Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
27 (2003) 209236
Group for the Study of Asymmetrical Relations (G.E.R.A.), Institute of Psychology, University of Lyon 2,
Campus Porte des Alpes, 5 Av. Pierre Mend"es-France, 69676 Bron Cedex, France
b
Laboratoire IPSE, Paris X- Nanterre, France
c
Institute for Social and Health Sciences, P.O. Box 1087 Lenasia, University of South Africa (UNISA),
1820, Johannesburg, South Africa
Received 1 June 2001; received in revised form 3 February 2002; accepted 21 March 2002
Abstract
In light of the recent socio-political transformation in South Africa, the article examines
whether post-apartheid society offers young adults new and different possibilities for
constructing their identity, or whether race still constitutes a central dening feature of their
representations of Self and Other? It draws on ndings from a study that examined the selfarticulated self-conceptions and future identity aspirations and threats of 542 undergraduate
South African students of differing socio-historically constructed cultural and linguistic
backgrounds. Respondents open-ended self-identity responses were content-analyzed and
examined in light of their reported desire to stay in South Africa, and their perceptions of
being able to succeed (both personally and professionally) as compared to other South
Africans. The ndings indicate that while respondents rarely made overt use of racial,
cultural and national markers in their present and future self-articulated self-conceptions,
their future identity aspirations and threats contained indirect references to an apartheid past
and the transition to a non-racial democracy. Moreover, an empirically derived grouping
variablelanguage orientationsummarizing the use of one (monolingual) or more
$
This article is based on an unpublished Masters research report Swart (2001). The authors contributed
equally to the present article. Earlier versions of this article were published by T. Swart and V. Franchi
(2000, 2001) at the XVth Congress of the International Association for Cross-Cultural, Psychology,
Pultusk, Poland, and at the meeting of the Second Biannual Congress of the International Academy of
Intercultural Research, Mississippi, U.S.A., respectively.
*Corresponding author. Tel.: +33-4-7877-3163; cell-phone: +33-6-6223-8072.
E-mail addresses: vije.franchi@wanadoo.fr (V. Franchi), swarttm@unisa.ac.za (T.M. Swart).
0147-1767/03/$ - see front matter r 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/S0147-1767(02)00093-7
210
1. Introduction
South Africas transition from an apartheid past to an indeterminate future
constructed on the vision of non-racial democracy and intercultural harmony
(a rainbow nation) has not only impacted profoundly on social, political, economic
and cultural life on a macro-level, but has also shown various micro-level
reverberations (Stevens & Lockhat, 1997). The negotiation of identity in postapartheid South Africa represents one of these micro-level domains. The new
dispensation attempts to offer identity possibilities predicated on the recognition
and reversal of past inequalities, and the construction of a sentiment of national
unity that integrates previously designated racially constructed differences into a
vision of a meaningful and valued national identity. In this regard, the ratication of
the 1996 Constitution guarantees the liberties of all South Africans, the Truth
and Reconciliation Commission endeavored to recover the testimonies of the victims
and perpetrators of gross violations of human rights, the implementation of
afrmative action measures in public and private sectors aims to redress past
discrimination and promote employment equity, and the adoption of a new language
policy recognizes the ofcial status of the nine indigenous languages of South Africa,
in addition to English and Afrikaans, the two languages endorsed during apartheid
(Finchilescu & Nyawose, 1998). These constitutional changes attest to the
governments political intention to remember and eradicate the oppression of the
past, pro-actively prevent all present forms of discrimination, and recognize
and preserve the cultural diversity and multilingualism of present-day South
African society.
In light of these broader socio-political changes, the question arises as to the ways
in which South African students, who represent one of the countrys major
investments for the future (M^ller, 1996), locate a sense of their present, past
and future identities. What legacy has apartheid left to young adults currently
grappling with the challenges of negotiating an identity that surpasses the narrow
designs of racial categorization? More specically, to what extent are the sociopolitical changes in South Africa and the imperatives of the new democratic
dispensation reected in the identity-articulations of the countrys student
population? Last and not least, do these macro-realities of present-day South Africa
211
Given the historical construction and conation of cultural, racial and ethnic groups in South
Africa, these signiers are to be treated with extreme circumspection.
212
In present-day South Africa, young adults are called upon to negotiate their
denitions of themselves at the intersection of an apartheid legacy of pain,
oppression and segregation, the socio-political transformations of the present, and
the promise of non-racial, intercultural integration, equity and prosperity for
the future. The study posited that the subjects self-articulated self-concept and
future identity aspirations and threats would reect their differing experiences of the
countrys apartheid past- and post-apartheid present, as well as their different visions
and expectations for the future. In the face of the racialization of political, social,
economic and private spheres during decades of South African history, macro- and
micro-level changes were expected to differentially impact upon the self-articulated
identities of historically advantaged and disadvantaged group members. More
specically, we postulated that the relative use of racial, cultural or national
markers in the current self-conceptions and future identity aspirations and threats of
young adults would vary as a function of their socio-linguistic backgrounds and their
desire to stay in South Africa.
