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EITHNE GUILFOYLE,
HENRIETTA
HUNG,
In the past few years, a number of studies have taken advantageof the
uniformityof the X' system of phrase structureto arguefor the existence
of two subject positions. More precisely, they have provided different
types of evidence for establishinga VP-internalspecifierposition in addition to the traditional SPEC of IP position. These include Kuroda
(1988), Kitagawa (1986), Fukui and Speas (1986), and Koopman and
Sportiche(1988).
In this paper we present furtherevidence for postulatingthe existence
of two subject positions using data from four Austronesian languages:
Malagasy,Tagalog,Cebuano,and Bahasa(Malaysiaand Indonesia).1The
main attractionsof assumingsuch an analysis are (i) that it suggests a
structuralexplanation for the split in subject-likeproperties which has
been a traditionalproblem for the analysisof subjectin these languages;
* The researchpresentedin this paper is the result of a trulycollaborativeeffort, and the
authorsowe a debt of gratitudeto manypeople duringthe writingof thispaper.The authors
wish to thank the audiencesat McGill University,BrandeisUniversity,WCCFLVIII and
GLOW 1989, where this materialhas been presented.We have receivedhelpfulcomments
from the other membersof the Malayo-Polynesiangroup at McGill, Mark Campanaand
Anna Maclachlan;and from SandraChung, Hans den Besten, Carol Georgopoulos,Eric
Hoekstra,RandyKamp,Paul Kroeger,BarryMiller, George Rebuschi,Paul Schachterand
three anonymousNLLT reviewers.We would also like to thank Zofia Laubitzand Ben
Shaerfor editorialhelp. All errorsand omissionsare the responsibilityof the authors.The
researchfor this paper was supportedby FCAR grant #88EQ3630, and SSHRCCgrant
#410-87-1071.
' 'Bahasa' literallymeans
'the language (of)' so the terms Bahasa Malaysiaand Bahasa
Indonesiarefer to the standarddialects of these two countries.Although there are some
differencesbetween the two dialects,the propertieswe discusshere are commonto both.
376
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
(ii) that it accountsfor the facts of word order (and word ordervariation)
among these four languages;and (iii) that it provides a place for these
languageswithin a typologyof passive.
At the heart of this analysisare the assumptionsthat both IP and VP
have specifierpositions, that all argumentsare base-generatedwithinVP,
and that the SPEC of IP is a non-thetaposition. If an argumentis Casemarkedin its theta position, it may remain there; if not, it must raise to
the SPEC of IP position where it is Case-markedvia SPEC-HeadAgreement with INFL.
In addition to providingan account for word order facts, this analysis
provides strong supportfor our original assumptionthat all theta assignment is carried out within VP at D-structure. Finally we extend this
discussionby examininghow Austronesianlanguages fit into the phrase
structuretypology of naturallanguages.
1.
THEORETICAL
BACKGROUND
(1)
SPEC
I'
Agentj
IN~FL
VP.
[te]
NP
emei
TWO SUBJECTS
IN AUSTRONESIAN
LANGUAGES
377
it does not always received a theta role. Thus, unlike any other position
within IP, the subject position may be the target of NP movement, or
may be occupied by an expletive NP.
(2)
imed
NPi
Vmax
INFL
Vmd
NP
ti
NP
378
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
IN AUSTRONESIAN
TWO SUBJECTS
LANGUAGES
379
SPEC
IS
INFL
VP
SPEC
Agent
V
NP
Theme
Accordingto this tree there are two subjectpositions, the SPEC of VP,
to which a theta role is assigned, and the SPEC of IP, to which an NP
may move to receive Case. Which NP stays in the VP and which must
raise are determinedentirely by the Case-assigningpropertiesof both V
and INFL. In order to complete the picture, we assume that the verb
moves to INFL in all four languages. This is evident in the three Vinitiallanguages,Malagasy,Tagalogand Cebuano,and assumedin Bahasa
althoughnothing hinges on this assumption.
1.4. Malagasy:NP Licensingand NP Movement
In the previous section, we presented the assumptionsthat guide us in
determiningD-structure. In this and following sections we will see what
mechanismsact on the D-structureto create the S-structurerepresentations. We begin by looking at the active, passive, and circumstantial
constructionsin Malagasy,where it can be clearly seen how the presence
of a particularmorphemein V or INFL can license materialin a particular
NP positionvia Case-assignment.A changein the morphologicalcharacter
of the V + INFL complex is thus accompaniedby a change in its Case2
Note that SPEC of IP is to the rightand SPECof VP to the left. We assumethat this is
a distinctionbetween specifiersof functionalcategoriesand specifiersof lexical categories.
