Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
IR3058
about
civil-military
relations
in,
and
the
military
culture
of,
Imperial
Germany.
Firstly,
using
a
quote
from
Chief
of
Staff
von
Moltke,
Huntington
claims
that
commanders
were
separate
from
statesmen
and
military
victory
was
the
only
goal
for
the
officership.3
Secondly,
Huntington
claims
that
the
army,
unlike
the
navy,
were
almost
unanimously
opposed
to
bellicosity
and
imperialism,
ratifying
Vagts
opinion
that
the
armed
forces
were
non-aggressive
before
1914
except
in
its
strategy.4
The
third
refutable
claim
made
by
Huntington
is
that
ultimately
the
civilians,
not
the
generals,
made
the
decisions.5
1
Samuel
Huntington,
The
Soldier
and
the
State:
the
theory
and
politics
of
Civil-Military
Relations
120009551
IR3058
separate
from
statesmen,
it
certainly
cannot
be
said
that
this
was
the
case
due
the
politicisation
of
the
role
of
Imperial
German
colonial
officer
especially
with
the
proliferation
of
martial
law
in
unsettled
colonies.
The
treatment
of
enemy
prisoners
and
practice
of
summary
and
exemplary
executions
in
China,
Southwest
Africa
and
German
East
Africa
provides
examples
of
this.
Indeed,
the
Colonial
Department
made
explicit
the
point
that
revolutionary
adversaries
in
the
Herero
in
1904
should
be
treated
as
prisoners
of
war
and
not
as
illegal
combatants.67
And
yet,
not
only
was
any
opposition
in
Southwest
Africa
treated
with
brutality
in
battle,
8
if
caught
males
were
subjected
to
trial
by
the
military
through
court
martial
and
could
then
be
executed
in
deemed
guilty
by
field
courts
consisting
of
three
officers
without
any
approval
from
the
governor
necessary.
91011
One
might
argue
that
the
punishing
of
captured
males
falls
under
Huntingtons
remit,
borrowed
from
Lasswell,
of
the
officerships
management
of
violence,12
yet
as
the
officership
made
no
distinction
between
men,
women
or
children,
or
between
combatants
and
non-combatants
all
being
labelled
either
prisoner
or
prisoner
of
war13
the
argument
that
this
was
to
do
with
the
management
of
violence
becomes
untenable.
Therefore
it
can
be
seen,
in
the
Colonial
Departments
intervention
in
military
affairs
and
in
the
officerships
control
over
judicial
affairs
that
officers
were
not
separate
from
statesmen
in
colonial
conflict.
statesmen
can
also
be
seen
in
the
concurrent
conflict
in
German
East
Africa.
6
Bundesarchiv,
Berlin,
R1001,
No.
2090,
Colonial
Department
to
governor
of
the
Kamerun,
120009551
IR3058
Indeed,
in
August
1905
a
state
of
war
was
declared
in
Mohorro,
but
it
was
not
declared
by
the
governor,
nor
the
local
authority,
but
by
Captain
Merker
of
the
armed
forces.14
This
was
declared,
according
to
the
diary
of
Lieutenant
von
Paasche,
so
that
Merker
may
court-martial
three
local
men
thought
to
be
opposition
leaders.15
Herein
there
is
another
example
of
the
officership
engaging
in
a
political
role
in
the
colonies,
contrary
to
Huntingtons
claim
that
the
Imperial
German
military
remained
apolitical.
Furthermore,
in
the
case
of
German
East
Africa,
it
was
the
case
the
executions
could
be
ordered
by
any
of
three
different
groups
the
local
administrator,
the
commander
of
the
naval
troops,
or
the
unit
military
commander
showing
further
that
judicial
matters
were
handled
and
decided
by
both
military
and
political
figures,
diminishing
the
case
for
separate
political
and
military
spheres
in
the
colonies.1617
Therefore,
it
can
be
concluded
that
Huntingtons
assumptions
that
statesmen
were
separate
from
commanders
and
that
military
victory
was
the
only
goal
of
the
officership
is
not
borne
out
in
the
case
of
Imperial
Germanys
African
colonies
as
the
officership
both
sought
and
commanded
political
roles
and
responsibilities.
unanimously
opposed
to
bellicosity
and
imperialism
and
Vagts
claim
that
the
armed
forces
were
non-aggressive
before
1914
except
in
its
strategy,18
it
certainly
cannot
be
argued
that
colonial
officers
were
averse
to
both
bellicosity
and
imperialism,
in
fact
those
two
attributes
were
espoused
by
colonial
officers
in
both
African
conflicts.