In South Africa, apartheid racial categories were to some extent linked
with language use and preferences, a phenomenon which reects not only the
ethno-cultural background of a particular group, but also their relative subjugation
to forms of apartheid oppression such as the forced-removal from their region
or community and the forced-resettlement within the so-called townships built
on the periphery of cities, the mandatory use of Afrikaans as the language
of instruction for people categorized as non-white, and migrant labor from rural
to urban locations. Language orientation2an empirically derived grouping variable
summarizing the respondents language use and preferences across contextswas
statistically found to differentiate between previously disadvantaged and advantaged
groups of South Africans. The use and preference for one (monolingual) or
more (bilingual/multilingual) of the colonial (English and Afrikaans), vernacular
(Inguni, Sotho, Xhosa), or immigrant (e.g., Hebrew, German, French, Portuguese,
Mandarin) languages across family, social and university life-contexts also
reects the mandatory or elected identication of individuals with cultural groups
other than those of their primary socialization, their exposure to intercultural
contact in educational, occupational or interpersonal contexts, and their personal
agency and life-choices. Insofar as it represents the strategic shifting and inscription
of self-identity with regard to differing past- (the racial categorization and
dichotomization of oppression and privilege during apartheid), present- (the
transition to a non-racial democracy and negotiation of memory and reconciliation), and future- (the promise of national unity, non-racial integration, and
ubuntu3) oriented subject locations and socio-political imperatives, this grouping
variable proved useful for the comparative analysis of differing sub-samples
of students in South Africa. Moreover, it seemed less likely to be used as a
2
This grouping variable did not constitute a pre-established category for comparative analyses of
variance; rather, it emerged empirically as a variable that reliably distinguished between groups of
responses on all dependent identity measures.
3
The African philosophy of humanism.
213
2. Method
2.1. Respondents
The population sampled were undergraduate students attending South African
universities in and around Johannesburg at the end of 1998. A class of 370 secondyear psychology students at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) were
requested to complete the self-report identity measure as part of their second-year
social psychology course requirements. In order to ensure the heterogeneity of the
population sampled, the students were also required to have the identity measure
completed by a second respondent attending a university other than Wits, not
enrolled in psychology at the time, and of different gender and cultural background
than themselves. The age of the respondents was expected to fall within the
parameters of Eriksons (1950, 1963) denition of adolescence or early adulthood, a
psycho-social developmental period in which identity resolution is particularly
pertinent. However, in light of the argument expressed by Freeman (1993), that the
boundaries of adolescence as extending from the onset of puberty to the early
twenties are not appropriate in South Africa, the present study took the concept of
youth to refer to a political categorization comprising politically active young
people who, in line with the ANC Youth League membership criteria, can be aged
up to 35 years.
214
90 (74.4)
56 (46.3)
80 (66.1)
44 (36.4)
18 (14.9)
34 (28.1)
23 (19.0)
39 (32.2)
29 (24.0)
33 (27.3)
22 (18.2)
41 (33.9)
15 (12.4)
106 (41.4)
174 (68.0)
73 (28.5)
31 (12.1)
66 (25.8)
69 (27.0)
74 (28.9)
66 (25.8)
96 (37.5)
40 (15.6)
64 (25.0)
70 (27.3)
202 (78.9)
English n 256
Monolingual
47 (28.5)
58 (35.2)
55 (33.3)
40 (24.2)
57 (34.5)
47 (28.5)
45 (27.3)
32 (19.4)
32 (19.4)
46 (27.9)
102 (61.8)
39 (23.6)
103 (62.4)
132 (24.3)
163 (30.0)
184 (33.8)
102 (18.8)
152 (27.9)
160 (29.4)
137 (25.2)
132 (24.3)
81 (14.9)
163 (30.0)
356 (65.4)
201 (36.9)
395 (72.6)
Total cases
N 542
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent the percentages of people within a language orientation group who mentioned the self-concept category.
Self-concept category
Table 1
Frequencies for self-articulated self-concept categories by language orientation across contexts
V. Franchi, T.M. Swart / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 27 (2003) 209236
215
216
as South Africans. In line with Markus and Oyserman (1989), open-ended responses
were coded according to the central domains to which the contents referred (Swart,
2001).
2.2.3. Desire to stay in South Africa
The desire to live in South Africa in the future was taken to indicate an
identication with the current socio-political transformation, a show of condence in
the political restructuring and implementation of equity measures, and the likelihood
that the person would attempt to align the self with the new dispensations
imperatives of non-racial democracy, integration, and reconciliation. On the other
hand, the desire to emigrate was expected to reect a sense of guilt or nostalgia for
an apartheid past, a lack of hope and condence in the transformation process, and a
fear that the socio-political changes would interfere with economic self-interests and
future prospects.
The desire to stay in South Africa was measured using a three-point scale
(1 Yes; 2 Do not know; 3 No), followed by an open-ended question
regarding respondents reasons for wanting to stay or leave South Africa. The
latter were content analyzed and coded according to empirically derived categories.
New categories were added until the nal list reected all the central concerns to
which their reasons referred, namely: Political; Social; Family; Occupational;
Economic; Religious; Personal; Crime/safety; Geographical features and Patriotism.