Unfortunately,since there is no evidencefor SPECof CP (questionstake the formof clefts
or predicatestructures(Seiter 1975)) or SPEC of DP (we assumethat possessorsremainin
the SPEC of NP), we do not have strongsupportfor this claim.
380
b.
ACC
BT GEN
LK OBL
RP -
- accusative
Benefactive-Topic
- genitive
linker
- oblique
recent past
TT - Theme-Topic
AT - Agent-Topic
DT - Directional-Topic
IT - Instrumental-Topic
LT - Location-Topic
PL - plural
TOP - topic
XT - non-Agent/non-ThemeTopic (Malagasy)
381
LANGUAGES
(5) (a)
IP
IP
YS
SPEC
PEC
Themei
Agcnti
INFL
VP
INFL
SPEC
VI
SPEC
Agent
V'
4,
ti
NP
V
an-
Theme
--.--
L-
Hung's analysisof (6) is given in (7). Since both Agent and Theme are
382
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
(7)
SPEC
~~~XPI<
VP
INFL
-na
SPEC
Agent
V
anI
NP
Theme
NP
tq
Under this account, then, Topic morphologyconsists simply of Caseassigningmorphemes.8AT an- assigns Case to the Theme, forcing the
Agent to move to the SPEC of IP, TT -na assigns Case to the Agent,
forcing the Theme to move. Circumstantial Topic, an-. . . -na is a combi-
nation of these two, meaning that both Theme and Agent receive Case
within the VP, and a third NP moves to the SPEC of IP.
In all three constructions,verb movement to INFL also occurs. This
verb movement, together with our analysisof Agent as being generated
in the SPECof VP, also explainswhy only the Agent is allowed to appear
in a position immediately to the right of the verb, as in (4b) and (6),
violatingthe strict adjacencyconditionwhichnormallyholds between the
7 At this point we assume that the disappearanceof the prepositionin (6) is due to PrepositionIncorporation(as in Baker's(1988)analysisof applicatives)in additionto the appearance of the two Case-assigningmorphemes,an- and -na. By assumingthat preposition
incorporationis obligatorywith the circumstantialform of the verb, we can explain why
there must be an NP that moves to the SPEC of IP to get Case. We have representedthe
structurewith ternarybranching;however,we do this only for the sake of conveniencesince
the actualstructurewithinthe V' is not relevantto our discussion.
8 Note that this analysisof Topic morphologyhas an advantageover other analysessuch as
those that analyseTopic markersas agreementmarkersor incorporatedpronouns.These
analysesrequirethat the Topic NP be indexedwith the morphologyon the verb and cannot
neatly account for the combined effect of the morphologyobserved in the circumstantial
construction.
LANGUAGES
383
verb and the Theme. As we can see in example (8) below, no other
maximalprojectionmay intervenebetween a verb and its object.9
(8)a.
*Nanasa
omaly ny lamba ny zazavavy.
past-AT-washyesterdaythe clothesthe girl
The girl washed the clothes yesterday.
b.
*Nanasa
ho an'ny ankizy ny lamba ny zazavavy.
past-AT-washfor the childrenthe clothesthe girl
The girl washed the clothes for the children.
384
subjectpositionscorrespondto differentsyntacticphenomena.
2. SUBJECTS IN AUSTRONESIAN
LANGUAGES
LANGUAGES
385
the extracted NP. In (9) there are two examples from Bahasa where
Agent-Topics have been extracted, but only one is grammatical.In the
grammatical(9a), the Agent-Topic form of the verb membacaappears,
whereasthe ungrammatical(9b) has the Theme-Topicverb form dibaca.
(9)
a.
b.
Bahasa
Siapa yang membacabuku itu?
who COMPAT-read book the
*Siapayang buku itu dibaca?
who COMP book the TT-read
Who read the book?
Tagalog
Sino ang
bumili
ng damit para sa bata'?
who COMPAT-boughtACC-dressfor OBL-child
b. *Sino ang
binili
para sa bata'
g damit?
who COMP TT-boughtfor OBL-child TOP-dress
c. *Sino ang
ibinili
ng damit B bata'?
who COMP BT-boughtACC-dressTOP-child
Who bought the dress for the child?
