International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy

Pakistani model of diversity management: rediscovering Jinnah's vision

Jawad Syed

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IJSSP
28,3/4

100

Pakistani model of diversity

management: rediscovering
Jinnahs vision
Jawad Syed

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University of Kent, Canterbury, UK

Received 24 April 2006
Abstract
Revised 8 July 2006
Accepted 12 September 2006 Purpose The paper endeavours to propose a Pakistani model of diversity management that is

consistent with Pakistans unique culture and socio-political context.

Design/methodology/approach The paper offers an analysis of the speeches and ideology of
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, in an attempt to outline his vision of diversity and
equality of opportunities in Pakistani society.
Findings The analysis identifies four key dimensions of Jinnahs vision: first, democratisation
ensuring the participation of all groups of people in socio-economic and political spheres of life.
Second, an egalitarian version of Islam, considered consistent with the principles of social justice and
equal opportunity. Third, the implementation of a strict rule of law with no room for favouritism and
discrimination. And fourth, special protective measures for minorities, women and other
disadvantaged groups. The four dimensions are on the whole inclined towards a social case of
diversity management.
Practical implications A diversity management model based on Jinnahs principles may help
Pakistani organisations to more effectively manage the countrys diverse human resources. With its
focus on Islamic egalitarian principles, the model may also be useful for diversity management in
other Muslim majority countries.
Originality/value The concept of diversity management remains largely unexplored in Islamic
society. In this respect, the paper offers a unique socio-economic perspective of the population and
workforce diversity.
Keywords Diversification, Equal opportunities, Islam, Pakistan
Paper type Research paper

International Journal of Sociology

and Social Policy
Vol. 28 No. 3/4, 2008
pp. 100-113
# Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0144-333X
DOI 10.1108/01443330810862179

Introduction and theoretical background

Given the plurality of socio-economic discourses and practices in the world today, a
culturally sensitive perspective towards work organisation is gaining importance in
academic and management circles. Many scholars (e.g. Ray and Sayer, 1999; Escobar,
2001; Williams and Windebank, 2003) are investigating the growth of interest in culture
and the turn away from economy in the social sciences, and its possible implications for
work and organisation. Williams (2005) argues that far from following unified capitalistic
structures of economy, societies today (particularly those with a post-socialist or postcolonial background) remain grounded in a form of work organisation characterised by a
plurality of economic practices both on societal and household levels. Williams study
suggests that a multitude of trajectories are being pursued both at the level of the nation
state and the level of the household. Indeed, many nations today do not necessarily agree
with the historical social unaccountability of businesses in the industrialised world (as is
evidenced by the current stand-off on the Kyoto protocol an international treaty on
climate change between the USA and Australia vs rest of the world). Similarly, issues
of discrimination in employment, individualistic aspirations for material prosperity, and
the resulting societal inequalities are gaining attention worldwide.
Equal opportunity in employment is an important area of socio-economic research.
Income inequalities exist everywhere in the world in part due to employment

