed and modied continuously

during different periods, seemingly from the Byzantine
until the Ottoman period.

NEW ARABIC-CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDHRU

Most of the church has been excavated and many
Islamic-period Christian inscriptions have been found
scratched into the plaster of the interior walls. Other Greek
inscriptions and grafti have been found on stones as well
as on the plastered walls of the church, indicating that
Greek and Arabic were used by the Christian inhabitants
of Udhru during the Byzantine and Islamic periods.
Greek was the main language of Byzantium and the major
language used in the Byzantine churches. It was used by
monastic communities for worship and theology from the
fourth up to the eighth century before its use came to an
end in Palestine and Syria in the ninth century (Mango
1991: 14950). Two Greek inscriptions (as well as a
number of short grafti) from this period have been found
at Udhru; one is a gravestone and the other has a biblical
citation the Lord upon many waters (Psalms 29: 3). The
inscriptions presented here show that Christianity continued in Udhru during the Islamic periods.
Byzantine pottery sherds collected in the church area
cover the time span from the fth century up to the early
Islamic period. Pottery from the site also shows that the
church was used throughout the Islamic periods
Ayyubid, Mamluk and Ottoman pottery sherds were found
mixed with Byzantine and Umayyad sherds. The AyyubidMamluk sherds consist of unglazed coarse ware, slipped
and decorated with painted geometric patterns.
Parts of a fragmentary and mostly destroyed mosaic
oor were uncovered but it seems that the mosaic
originally covered the nave and aisles. This mosaic
included a white and black carpet bordered by panels of
black and white tesserae forming geometric designs. This
pavement had been disturbed in antiquity and only
portions of it remain. Later, after the church was converted
into a mosque, parts of the oor were paved with small
stones.
Additionally, human burials were found beneath the
oor of the church and these have been dated by
associated pottery to the Byzantine period. Both single
and multiple burials were discovered. Single burials were
found below the northern and southern aisles of the
church. Burials that contain more than one skeleton were
found below the southern aisle just to the east of the
Islamic mirb and north of the prothesis. The placement
of the bones in a large pile in the eastern half of the tomb
indicates secondary burial.
The graves are oriented eastwest, the corpses were laid
on their backs, heads to the east, their faces upward and
their hands contracted toward the face. Each of the single
burials contained a juglet dating to the fth and sixth

centuries AD. The graves were covered by capstones. The

gaps between these capping stones were sealed with small
stones.
The burials4 that were found north of the prothesis are
probably dated to later periods. In the eastern part of the
Byzantine Empire, tombs were generally not located
within the sanctuary area (Goldfus 1997: 4647). It seems
that the room that contained these burials was a later
addition, as seen in its architecture. The multiple burials in
the sanctuary area were later than the date of the church
itself, indicating these burials had been placed when the
church was no longer in use.
Various fragmentary nds were found scattered in the
excavated soil layers in the church. They consist of
inscribed stucco decoration, rock-cut basin fragments,
charcoal writings on stucco and fragments of chancel
screen supports and posts. Many types of crosses were
engraved inside the church.
The early and middle Islamic periods are poorly attested
archaeologically in southern Jordan in general and in the
region of Udhru in particular. This could be attributed to
the fact that the material culture of these periods is poorly
known due to the lack of excavations (Schick 1997: 81;
Walmsley 2002: 525). It has already been noted that for
the Byzantine period, the available archaeological evidence from the region of Udhru indicates an agricultural
society. Likewise, for the Islamic periods, archaeological
surveys have shown that the area was dominated by
farmsteads and agricultural-based settlements, taking into
account that water resources and fertile soil were available
(Abudanh 2006: 228). The economic wealth of the region,
which is reected in the taxation and land ownership
documents of the Petra papyri, was largely tied to
agriculture.
Udhrus name is mentioned frequently in various
Islamic historical sources. Al-Wqid (129207 AH/AD
744822) in his book al-Maz and Al-Yaqoub (d. 284
AH/AD 897) in his book Tr al-Yaqoub talk about the
battle of Tabk and mention that the people of Dumah,
Aylah and Tayma feared the Prophet Muammad when
they saw that the Arabs had converted to Islam. Therefore
Yan bin Rubah, the governor of Aylah, went to the
Prophet with the people of Jarb and Udhru and made a
treaty with him. The Prophet then imposed jizyah, poll

Byzantine churches in Jordan often contain the tombs of individuals who nancially supported or helped fund the construction of these buildings (see Qqsh 2007).

239

ZEYAD AL-SALAMEEN ET AL.