(11)
Malagasy
a. Iza no
mividy ny vary ho an'ny ankizy?
who COMPAT-buy the rice for the children
b. *Iza no
vidina ho an'ny ankizy ny va?
who COMP TT-buyfor the childrenthe rice
"
Informationquestionsin the Philippinelanguagesmaybe analyzedas cleftsor as nominalizations,as suggestedby Seiter (1975). This is immaterialto the discussionat hand since, no
matterwhat the analysis,it is alwaysthe Topic NP whichis targeted.
12 In the Tagalog examples, ng is glossed as ACC and as GEN. We assume that it is the
same Case-marker,but that in the formercase it is assignedby the V to its object, and in
the latterby morphologyin INFL to the SPECof VP. GenitiveCase (assignedby D to the
SPEC of NP) is also ng. It is importantto note, however, that we considerit a structural
Case-markerand not a preposition.
386
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
c. *Iza no
ET AL.
Tagalog
a. *Ano ang
para sa bata' angtao?
bumli
what COMPA T-boughtfor OBL-child TOP-man
b. Ano ang
binili
ng tao
para sa bata'?
what COMP TT-boughtGEN-manfor OBL-child
bata'?
c. *Ano ang
ibinili
ng tao
what COMP BT-boughtGEN-man TOP-child
What was bought for the child by the man?
(14)
Malagasy
a. *Inona no
mividy ho an'ny ankizy ny lehilahy?
what COMP A T-buyfor the childrenthe man
b. Iona no
vidin' ny lehilahyho an'ny ankizy?
what COMP TT-buythe man for the children
c. *Inona no
ividianan'ny lehilahyny aky?
what COMP XT-buy the man the children
What was bought for the childrenby the man?
In Malagasyand Tagalog, the verb may have Topic morphologythat
LANGUAGES
387
designatesa Topic other than the Agent or the Theme. In Tagalog, the
verb has a numberof differentaffixeswhichcan identifyLocations,Goals,
Benefactives, and other relations as the Topic. Malagasyhas circumstantial morphologywhich appearson the verb whenever any element other
than Agent or Theme appears in Topic position. In (15) and (16), a
Benefactive has been extracted;in each case only the (c) examples have
verbs bearingthe appropriatemorphology,and thus only these are grammatical.
(15)
Tagalog
a. *Sino ang
bumili ng damit ang tao?
who COMPAT-buyACC-dressTOP-man
a damit?
b. *Sino ang
binili ng tao
who COMP TT-buyGEN-man TOP-dress
c.
Sino ang
ibinili ng tao
ng damit?
who COMP BT-buy GEN-manACC-dress
Who was bought the dress (for) by the man?
(16)
Malagasy
a. *Iza no
mividy
vary ny lehilahy?
who COMPAT-boughtrice the man
b. *Iza no
vidin'
ny lehilahyny vary?
who COMP TT-boughtthe man the rice
c.
Iza no
ividianan' ny lehilahyny vary?
who COMP XT-boughtthe man the rice
Who was bought rice (for) by the man?
388
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
Cebuano
Ningdaganang tanan nga bata'.
A T-run TOP all LK child
Floated Form15
Ningdagantanan ang bata'.
AT-run all
Top child
(Bell 1976,(38c))
Cebuano
Gibasa tanan sa mga istudienteang mga libro ni Rizal.
TT-readall pI
student TOP PL book Rizal
Rizal'sbooks were all being read by the students.
(Bell 1976, (39b))
TWO SUBJECTS
IN AUSTRONESIAN
LANGUAGES
389
1976). These observations,Schachtersuggests,may be handled"by identifying the topic as the subject" (Schachter1976, p. 501). Schachterobserves, however, that the picture becomes more complicatedwhen reflexivizationand Equi-NP deletion are included. As we discussbelow, in
a subset of the languages, reflexivizationis sensitive to the Agent, and
Equi-NP deletion to both the Topic and the Agent.
2.1.3. PropertyIII: Reflexivization
In Tagalog and Cebuano, only the Agent can always be the antecedent
of a reflexive (whetheror not it is the Topic) and the Agent itself never
bears reflexive morphology. In the examples in (19) below we see that
the reflexive form kanilangsarili takes the Agent NP as its antecedent
whetheror not this NP is the Topic.
(19)
a.
b.
nila
Iniisip
ang kanilangsarili.
TT-think-aboutGEN-theyTOP-themselves
They think about themselves.
c. *Iniisip
ng kanilangsarilisila.
TT-think-aboutGEN-themselvesTOP-they
*Themselvesthink about them.