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discriminations and social stereotypes. Wang and Kleiner (2001) attribute lower social
status of some groups (such as ethnic and religious minorities) to their generally lower
incomes, which determine their ability to buy goods and services. Lower incomes are
often the result of unfair organisational decisions caused by job discrimination (Cohn,
2000). Thus, social inequities can have their start in job discrimination (Wang and
Kleiner, 2001, p. 116). For instance, Apodaca and Kleiners (2001) study highlights that
sexual harassment and discriminations at the workplace result into an overall female
disadvantage in a society. A number of theories have been offered to explain the socioeconomic disparities associated with the workforce diversity.
Social categorisation theory posits that individuals seek to define themselves through
a process of self-categorisation on any salient characteristic such as sex, race/ethnicity
and age, which is then reflected in individual self-perception and behaviours (Tuner et al.,
1987). Most studies on diversity have used self-categorisation theory and social identity
theory (Tajfel, 1982) to explain diversitys implications for organisations, individuals and
overall societies. These studies suggest that greater diversity may cause workgroup
members to employ divisive social categorisations based on their salient demographic
characteristics instead of using the inclusive workgroup boundary as the basis for
categorisation (Northcraft et al., 1995). Similarity/attraction theory contends that
individuals form into in-groups and out-groups, whereby members of the in-group share
similar social categorisation traits. This categorisation causes people to accentuate
perceptions of their similarities with in-group members as well as their differences from
out-group members (Brewer, 1979). Such inter-group categorisations may increase
dysfunctional conflict and turnover while undermining cohesion and social integration
(Tsui et al., 1992; Pelled et al., 1999). Within the workplace contexts, ineffective
management of social categorisation in diverse workgroups can result in diminished
productivity levels and poor quality of work life for individuals in out-groups. This in
turn leads to further societal disadvantage for such individuals or groups because of
their lower incomes and corresponding lower social status.
Though, diversity of the population is a global phenomenon, there is some evidence
that the concept of diversity management and its enactment are predominantly
oriented towards the demographic and socio-economic realities of mainly Western
societies and organisations. Cassell (1996) notes that much of the literature on diversity
and equal opportunity has been written and published in North America, which is a
reflection of the changing demographics in that part of the world. The concept of
diversity management, which originated in the United States, takes the form of a
voluntary corporate approach to human resource management (Kandola and Fullerton,
1994; Agocs and Burr, 1996). A US-centric discourse on diversity, however, cannot
simply be transferred to organisations of other cultures (Jones et al., 2000). Each culture
has its own unique set of realities. Naqvi (2003) suggests that it would be nave to
transplant a foreign model of diversity management into another cultural context
without the necessary customisation. The present paper seeks to identify some broad
dimensions of a Pakistani model of diversity management, which is consistent with
Pakistans unique culture and sociopolitical context. The paper offers an analysis of the
speeches and ideology of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, in an attempt
to identify his vision of diversity and equal opportunity for Pakistani society.
Diversity in Pakistani society
Equal opportunity and managing diversity are new concepts to Pakistan, a country
comprising heterogeneous groups of people from different linguistic, ethnic or religious

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backgrounds. The Muslim population in Pakistan is divided into 77 per cent Sunnis
and 20 per cent Shiites. The differences in beliefs and practices of these Islamic schools
have resulted in major sectarian differences and violence in Pakistani society that has
claimed hundreds of lives over the last two decades (UNDP, 2004). As well as these two
major sects, there are a few non-Muslim communities that remain largely concentrated
in the Thar area of Sind province (a Hindu community) and in the central parts of the
Punjab province (a Christian community) (CIA, 2004). There are at least six major
languages spoken in different parts of Pakistan including Urdu, Punjabi, Saraiki,
Pashtu, Sindhi and Balochi along with numerous other smaller languages and dialects.
Pakistan, which is administratively divided into four provinces, also administrates
other regions (including the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the Northern
Areas, the latter being involved in the as yet unresolved Kashmir dispute). Every
region is comprised of people who are ethnically and linguistically different to the
people in the next region. Most ethnic groups constitute a majority in their area of
origin and are indigenous to it, but constitute a minority within other regions, and also
in comparison to the entire population (Ali and Rehman, 2001, p. 3).
The variety of languages spoken in Pakistan is an expression of the diverse cultural
and ethnic backgrounds of the people who speak these languages. The linguistic
diversity is generally isomorphic with ethnic diversity, which is mainly found in all the
four provinces and various other regions within each province, and other
administrative areas. Linguistic and ethnic identification in Pakistan is, according to
Jaffrelot (2002), characterised by power politics, and social discrimination vis-a`-vis
employment opportunities. Table I presents an overview of cultural diversity in
Pakistani society.
Why Jinnahs vision?
Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (b. 1877 d.1948) is one of the most powerful
characters in the history of South Asian Muslims. He was the founder of Pakistan, its
first Governor General, and the liberator of the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. In
the words of Stanley Wolpert (2002, p. 1): Few individuals significantly alter the

Table I.
Religious and ethnic
diversity in Pakistan

Total population
Religious affiliation
Muslims
Christians
Hindus
Others
Languages spoken
Punjabi
Sindhi
Saraiki
Pashtu
Urdu (official)
Balochi
Hindko
Others

159.196 millions
97% (Sunnis 77%, Shias 20%)
1.6% (mainly in north-eastern Punjab)
1.59% (mainly in eastern Sindh)
0.2% (Parsees, Sikhs, Schedule Castes, etc.)
48%
12%
10%
8%
8%
3%
2%
9%