This
can
be
quantified
first
in
the
human
cost
of
both
wars.
Hull argues that the tactics used by the military in the Herero War
15
Bundesarchiv,
Freiburg,
RM
121,
No.
452,
War
diary
of
Lt.
Paasche,
6
August
1905,
p.
7.
16
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction,
p.
146.
17
Bundesarchiv,
Berlin,
R
1001,
No.
723,
Gtzen
to
Foreign
Office,
12
December
1905,
p.
191.
18
Huntington,
Soldier
and
the
State,
p.
101
120009551
IR3058
both
bellicosity
and
imperialism.19
Indeed,
the
Department
for
the
History
of
War
of
the
General
Staff
in
Berlin
noted
in
1907
that:
This
bold
operation
shows
in
a
brilliant
light
the
reckless
energy
of
the
German
leadership
in
pursuing
the
beaten
enemy.
No
trouble,
no
deprivation
was
spared
to
rob
the
enemy
of
the
last
remnants
of
his
capacity
to
resist
The
waterless
Omaheke
would
complete
the
task
begun
by
German
force,
the
annihilation
of
the
Herero
people.20
This
description
from
the
General
Staff
itself
shows
the
extents
to
which
the
officership,
under
the
generalship
of
von
Trotha,
would
go
to
exterminate
the
Herero
people.
This
alone
is
certainly
a
far
cry
from
a
General
Staff
statement
from
1902
upheld
by
Huntington
as
reflective
of
the
officerships
professionalism
that
proclaimed;
we
want
to
conquer
nothing,
we
merely
want
to
defend
what
we
own.
We
shall
probably
never
be
attackers
but
rather
always
be
the
attacked.21
Indeed,
the
genocidal
consequences
of
the
pursuit
and
annihilation
tactic
went
beyond
mere
bellicosity
and
into
imperialism;
for
murder
on
such
as
mass
scale
was
not
necessary
for
mere
military
victory
but
instead
acted
to
stake
control
over
a
rebelling
people.
Such
military
extremism
is
incompatible
in
absolute
terms
with
Huntingtons
contention
that
the
military
mind
viewed
violence
as
the
last
resort
of
policy.22
seen
in
the
Boxer
War.
Summary
executions
ordered
by
army
commanders
were
also
prevalent
and
occurred
often
without
courts-martial.23
The
additional
fact
that
many
such
executions
were
recorded
as
decapitations
adds
to
the
bellicosity
of
the
measures
taken
by
colonial
officers
in
the
Boxer
Rebellion.24
Furthermore,
19
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction,
p.
44.
20
Jrgen
Zimmerer
(trans.),
Die
Kmpfe
der
deutschen
Truppen
in
Sdwestafrika,
Department
for
the
History
of
War
of
the
General
Staff
vol.
1
(Berlin,
1907),
p.
211.
21
Quoted
in;
Huntington,
The
Solider
and
the
State,
p.
101.
22
Ibid.,
p.
101.
23
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction,
p.
147.
24
Carl
Cavanagh
Hodge,
Encyclopedia
of
the
Age
of
Imperialism:
1800-1914
(Westport,
2008),
p.
103.
120009551
IR3058
executions
were
ordered
against
prisoners
of
war
who
had
not
committed
crimes
worthy
of
execution,
including
those
who
were
guilty
of
nothing
more
than
sniping
at
German
troops
during
a
battle.25
The
infliction
of
such
punishment
on
Chinese
rebels,
as
in
Africa,
yet
the
lack
of
this
in,
say,
the
Franco-Prussian
war
is
additionally
suggestive
of
imperialism
as
well
as
bellicosity
in
the
military
extremism.