Since reflexivizationis often sensitive to subjecthood(e.g., zibun in Japanese), one might conclude that the Agent in Tagalog is always the
subject. While this alreadycomplicatesthe picture that was beginningto
emerge in which the Topic NP appearedto have subject-likeproperties,
more complicationsarise when Equi-NP deletion is investigated.
2.1.4. PropertyIV: Equi-NP Deletion
In Tagalog and Cebuano, Equi-NP deletion may act on either the Topic
or the Agent of the embeddedclause. When the Topic of the embedded
clause is dropped, it may bear a numberof theta roles. This is shown in
(20) below.
390
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
(20)
a.
ET AL.
Tagalog16
sa akin.
Natatakotang batang maipakilala mo
TOP child-LKTT-introduceGEN-you OBL-me
afraid
The child is afraidof being introducedby you to me.
b.
Natatakotkang
ipakilala
ang bata' sa akin.
afraid
TOP-youAT-introduceTOP child OBL-me
You are afraidof introducingthe child to me.
Tagalog(Schachter1976, (24a-c))
sa bangko.
Nagatubili siyanghumiram ng pera
AT-borrowACC-moneyOBL-bank
AT-hesitatedhe
He hesitated to borrowthe money from the bank.
b.
sa bangko.
Nagatubili siyanghiramin a pera
TT-borrowTOP-moneyOBL-bank
AT-hesitatedhe
He hesitated to borrowthe money from the bank.
(Literally:He hesitated the money to be borrowed from the
bank by
c.
.,)
*..)
LANGUAGES
391
392
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
2.2.1. PropertiesAssociatedwithSPEC of VP
The propertiesthat we can associatewith SPEC of VP are propertiesIII
and IV, i.e., reflexivizationand control. Within GB theory these are
properties that are subject to binding theory, and binding phenomena,
accordingto the suggestion of Williams(1987), as just described, sometimes appear to be theta sensitive. This analysis is compatiblewith the
data in (19) to (21). Thus we note that Agents are alwayspossible antecedents of reflexives, and that they may appear as PRO.17 However, as
Agents are alwaysbase-generatedin SPECof VP, it is possible to maintain
a purely structuralaccount of these binding facts, with PROs and the
antecedents of reflexives being associated with the structuralposition
SPEC of VP.18
2.2.2. PropertiesAssociatedwithSPEC of IP
The propertiesthat we associatewith SPEC of IP are propertiesI and II,
i.e., extractionand quantifierfloat. In orderto accountfor the interpretation of floatingquantifiers,we assume that they are licensed in the same
way as adverbs - in particular, subject-orientedadverbs (see, e.g.,
McConnell-Ginet(1982)).'9 Travis (1988) proposes that adverbslike reluctantlyin example (22) below are adjoinedto INFL and licensed by the
AGR featurein INFL. Since this featureis coindexedwith the NP (which
is the subject)in the SPEC of IP position, it has the effect of relatingthe
adverb to this NP, and thereby giving subject-orientedreadings for the
adverbsin (22). Thus, it is Marywho is reluctantin (22a), and the students
in (22b).
17
The examplesin (21) suggest that the position SPEC of VP is not alwaysgovernedor
Case-markedby the verb in Tagalog, since PRO may appear in this position. We are,
therefore,forced to say that Case-assignmentto SPEC of VP is optional. A similarclaim
has also been made, however,for subjectsin non-finiteclausesin Irishby McCloskey(1984)
and Chungand McCloskey(1987).
18 We do not suggest,however,that our analysiswill also accountfor the factsthat Williams
(1987) presents, where it appears that the Theme theta role may be controlled within
nominals.
19 Note that Sportiche's(1988) accountof QuantifierFloat does not have an obvioususe in
these languages.Floated quantifiersalwaysappearimmediatelypost-verbally,independent
of what the theta role (and presumablyD-structureposition)of the relatedNP is.
LANGUAGES
393
Given this analysis,it is not surprisingthat the quantifierin Austronesian languagesshould be sensitive to the NP in the SPEC of IP position,
since it is this NP with which AGR will be coindexed. In the Tagalog
example below, lahat 'all' is adjoinedto INFL and licensed by the AGR
feature in INFL. Since INFL is coindexed with the NP in the SPEC of
IP, the quantifierwill be interpretedwith the Topic NP mga libro and not
mga bata'.
(23)
a.
394
LANGUAGES
(24)
SPEC
I'
INFL
VP
V
SPEC
Agent
V
NP
Theme
The discussionof Malagasyin Section 1.4 above suggestsan idea of how
the verbal morphologymight play a role in the licensingof NPs. Now we
will turn to a discussionof some of the propertiesof the other Austronesian languageswhich distinguishthem from Malagasy.