Source: Based on data from GOP, 2004; CIA, 2004; and USDOC, 2004

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course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be
credited with creating a nation-state. Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all the three.
For almost all Pakistanis, irrespective of religion, race or creed, he is simply the
Quaid-i-Azam or the Great Leader. Whatever their political affiliation, they believe
there is no one quite like him (Ahmed, 1997). In todays Pakistan, a society constantly
wrecked by linguistic conflict, ethnic divisions and sectarian violence (Naqvi, 2003;
UNDP, 2004), Jinnahs personality ranks high among the few signs of unity and
national solidarity. For these reasons it was considered pertinent to rediscover some
of his ideas about diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistani society. The ideas can
then become the basis of a diversity management model, one that is much needed by
Pakistan, its society, and its various organisations.
Method
The paper has adopted Hodders (2002) approach to the interpretation of documents
and material culture to explore and identify Jinnahs perspectives about human
diversity within (pre-partition i.e. pre-1947) Indian and (post-partition) Pakistani
societies. With this aim, Jinnahs speeches, public messages, interviews and other
verbal and non-verbal messages were analysed in order to delineate his vision of
diversity and equal opportunity. The inclusion of non-verbal messages in the analysis
was to acknowledge the fact that politics is not just conducted through language
(Fairclough, 1989, p. 23).
Data collection and selection
A large number of speeches, interviews, letters and messages composed by Jinnah
were accessed through a collection of Jinnahs speeches by Zaidi (2002) five volumes,
Ahmed (2002) four volumes, Government of Pakistan (GOP, 2003), and other individual
resources mentioned in references. The analysis involved searching for key themes on
diversity, discrimination and equal opportunity, which has been recommended to avoid
prejudicial bias (Brewton and Millward, 2001). The approach was particularly helpful
due to a paucity of research on diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistani society and
organisations (Naqvi, 2003). The key terms used for locating diversity related themes
included the names of the provinces, regions, racial/ethnic groups, religions, sects,
languages, and tribes present within different regions and provinces in Pakistan (and the
pre-partition India). These terms (along with the issues related to gender) were used as
markers of diversity in Pakistani (and the pre-partition Indian) society, identified on the
basis of a pretest with 10 randomly selected speeches from Zaidi (2002).
In total, one hundred speeches and messages were randomly selected while
reflecting a variety of resources (such as books, newspapers, and the official website of
the Government of Pakistan), text types (such as speeches and interviews), and time
periods (pre- and post-independence). It was a convenience sample first few texts
within each source/section were analysed to locate diversity related themes. Most of the
selected sample pertained to the 1940s because of two main reasons: (a) Pakistan came
into being in August 1947 and Jinnah became its first Governor General until his death
in September 1948. It was important to examine Jinnahs discourse on diversity as the
leader of the newborn country; and (b) most of Jinnahs recorded speeches belong to the
era after he returned from England to India and assumed leadership of All India
Muslim League in the late 1930s. A copy of Jinnahs first address in Pakistans
legislative assembly on 11 August 1947 was specially secured from the offices of Daily
Dawn, Karachi (a newspaper founded by Jinnah) because of its historic importance as a

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policy statement about inter-communal relations in this newly created country. Based
on the identification of key themes on diversity, 17 speeches and other texts were
located for final analysis, six from the pre-1947 and eleven from the post-1947 periods.
The selected texts had at least one or two themes related to diversity including
religious, ethnic and gender diversity.
Following is a break up of these texts by type: two speeches were delivered in
Legislative Assemblies, two are based on Jinnahs interviews and broadcast messages,
seven were delivered in public rallies, two are Jinnahs political letters, three are based
on his speeches during his meeting with minority groups, and some other
miscellaneous statements (Table II).
By transcribing the full text (or the maximum part available) of each speech into
Word documents, the texts were qualitatively analysed based on diversity related
themes. This was done to gain a rich non-structured understanding of Jinnahs
discourse on diversity. Table III offers a verbatim overview of Jinnahs discourse on
diversity and equality.
Analysis
In line with Fosss approach (1983, p. 283), the analysis offers one perspective on
Jinnahs texts and the paper argues in support of that perspective. Argument is the
primary criterion for assessing the reliability and validity of this research. The bulk of
the discussion articulates how the key themes (based on the oft repeated phrases and
words as reflected in Table III) led to a view of Jinnahs perspectives on diversity and
equality. It is however admitted that the claims made through the analysis may not
Year