Indeed,
the
use
of
violence
in
colonies
to
establish
order
was
the
root
of
imperialist
violence.
Furthermore
this
extreme
treatment
was
uniquely
German,
though
certainly
there
were
atrocities
and
executions
carried
out
by
other
nations
in
the
conflict.26
A
reporter
noted
this
at
the
time,
writing
whereas
the
German
grasps
the
casus
belli
with
joy,
the
Briton
postpones
the
decisions
as
long
as
possible
and
tries
to
move
the
opponent
to
retreat
by
negotiation.27
Evidently,
Huntingtons
claim
that
the
armed
services
were
to
some
degree
non-aggressive
is
not
borne
out
in
such
colonial
examples
of
bellicosity
and
imperialism.
To
take
Huntingtons
third
claim
that
the
civilians,
not
the
generals,
made
the
decisions
whilst
the
General
Staff
stuck
to
strictly
military
matters28,
this
was
certainly
not
the
case
in
the
Herero
war,
where
the
genocide
order
came
post
facto.
Huntington
does,
however,
point
out
the
case
of
Bismarcks
rejection
of
advice
offered
by
Moltke
on
treaties
and
foreign
policy
with
Russia29
yet
it
certainly
is
not
uncommon
to
seek
advice
in
policy
matters
from
all
quarters,
receive
different
perspectives
and
discount
some.
What
is
notable,
however,
is
when
generals
made
decisions
without
political
approval,
other
than
that
which
was
retrospective
and
ratifying,
rather
than
prescriptive.
Such
was
the
case
with
the
genocide
in
German
Southwest
Africa
in
1904.
This
was
begun
months
before
General
von
Trothas
proclamation
to
the
25
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction,
p.
147.
120009551
IR3058
surviving
Herero
women
(he
had
just
before
hung
the
men)
and
his
troops
on
October
2nd.
It
was
proclaimed
that
within
the
German
border
every
male
Herero,
armed
or
unarmed,
with
or
without
cattle,
will
be
shot
to
death.
I
will
no
longer
receive
women
or
children
but
will
drive
them
back
to
their
people
or
have
them
shot
at.30
This
order
came
not
from
the
Reichstag,
nor
the
Kaiser,
but
from
the
General
himself,
and
partly
in
response
to
the
military
failure
to
secure
decisive
victory
at
the
Battle
of
Waterberg
months
earlier.
There
are
a
number
of
factors
that
provide
evidence
for
this
being
solely
a
decision
made
and
ordered
by
the
General
himself,
thus
disproving
Huntingtons
contention
that
civilians
and
not
generals
made
the
decisions.
This
comes
first
from
accounts
of
fellow
German
colonial
officers
in
Southwest
Africa
at
the
time.
Ludwig
von
Estorff,
later
a
World
War
One
General,
wrote
at
the
time:
we
could
have
saved
a
great
number
of
them
[the
Hereros]
and
their
herds
if
we
had
spared
them
and
helped
them
to
recover.
They
had
been
sufficiently
punished.
I
made
this
suggestion
to
General
von
Trotha
but
he
wanted
their
total
extermination.31
This
shows,
to
some
degree,
that
the
decision
was
one
made
personally
by
von
Trotha
himself,
and
certainly
maintained
by
himself
when
challenged
(notably
not
by
political
forces)
by
officers.
The
same
day
of
the
issue
of
the
proclamation,
von
Trotha
sent
a
copy
to
the
General
Staff,
attaching
a
covering
letter
explaining
his
proclamation
in
more
detail.