3.1. Tagalog
Tagaloghas fairlyfree word order, and has been claimedto be a nonconfigurationallanguage (Carrier-Duncan1985). Nevertheless, it seems that
it mustbe configurationalat some level if we are to explainthe constraints
on Wh-questions,relativeclauses, and cleft structuresdescribedin Section
2. We will assume that at D-structurethe order of constituentsis AgentV-Theme-X,as shownin (24). Althoughfactorssuch as the relativelength
of each word and the pronominalor full NP status of various arguments
may influence surface word order, preferred orders (as judged by our
informants)do emerge when these factorsare controlledfor. These orders
are shown in (25) (based on Schachter1976).2o
20 Differentinformantsallow differentamountsof variation.We assumethat there mustbe
some sort of scramblingrule and, in particular,PP extraposition,to accountfor the various
permutationsof the ordersof post-verbalelements. Across informants,however, non-topic
LANGUAGES
395
396
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
b. Agent remainingin
SPEC of VP
I'P
I
IP
SPEC
SPEC
Agenti
VP
INFL
SPEC
VP
INFL
V'
SPEC
V'
Agent
V
NP
Theme
NP
Themc
and the sentence is ungrammaticalon the reading'The tiger ate the lion'.
22 The ability of INFL to assign Case to the SPEC of VP has alreadybeen proposed by
Guilfoyle(1988) for VSO languagessuch as Irish.
23 GenitiveCase assignedby the V to its SPECis homophonouswith ACC assignedby the
V to its complement.
LANGUAGES
397
These data suggest that the Agent precedes the Theme at an underlying
level.24
In accordancewith our analysis,the presenceof the verbalprefixmeNis associatedwith the appearanceof the Theme in VP and the Agent in
the SPEC of IP behavingmuch like an- in Malagasy.While the existence
of verb movement to INFL is not evident in the active construction,it
will be necessary to assume that it takes place in the formation of the
passive, as we will see. The S-structurerepresentationof the active constructionis shownbelow in (29). The Theme receives Case withinthe VP,
while the Agent mustmove to the SPECof IP to receive Case from INFL.
24
Whileit mightbe arguedthat, in free word orderlanguages,Agents precedeThemesfor
pragmaticreasons,we are assuminghere that there are also structuralreasonsfor this word
order preference.
398
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
(29)
ET AL.
IP
SPEC
Agenti
I'
INFL
VP
SPEC
V'
ti
NP
Themc
kupukul.
Anjingit-uAli/ saya/
dog the Alil 1 sg. pronounl/ sg. clitic hit
The dog was hit by Ali/me.
(31)a.
LANGUAGES
399
b.
c.
(Lewis1969,p. 49)
b.
b.
400
EITHNE
c.
GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
26
LANGUAGES
401
anjingiLuk
I
kun
VP
V
pukuli DP
D?
V0
tn
ti
29
This is similarto Baker's (1988) views on Case-assignmentand incorporation.If a noun
has been incorporatedinto a verb, it does not need to be Case-markedin the usualmanner.
402
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
I?
din
VP
bacaiDP
V
Np V0
tn
lelaki
lj
ilu
(37)
LANGUAGES
403
Themck
10
din
VP
V; DP
DIVtk
tn
V
PP
ti
DP
Agent,
In this case, interveningmaterial may occur between the verb and the
Agent. This is because the Agent is in a prepositionalphrase under VP
or V' and bears no Case-markingrelationto the verb which is in INFL.
Given this account, it is reasonable to say that the liberal speakers
seem to have lost the originalcharacterizatonof the morphemedi- as an
expressionof the third person.31For them, the morphemedi- is like the
Englishpassive morpheme-en, and we propose that the analysisis therefore much the same. Following Fukui and Speas (1986) and Guilfoyle
(1990), we assume that the passive morpheme is in V, that it is not a
Case-marker,and that the only thing that can appearin the SPEC of VP
is thereforePRO (which cruciallymust not be Case-marked).
31 If this is true, these same speakerswould be expected to have also lost the canonical
passivewithoutoleh.
404
(38)
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
Tbemek
I?
[di-ViI
VP
V
PROn
tk pp
ti
DP
Agent,,
3.3. Summary
By assumingtwo subjectpositions, the SPEC of IP and the SPEC of VP,
and by furtherassumingthat they may be filled simultaneously,we have
accountedfor the following facts:
(i) The Agent is the only maximalprojectionwhich may appearbetween a verb and its object at S-structure.