Occasion

Theme

1912

Speech in the Imperial Legislative Council in

support of Gokhales Elementary Education Bill
Annual meeting of Indian National Congress in
Nagpur, in which Jinnah warned Gandhi for his
ultra-constitutional tactics
Annual meeting of All India Muslim League
Letter to Gandhi
Statement about womens role in society
Statement in the year of communal frenzy,
when religious exploitation would have been
the best tool for political expediency
Presidential address to Pakistans first
Constituent Assembly
Interview with Reuters Duncan Hooper
Speech in the last meeting of All India Muslim
League
Speech during a tour of riot affected areas of
Karachi
Address to Karachi Bar Association
Address to the Parsi community of Sindh
Address at Sibi Darbar
The broadcast talk to the people of Australia
Mass rally at Dacca
Meeting with the Scheduled Caste Federation
Message to his countrymen and women

Social justice

1920
1937
1944
1944
1946
1947
1947
1947
1948

Table II.
Diversity-related themes
in a selection of Jinnahs
speeches

1948
1948
1948
1948
1948
1948
1948

Rule of law
Minority rights
Minority rights
Womens rights
Social justice
Social justice, minority rights
Social justice, minority rights
Rule of law
Minority rights, rule of law
Minority rights, rule of law, social justice
Minority rights, rule of law
Social justice, women rights
Minority rights
Minority rights, rule of law, social justice
Minority rights, rule of law
Womens rights

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Minorities

Women

Rule of law

Social justice

Distinctive culture and

civilisation, language
and literature, art and
architecture, names and
nomenclature, sense of
values and proportion,
legal laws and moral
codes, customs and
calendar, history and
tradition, aptitude and
ambitions; distinctive
outlook on life; many
castes, many creeds
and many languages;
many non-Muslims
Hindus, Christians and
Parsis; by virtue of
their belonging to
particular faith, religion
or race; all Pakistanis;
same rights and
privileges as any other
citizens; minorities;
creed; community;
provincialism; Muslims;
sectarianism, Shia,
Sunni; as regards
Muslims you have
Pathans, Punjabis,
Shias, Sunnis and so
on. . .
Among the Hindus you
have Brahmins,
Vashnavas, Khatris;
also Bengalis, Madrasis
and so on

Comrades in every
sphere of life; the prime
architects of the
character of the youth;
side by side with (men);
victims of evil customs;
crime against humanity
that our women are
shut up within the four
walls of their houses as
prisoners; (women
should help) their less
fortunate sisters
outside (their own
homes)

First duty of a
government is to
maintain law and
order; life, property and
religious beliefs of its
subjects fully protected
by the state; we shall
maintain peace, law
and order; protect and
safeguard every citizen
of Pakistan without
any distinction of caste,
creed or community;
members of every
community will be
treated as citizens of
Pakistan with equal
rights and privileges
and obligations;
minorities will be
safeguarded and
protected; sullied by
the sudden outburst of
communal frenzy;
protect your Hindu
neighbours; cooperate
with the Government
and the officials in
protecting your Hindu
neighbours; Pakistan
shall . . . do all it can to
create a sense of
security and confidence
in the non-Muslim
minorities; we shall
treat the minorities
fairly and justly

Principles of justice
and fair-play; without
any prejudice or ill-will;
complete impartiality;
justice and fairplay to
every body; corruption
is a curse; great evil,
the evil of nepotism
and jobbery; the
highest sense of
integrity; the affairs of
the state shall be
guided by discussion
and consultations;
democracy; equality of
man . . . our social life
and our economic life;
freedom; tolerance;
educate the masses;
downtrodden people;
majority and minority
communities; solidarity;
complete unity; no
matter what relations
he had with you in the
past; all citizens and
equal citizens of one
state; we do not
prescribe any
schoolboy tests for
their loyalty; we shall
not say to any Hindu
citizen of Pakistan if
there was war would
you shoot a Hindu?

always be successful in convincing the reader to accept the claim being made about the
artefact (speeches), but the reader should be able to see how the critic arrives at a
particular view of and conclusions about the artefact (Foss, 1996, p. 19). The aim here
is to demonstrate how these texts led this author to an identification of Jinnahs vision
about managing diversity in Pakistani society.
1. Democratisation
Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a democratic society based on the rule of law and social
justice, a country in which all citizens would be equal irrespective of caste and creed.
He had no place for intolerance and bigotry in his scheme of Pakistani society (Daily
Dawn, 2000). Jinnah believed in Islamic values that are in congruence with democracy,
social justice, and the rule of law (Ahmad, 1995). He expressed similar ideas in a speech
he delivered in 1948 in the Sibi Darbar, Balochistan:

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Table III.
An overview of Jinnahs
discourse on diversity
and equality

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Let us lay the foundations of our democracy on the basis of truly Islamic ideals and
principles. Our Almighty has taught us that our decisions in the affairs of the state shall be
guided by discussion and consultations (14 February 1948: Sibi Darbar).