tax, on them and wrote to them (Al-Wqid [n.d.], i: 65;
al-Yaqoub 1960, ii: 126).
Al-Yaqoub also writes in his book Al-Buldn about the
Arab tribes that inhabited the southern part of Transjordan.
He mentions that Ghassnids were the people of Gharandal and Udhru and the latter was a city Madinat of
Sharah and its people were Mawl of Ban Hshim (2001:
51).
Al-Maqdis (d. 380 AH/990 AD) in his book Asan
at-Taqsm fy Marifat al-Aqlm talks about some
towns in southern Transjordan; he considered Zoar the
principal city in the Sherah province and listed Udhru
among its cities (1980: 155). The same information is
repeated by Al-Iar (rst half of the tenth century
AD) (1961). Al-Maqdis says Udhru is an outlying
town on the borders of al-Hejz and Syria. They keep
here the mantle of the Messenger of God peace and
blessings be upon him and a treaty written on parchment (1980: 155).
Al-Idrsi (493559 AH/AD 11001166) in his book
Nuzhat al-Mushtq fy Itirq al-Afq refers also to
Udhru which was, according to him, part of the
province of Sharah. He also describes the area as very
fertile with abundant olive trees, vines and pomegranate,
while its inhabitants were of the people of Qais (1989, i:
357).
A priest from Udhru named Musa ibn Hakim alAdhrui is mentioned in a Sinaite manuscript dated to the
third century AH (AD 900) (Fiema 2002: 21011).
Islamic historical sources provide confusing information
about the tribes that settled in southern Transjordan in
general and in Udhru in particular during the Byzantine
and early Islamic periods. Different tribal groups were
apparently active in the region, including Juthm, Lakhm
and the Ghassnids.
Al-Hamadan (d. 334 AH/AD 946) in his book ifat
Jazrat al-Arab mentions that the territories of Juthm are
located between Median, Tabk and Udhru (2001: 146).
Al-Qalqashand (765821 AH/AD 13551418), on the
other hand, mentions that Lakhms settled in Palestine,
Maan and Udhru and their territories extended from
Tabk to Aylah. Other writers refer to the Qas tribes
settling in the region of Udhru. Like the other Levantine
Arab tribes, Juthm played a signicant role in the Islamic
conquest of the Levant (Hamarneh 1991). After the Battle
of Tabk, the prophet made a treaty with the people of
Udhru, the place where the arbitration between Ali and
Muwyah took place nearby in 38 AH. Tabk facilitated
the way for the Muslim troops to go towards the Levant.

240

Ab al-Fid mentions that the Ghassnid5 king Jabalah

bin al-rith built Udhru and al-Qaal (1997). It has
been proposed that al-rith controlled the province of
Arabia after being appointed by Justinian in AD 529. Alriths brother Ab Karib (Abocharbos), the phylarch of
Palestine, controlled Palaestina Tertia whose main administrative centre was Petra. Justinian appointed Ab Karib
to be phylarch, or leader, over the Saracens (Fiema 1991:
204205) and his name is mentioned several times in the
Petra papyri in a legal dispute involving the failed
arbitration of a chorepiscopus (Koenen 1996: 185). The
phylarch appears in connection with a dispute between a
citizen named Theodorus, who was a bishop of either Petra
or Udhru, and a neighbour (Caldwell III 2001: 11).
Some scholars believe that at the height of their
inuence under al-rith bin Jabalah (c. AD 529569),
the lands of the Ghassnids included Maan, ash-Sharah, alas, ism and awrn (Khraist 1989: 191217). The
Petra papyri indicate this might be true. A newly published
Nabataean inscription dated to the rst two centuries AD
mentions mlk sn, king of the Ghassnids, and this
indicates an early Ghassnid presence in the northern part
of Arabia (Al-Theeb 2005: 132135).
Some crusader sources mention villages and sites
located between the Dead Sea region and Petra/Wad
Mosa, but Udhru is not mentioned among these.
Udhru, therefore, did not witness any remarkable events
during the crusades, nor was it subject to any of their
fortication activities. It seems that rural villagers and
nomadic pastoralists continued to live in the region side by
side during the Islamic periods. After the Mamluks were
defeated in 1516, the rule of Transjordan passed to the
Ottomans and Transjordan became part of the province of
Syria.
During the late Ottoman period, the church was
converted into a mosque and a mirb was constructed
along the southern wall, oriented almost, but not quite, in
the direction of Qiblah (Mecca). On the same wall is a
well-constructed stone staircase that led up to the roof.

It is worth mentioning that the Ghassnids migrated to the

Syrian desert during the fth century from southern Arabia and
settled the lands of Sula after the approval of the Byzantine
emperors, which was conditional upon Ghassnid military
support of Byzantium, their conversion to Christianity and
paying taxes (Shahid 1984: 384). The Ghassnids conquered
Sula around AD 491 (Sab 1992: 103) and, with their victory, became the main Byzantine allies in the region against the
Sasanian Arab client state of the Lakhmids.

NEW ARABIC-CHRISTIAN INSCRIPTIONS FROM UDHRU

It may be concluded that the region, which seems to
have been controlled by the Ghassnids during the
Byzantine period, was inhabited by many tribes, including
the tribe of Juthm. The governor of Maan upon the arrival
of Islam was Farwah bin Amr who was Juthm.
Additionally, it is believed that the bishop of Aylah,
Yan bin Rubah, was Juthm (Ibn Saad 1957, i: 286).
Juthm and other tribes were therefore active in the region
during the Byzantine and Islamic periods and they were
both Christians and Muslims. It is most likely that
Christian families lived in Udhru until the late Ottoman
period. Wallin stopped in Udhru in 1845 and his local
guide informed him that Udhru was a former great
Christian city (Wallin 1854: 127128).
Burckhardt mentions that there were about twenty
families of Greek Christians living in Wad Mousa west of
Udhru before they moved to Kerak (1930: 420). It seems
that the families that were living in Wad Mousa, Shobak
and Udhru emigrated after the penetration of the Wahb
doctrine in the region. Some scholars mention that some of

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