(ii) No prepositionis needed to license the 'demoted'subjectin Malagasy and Tagglog.
405
4. THE PHRASE-STRUCTURE
OF AUSTRONESIAN
AND A TYPOLOGY OF PASSIVE
LANGUAGES
We have shown that our analysis can explain the split in subject properties
head-initial/head-finalparameter.
To see how this analysisworks for English, considerthe tree below.
(39)
IP
SPEC
I'
John INEL
F
Nom
VP
/
DP
ti
V
sees
English
DP
Mary
406
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
In English INFL assigns Case to the left only; therefore, the only DP
types that can occupy the SPEC of VP at S-Structureare PRO and NP
trace, which do not appearin Case-markedpositions. A lexicallyrealized
subjectDP will alwaysraise from its D-structureposition.
In Section 1.3 we argued that, in Austronesian languages, the nonAgent DP that has moved to the SPEC of IP and the Agent DP that has
been base-generatedin the SPEC of VP are both licensed at S-structure.
If we considerTheme-Topicconstructionsin particular,we note that they
are equivalent to English passives except for having their Agent in the
SPEC of VP rather than having a by-phrase. Thus the Theme-Topic
sentences in (40) have the S-structurerepresentedin (41).
(40)a. Tagalog
sa sako para sa bata'
Aalisin
ng babae
TT-take-outGEN-womanOBL-sackfor OBL-child
TOP-rice
The rice was taken out of the sack for the child by the woman.
b. Malagasy
Vidin' ny lehilahyho an'ny ankizy ny vary.
TT-buythe man for the childrenthe rice
The rice was bought by the man for the children.
(41)
LANGUAGES
407
IP
I'
SPEC
Themci
INFL'
VP
via
VI
SPEC
Agent
V
DP
tj
ThemcTopic(Passive)
MalagasyandTagalog
IP
SPEC
John
I'
INFL
VP
: was/
Nom
V
SPEC
PROj
by
V
seen
PP
Maryj
DP
This view of Englishpassivehas also been proposedby Fukui and Speas (1986).
408
EITHNE
GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
TWO SUBJECTS
IN AUSTRONESIAN
LANGUAGES
409
5.
CONCLUSION
410
EITHNE GUILFOYLE
ET AL.
APPENDIX
The foregoing analysis of Austronesianlanguages has attempted to account for specific word order patterns and passivization forms while
achieving the greatest generalityin its conclusions about the 'shape' of
these languages. One specificpattern, however, that was not treatedwas
the alternateorderof TagalogAgent-Topicstructures,in whichthe Agent
DP remainsin the SPEC of VP (see (25aii)). We will argue here that this
order raises difficult but certainly not unanswerablequestions for our
analysis. One question is simply an empiricalone. When the Topic has
not moved to the SPEC of IP, do the propertiesclaimed to be sensitive
to the SPEC of IP still pick out the Topic? The answerappearsto be yes,
if we examine the one instance in which it occurs - namely, when the
Topic is the Agent and remains in the SPEC of VP. What is required
for well-formednesshere is the appearanceon the V of Agent-Topic
morphology:with this condition met, only the Agent DP may extracted
(45a-c), or may launch a floated quantifier(45d).
(45)
a.
Tagalog
Magsalis
angbabae ng bigas sa sako para
AT-will-take-outTOP-womanACC-riceOBL-sackfor
sa bata'.
OBL-child
The woman will take rice out of the sack for the child.
b.
Sin ang
magsalis
ng bigas sa saka para
who COMPA T-will-take-out
ACC-riceOBL-sackfor
sa bata'?
OBL-child
Who will take rice out of the sack for the child?
c. *Ano ang
magsalis
angbabae sa sako
what COMPAT-will-take-outTOP-womanOBL-sack
LANGUAGES
411
para sa bata'?
for OBL child
What will the woman take out of the sack for the child?
d.
Magsalis
lahat ang mga babae ng mga libro
AT-will-take-outall TOP-pl womanACC-pl book
sa sako para sa bata'.
OBL-sackfor OBL-child
i. All the women will take books out of the sack for the
child.
ii. *The women will take all the books out of the sack for the
child.
Kabibililang ni Pedro
ng tela
RP-buy just GEN-PedroACC-cloth
Pedro just bought some cloth.
33 It has been suggested (Lasnik 1989) that in there constructionsin English, both the
pleonasticand the DP in the VP are assignedCase. This is also what we would be saying
for these constructionsin Tagalog.
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