And a few days later,

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Islam and its ideals have taught us democracy. It has taught equality of man, justice and
fairplay to every body. In any case Pakistan is not going to be a theocratic state, to be ruled by
priests with a divine mission. We have many non-Muslims Hindus, Christians, and Parsis
but they are all Pakistanis. They will enjoy the same rights and privileges as any other
citizens and will play their rightful part in the affairs of Pakistan (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

Jinnahs belief in democratic principles was also reflected in his decision to quit the
presidency of the All India Muslim League on the eve of his appointment as the first
Governor-General of the State of Pakistan.
I cannot in good conscience continue to be the president of a self-avowedly communal
organisation and the Governor-General of Pakistan at the same time (17 December 1947: Last
meeting of All India Muslim League).

2. Egalitarian version of Islam

Jinnah believed in an egalitarian interpretation of Islam that involved respect and
tolerance for people from all religions, races and ethnicities. He invoked Islamic ideals
as informing the policies and practices of the state and its governments. Instead of
entertaining a narrow version of an Islamic code of life, he believed in Islamic values
that are in congruence with democracy, social justice, and rule of law (Ahmad, 1995).
Thus, in those years of communal frenzy, when religious exploitation would have been
the best tool for political expediency, Jinnah asked (1946):
What are we fighting for? What are we aiming at? It is not theocracy, not for a theocratic
state. Religion is dear to us. All the worldly goods are nothing when we talk of religion. But
there are other things, which are very vital our social life and our economic life, and without
political power how can you defend your faith and your economic life (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

Jinnahs Pakistan was intended for all faiths and religions, though the Muslim
community became the vehicle of creation of such a state. Jinnahs vision was inclusive
and socially liberal, despite the fact that the Muslim minority in India was the primary
constituency for his struggle. He cherished an idea of a country in which Muslims,
along with all other ethno-religious communities, would be free to follow their religions
and cultures, and would not suffer discrimination at the hands of any.
I would like to tell those who are misled by propaganda, that not only the Muslims but nonMuslims have nothing to fear. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. Islam has
taught equality, justice and fairplay to everybody. What reason is there for anyone to fear
democracy, equality, freedom on the highest sense of integrity and on the basis of fairplay and
justice for everyone? Let us make the constitution of Pakistan. We will make it and we will
show it to the world (25 January 1948: Address to the Karachi Bar Association).

Jinnah reiterated his vision of social justice based on Islamic principles in his broadcast
to the people of Australia:
But make no mistake; Pakistan is not a theocracy or anything like it. Islam demands from us
the tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest association with us all those who of
whatever creed are themselves willing and ready to play their part as true and loyal citizens
of Pakistan (19 February 1948: The Broadcast Talk to the People of Australia).

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Social justice
The principle of social justice is hard to achieve in feudal societies, which are generally
dependent on mass illiteracy and social stratification for their maintenance (Engineer,
2002). Jinnah was well aware of this fact, which was clearly reflected in his speech to
the Imperial Legislative Council in April 1912 in support of Gokhales Elementary
Education Bill. Jinnah reproached the British for their neglect of elementary education
in India. He opined that there could be no salvation for the masses unless the principle
of compulsory education was introduced. Jinnah referred to Sir Harcourt Butler, an
opponent of the Bill, who had stated that India could not be compared to other
countries of the world as in certain respects its conditions differed radically. In Jinnahs
words, Indian people belonged to the same species of human beings and in that respect
they resembled all other nations of the world.
Conditions may well have been different and that is where the statesmen and the politicians
came into play. It was up to them to meet those special conditions and provide the necessary
safeguards. Elementary education has nothing to do with the fact that India has many castes,
many creeds and many languages. Provision had to be made for them (cited in Cowasjee,
2001).