He
firstly
distinguishes
himself
from
local
political
authority,
claiming
my
opinion
is
completely
opposite
to
that
of
the
governor
I
believe
that
the
nation
120009551
IR3058
must
be
destroyed.32
This,
again,
removes
civilian
decision
making
from
the
equation
and
shows
action
directly
against
that
which
civilian
control
had
recommended
symbolic
of
a
military
dictatorship
in
Imperial
Germanys
colonial
officership
that
Huntington
claims
did
not
come
until
1914.33
This
is
further
notable
because
Trotha
only,
at
this
point,
informed
military
leaders
according
to
Hull
before
civilian
policy
makers
could
inaugurate
a
counterpolicy
of
their
own,34
highlighting
again
the
distancing
of
civilian
decision
making
from
the
process
and
reinforcing
the
fact
that
this
was
colonial
military
dictatorship,
in
disregard
for
civil
political
opinion.
Finally, this comes third from the eventual political semi-ratification of the
proclamation
post
facto.
Trotha
did
not
notify
either
the
Colonial
Department
or
the
chancellor
of
his
proclamation,
with
the
former
only
finding
out
about
it
in
late
November
after
the
genocide
had
been
committed.35
Certainly,
any
party
who
even
were
informed
about
the
proclamation
immediately
could
have
done
little
as
the
genocide
had
begun
ante
proclamation.
Nevertheless,
Governor
Leutwein
is
thought
to
have
become
aware
of
the
proclamation
in
October
and
yet,
in
spite
of
his
aforementioned
opposition
to
such
a
response,
wrote
in
a
letter
dated
28th
October
1904
(24
days
after
the
proclamation
and
3
months
after
the
genocide
begun)
that
the
chancellor
and
the
Colonial
Department
would
be
best
to
allow
the
military
dictatorship
of
Lieutenant
General
von
Trotha
continue
until
resolved.36
This
is
certainly
not
reflective
of
civilian
decision-making
and
instead
is
the
beginnings
of
a
military
dictatorship
10
years
prior
to
when
Huntington
claims
it
became
destructive.
The
proclamation
is
furthermore
a
reinforcement
of
the
imperialism
and
bellicosity
of
the
colonial
officership
as
well
as
an
example
of
a
politicised
generalship.
32
Bundesarchiv,
Berlin,
R
1001,
No.
2089,
Trotha
to
Schlieffen,
4th
October
1904,
p.
5.
33
Huntington,
The
Soldier
and
the
State,
p.
106.
34
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction,
pp.
62
63.
35
Ibid.,
p.
63.
36
Bundesarchiv,
Berlin,
R1001,
No.
2089,
Leutwein
to
Blow,
28th
October
1904,
pp.
21
22.
120009551
IR3058
Isabel
V.
Hull,
Absolute
Destruction:
Military
Culture
and
the
Practices
of
War
in
Imperial
Germany
(New
York,
2006).
Isabel
V.
Hull,
The
Measure
Of
Atrocity:
The
German
War
Against
the
Hereros,
German
History
Institute
Bulletin
(No.
37,
2005).
Samuel
Huntington,
The
Soldier
and
the
State:
the
theory
and
politics
of
Civil-Military
Relations
(Cambridge,
1967).
Sibylle
Scheipers,
Prisoners
of
War,
in
Sibylle
Scheipers
(ed.),
Prisoners
in
War
(Oxford,
2010).
Jrgen
Zimmerer
and
Joachim
Zeller
(ed.),
Genocide
in
German
South-West
Africa:
The
Colonial
War
of
1904
1908
and
its
Aftermath
(Pontypool,
2010).
Archival Sources
Bundesarchiv,
Berlin,
R1001,
No.
2090,
Colonial
Department
to
governor
of
the
Kamerun,
Berlin,
7th
January
1905.
Bundesarchiv, Berlin, R 1001, No. 723, Gtzen to Foreign Office, 12 December 1905.
Bundesarchiv, Berlin, R1001, No. 2089, Leutwein to Blow, 28th October 1904.
Bundesarchiv, Berlin, R 1001, No. 2089, Trotha to Schlieffen, 4th October 1904.
120009551
Bundesarchiv, Freiburg, RM 121, No. 452, War diary of Lt. Paasche, 6 August 1905.
IR3058