Jinnahs opponents argued that there were insufficient school buildings, and not
enough teachers to cater for compulsory elementary education. And there was no
money. Jinnah challenged them:
All I can say is this, find money! Find money!! Find money!!! I appeal to the president, not as
president but as the Finance Minister. I say, find money. If you say you have not got enough
money, discover and tap new sources. . .

Some feudal lords in the Assembly opposed the bill on the pretexts of political and
social dangers. It was argued that were the people to be given education, it would breed
socialism and agitators who would organise strikes. Jinnah termed the argument
ridiculous: how can you equate education with sedition? He believed that frank and
independent criticism of the government was the duty of every member of the state and
that fair, free and independent criticism of the acts of government could in no way
constitute sedition. In response to another fear of the feudal lords that the people would
become too big for their boots, that they would not follow the occupations of their
parents, that they would demand more rights, that they would agitate, and that they
would become socialists, Jinnah asked:
Is it your intention to keep millions and millions of people downtrodden merely out of fear
that they may demand more rights? Are they to be kept in darkness and ignorance for all ages
to come in case they stand up, after realizing that they do have certain rights, and ask for
those rights? It is only those who are influenced by selfish reasons who are urging that
universal elementary education is a mistake (cited in Cowasjee, 2001).

Jinnah insisted that it was those who could be numbered in the better social echelons
of life who were largely responsible for the evils of corruption and social inequalities
in society:
Corruption is a curse in India and amongst the Muslims, especially among the so-called
educated and intelligentsia. Unfortunately, it is this class that is selfish and morally and
intellectually corrupt (cited in Ahmad, 1995).

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3. Special measures for the disadvantaged

Women
Jinnah was a staunch supporter of the equality of women with men in all walks of life.
He encouraged active functioning of the Womens Wing of the Muslim League, which
was led by his sister and political aide, Fatima Jinnah. Fatima Jinnah was a dentist by
profession in a time when not many Muslim women were encouraged to attend colleges
and universities. Her brother not only encouraged Fatima and other Muslim women to
participate in politics but also clearly declared his support for womens role in society
on many occasions. Balochistan is one such example where even British male
politicians discouraged their womenfolk from taking a public role due to the
conservative and patriarchal nature of Balochi society. However, after Pakistan was
created, Jinnah invited his sister Fatima to sit beside him on the stage at the Sibi
Darbar, the grand annual gathering of Baloch and Pukhtun chiefs and leaders. Jinnah
finely made his point: Muslim women must take their place in history. The Sibi
Darbar broke all precedents (cited in Ahmed, 1997).
Jinnah obviously did not agree with the patriarchal institution of sexual segregation
and womens confinement within the four walls (Chardiwari). In 1944, three years prior
to Partition, he stated:
No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you. We are
victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up within the
four walls of their houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the deplorable
conditions in which our women have to live. You should take your women along with you as
comrades in every sphere of life (cited in Nawaz, 1976).

Religious and ethnic minorities

Having won his case for the rights of Muslims in India, Jinnah was obviously sensitive
towards the rights of minorities in the newly-created State of Pakistan (Ahmad, 1995).
He wanted Pakistani law and society to be fair and equitable for all groups of people so
that the former minority now majority Muslims would infringe neither upon the rights
of the non-Muslim minorities nor on any socially disadvantaged groups such as
women or ethnic minorities. Jinnah thus explained his vision of minorities Pakistan:
Islam demands from us the tolerance of other creeds and we welcome in closest association
with us all those who, of whatever creed, are themselves willing and ready to play their part
as true and loyal citizens of Pakistan (19 February 1948: The Broadcast Talk to the People of
Australia).

As a sign of his commitment to minorities, Jinnah appointed Jogindranath Mandal, a

scheduled caste Hindu, to a Muslim League seat out of five Muslim League seats, and
as Law Minister in the Interim Cabinet of 1946-1947. This decision reflected the fact
that Jinnahs struggle for Pakistan was not only meant for Muslims but for all of the
minorities in India who were fearful of a Hindu hegemonic Congress Party (Hamdani,
2003).
Jinnah delivered his most famous speech on the 11th of August, 1947. It was his
presidential address to Pakistans first Constituent Assembly, a speech that has been
reinterpreted by successive regimes in Pakistan to fit their own agendas. In his speech,
Jinnah clearly pointed out that minorities would enjoy total equality and freedom in all
spheres of life:

You are free, free to go to your temples; you are free to go to your mosques or to any other
places of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed
that has nothing to do with the business of state (Daily Dawn, 1999).

In extending his role as champion of minority rights in British India, Jinnah was
equally sensitive and careful about the rights of minorities in the newly created
Pakistan:

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We stand by our declarations that members of every community will be treated as citizens of
Pakistan with equal rights and privileges and obligations and that minorities will be
safeguarded and protected (23 March 1948: Meeting with the Scheduled Caste Federation).
Minorities do not cease to be citizens. Minorities living in Pakistan or Hindustan do not cease
to be citizens of their respective states by virtue of their belonging to particular faith, religion
or race. I have repeatedly made it clear, especially in my opening speech to the constituent
assembly, that the minorities in Pakistan would be treated as our citizens and will enjoy all
the rights as any other community. Pakistan shall pursue this policy and do all it can to create
a sense of security and confidence in the non-Muslim minorities of Pakistan. We do not
prescribe any schoolboy tests for their loyalty. We shall not say to any Hindu citizen of
Pakistan if there was war would you shoot a Hindu? (25 October 1947: interview with
Reuters Duncan Hooper).

4. Rule of law
Rule of law ranked highest among Jinnahs priorities. It was one of the major reasons
for his disagreement with the Indian National Congress in 1920 when he warned
Gandhi during the Congress Nagpur session. Gandhi had proposed the attainment of
Swaraj (freedom) by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means, within
the British Empire if possible and without it if necessary (Tendukar, 1967). Jinnah
said: You are making a declaration (of Swaraj ) and committing the Indian National
Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out. Jinnah felt that
Gandhis extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political lawlessness and
chaos, without serving any good to the struggle for freedom (Wolpert, 2002).
Jinnah wanted Pakistan to be a democratic society based on the rule of law and
social justice, a country in which all citizens were to be equal irrespective of caste and
creed (Daily Dawn, 2000). He was a staunch believer in the rule of law with no room for
discrimination and bias. In his first presidential address to the future legislators and
administrators of his country, he stated: The first duty of a government is to maintain
law and order, so that the life, property and religious beliefs of its subjects are fully
protected by the state. He told them that he would not tolerate the evils of bribery,
corruption, blackmarketeering and this great evil, the evil of nepotism and jobbery,
the daily bread of power mongers (Daily Dawn, 1999).
Jinnah was obviously aware of the presence of religious extremists in Pakistani
society whom he termed fifth columnists and cliques. He made it clear that such
elements would be dealt with through the power of government:
Muslims! Protect your Hindu Neighbours. Cooperate with the Government and the officials in
protecting your Hindu Neighbours against these lawless elements, fifth columnists and
cliques. Pakistan must be governed through the properly constituted Government and not by
cliques or fifth columnists or Mobs (9 January 1948: Tour of Riot Affected Areas of Karachi).

Even in the darkest hours of Partition (1947) when religious and sectarian violence was
rampant, Jinnah made no distinction between religion, race or class when it came to the
enforcement of law. Ahmad (1995) comments on a rare note of admiration expressed by

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Figure 1.
Jinnahs vision of
diversity management in
Pakistani society

Lord Louis Mountbatten in a confidential memo dated 24 June 1947 to Evan Jenkins:
I talked to Jinnah last night and he begged me to be utterly ruthless in suppressing
trouble in Lahore and Amritsar. He said I dont care whether you shoot Muslims or not,
it has got to be stopped. It thus becomes evident that Jinnah believed in strict and nondiscriminatory implementation of law irrespective of ones personal traits or religious
beliefs.
Discussions and conclusions
On the basis of the analysis of Jinnahs speeches and other texts, four key dimensions
of his approaches to diversity and equal opportunity in Pakistan can be identified: (a)
democratisation, (b) an egalitarian version of Islam, (c) special protective measures for
minorities, women and other disadvantaged groups, and (d) strict rule of law (see
Figure 1).
The four dimensions seem to resonate some important aspects of modern diversity
management discourse. The first dimension, democratisation, offers the sociopolitical
framework necessary for equal opportunity in a society. There is a clear link between
democracy, social justice and equal opportunity (UNDP, 2004). The issues of
discrimination and disadvantage are unlikely to be resolved unless these issues are
addresses at a socio-political level in a society . . . through a pluralistic way of life. The
second dimension, egalitarian version of Islam, highlights Jinnahs belief in Islamic
values that are in congruence with egalitarian principles of social justice. Jinnahs
vision of Islam, which involves the highest sense of integrity, is based upon equality,
justice and fairplay to everybody. His stance against the exploitation of the backward
downtrodden class by feudal lords and the intelligentsia reflects his commitment to
affirmative action, though often at the cost of political popularity. Jinnahs repetitive
appeals to the Legislative Council (Find money! Find money!) for compulsory
elementary education clearly reveal his inclination towards the social case of diversity

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management with an aim to uplift the downtrodden class. The fact is also highlighted
by his nomination of a non-Muslim to one of the five seats held by Muslim League in
the interim Cabinet prior to Partition. The third dimension, special measures for the
disadvantaged groups, signifies Jinnahs commitment to both minorities and women.
This is evident in his decision to keep his sister Fatima by his side during his political
career, marking his personal conviction vis-a`-vis the role he wanted women to play in
Pakistani society. He strongly disapproved of the repressive tradition of female
confinement in the four walls of home, which he termed an evil custom. Jinnah was
equally sensitive to the rights of minorities: he wanted Pakistani law and society to be
fair and equitable for all groups of people so that the hitherto (Indian) minority turned
majority Pakistani Muslims would not infringe upon the rights of the new nation
states non-Muslim minorities. Finally, the fourth dimension, rule of law, deals with the
practical aspects of managing diversity and its implementation. Jinnah believed in the
enforcement of law in a way that was blind to ones ethnic or religious background.
Jinnahs firm belief in the rule of law is also reflected in his comments about communal
violence that were reported by Lord Mountbatten: I dont care whether you shoot
Muslims or not, it has got to be stopped.
To summarise, the four dimensions are on the whole quite inclined towards a social
case of diversity management. Jinnahs vision, supported by the forces of Islamic
egalitarian principles of social justice and the rule of law, offers a mechanism for the
inclusion of minorities, women and other disadvantaged groups in the countrys
mainstream socio-economic and political organisations. The dimensions can become a
basis for a future diversity management model for Pakistani organisations, which
currently lack a coherent approach towards the issues of diversity and equal
opportunity (Naqvi, 2003). Such a model will be clearly tilted towards the socially
responsibility diversity management (as opposed to the business case of diversity
management which is predominantly focused on increasing productivity by making
best use of diverse human capital). However, in a society characterised by acute
religious, sectarian and ethnic differences, it is important to safeguard the interests of
all individuals and groups, particularly those from non-mainstream backgrounds and
lower socio-economic order. From Jinnahs perspective, social justice has a priority over
any other objectives including business related objectives. Jinnahs principles clearly
require active social and legal intervention to manage the population diversity to
create a society in which everyone enjoys equality of opportunity without undue
disadvantage, fear, and discrimination. By virtue of its focus on Islamic egalitarian
principles, the model may also be relevant to other Islamic contexts. Can this model be
used in other Islamic contexts? It is acknowledged that much time has elapsed since
Jinnahs death in 1948, and that there is a possibility that some aspects of his vision
may be no longer valid in todays Pakistan. For instance, factors such as globalisation,
international business, and the war on terror are new realities of everyday life in
many parts of Islamic society. Do the principles identified by Jinnah remain valid in the
new era? Do they need some modification?
Most of the speeches analysed in this paper pertain to the last ten years of Jinnahs
life in which he was most active and influential as a leader of Indian Muslims and the
founder of the newborn nation of Pakistan. It will be interesting to examine and
compare Jinnahs discourse on diversity and equal opportunity before his separation
from the Indian National Congress when he was known as the ambassador of HinduMuslim unity.

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Research is also needed to identify the practicalities of diversity management in

Pakistani organisations, which are reported to have equal opportunity as very low
among their priorities (Naqvi, 2003). In the twenty-first century, there is a dire need to
develop context-specific discourses on diversity in each society. Are Pakistani
organisations able to deal with the economic as well as social implications of the
workforce diversity, or should I pose the question: are they are willing to deal with
these issues?
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Corresponding author
Jawad Syed can be contacted at: thejawad@yahoo.com

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