2.2.4. Perceived opportunities for success, employment and future happiness
Perceptions of opportunities to succeed as compared to other South Africans were
measured in an attempt to determine the ways in which students of differing
backgrounds, and for whom entry into the employment market is an imminent
reality, react to the socio-political transition from an apartheid past to the new
dispensation and its advocacy of afrmative action. Perceived chances of getting a
job in the future, of being happy, and of having equal opportunities for success as
compared to other South Africans were rated using three-point scales
(1 Not good; 2 Do not know; 3 Good; in the case of the rst two items,
and, 1 No; 2 Do not know; 3 Yes; in the case of the latter). Self-reported
reasons for these perceptions were measured using open-ended prompts. The reasons
given for perceiving the chance of having equal opportunities for success included:
Personal effort; Interests or capabilities; Economic; University; Unequal opportunity; Good previous education; Social comparison; Occupation; Family background;
and Other. On the other hand, the kinds of reasons given for perceiving chances of
getting a job in the future included: Intrapersonal; Interpersonal; Familial;
University; Socio-economic; Racial identity; Gender; Political; Afrmative action;
Religious; Occupation; and Geographical location. Lastly, the types of reasons given
to explain perceived chances of future happiness as compared to other South
Africans included: Intrapersonal; Familial; Spouse or partner; University-related;
Socio-economic; Political; Religious; Philosophical; Occupation-related; Health;
Current circumstances; Cannot tell; Nationality; Crime, violence or stress; and
Hobby or activity.
217
3. Results
3.1. Sample characteristics
A total of 542 undergraduate students completed the (48% male; 52% female)
in and around Johannesburg, 66% of whom attended second-year Psychology classes at the University of the Witwatersrand. The average age of the
respondents was 21.2 SD 3:07; with over a half between 18 and 20, and nearly
a third between 21 and 22. At the time of the study, 472 respondents reported
still living with their families or a guardian, and only 65 lived with their spouse, a
at-mate or alone.
Of the 542 respondents, 188 reported that both their parents were employed fulltime, and 197 that their father was the sole or principal breadwinner. A number of
factors suggest that these respondents are either from white middle- and upper-class
families (if from historically privileged backgrounds) or black emergent middleclass families (if from previously disadvantaged backgrounds). In the South African
context these families are in the minority, and in the case of the former are likely to
have a vested interest in preserving their economic and social privilege, attained
through direct or indirect exploitation, discrimination, and oppression. In the case of
the latter, respondents may have been raised in urban families, of which many were
politicized during the struggle against apartheid, who perceive the opportunity for
socio-economic redress and advancement.
5
Coding decisions were documented thoroughly to adequately dene each content category and ensure
coding consistency. Coding decisions were veried through collaborative discussion with other researchers
and the initial supervisor of the study. In addition, the percent agreement between independent researchers
using the same coding strategy was calculated as an indication of interrater consistency. The percent
agreement using a sub-sample of three of the qualitative items (self-concept, future identity aspirations and
future identity threats) was 93.5%.
218
The analysis of self-concept content domains by participants gender showed signicant variation in
the use of descriptors related to gender: w2 1; N 481 15:66; p > 0:01; interpersonal positive: w2 1; N
481 11:45; p > 0:01; intrapersonal negative: w2 1; N 481 4:79; p > 0:05; nationality or birthplace:
w2 1; N 481 8:51; p > 0:01; racial identity or race-related: w2 1; N 481 4:85; p > 0:05; relational
subject position: w2 1; N 481 4:85; p > 0:05; university: w2 1; N 481 14:61; p > 0:01; and,
language, religion, culture or ethnicity: w2 1; N 481 6:38; p > 0:01: All of these self-concept
categories were used signicantly more often by females than males. (Swart, 2001, p. 82) In the case of
the latter, signicant variation was also found for age, with respondents aged between 21 and 22, and 23
years or older making signicantly less reference to language, religion, culture and ethnicity than those
aged between 18 and 19.
219
articulated forms of identity among South African students. Only 132 respondents
made reference to race, 163 to language, religion, culture or ethnicity, and 102 to
nationality or birthplace in their self-articulated self-identities. However, signicant
variation was found among the three sub-samples: The bilingual speakers of English,
Afrikaans, Zulu, Sotho and other vernacular Southern African languages and
monolingual English-speakers used racial identity markers signicantly more often
than the bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans, Hebrew, European and other
immigrant languages: w2 2; N 542 12:16; po0:05: On the other hand, the
bilingual speakers of English or Afrikaans and Zulu, Sotho and other vernacular
Southern African languages, and of English, Afrikaans, Hebrew, European and
other immigrant languages used cultural, traditional, linguistic or ethnic
identity markers signicantly more often than the monolingual English-speakers:
w2 2; N 542 6:00; po0:05: No signicant intergroup variation was found in the
case of national identity markers.
3.3. Future identity aspirations and threats as a South African
Overall, respondents most often described their future identity aspirations as
South Africans in terms of career or occupational concerns (58.1%), making a
difference, charity work, idealistic change in South Africa (25.7%), intrapersonal
achievements (22.4%), and acquiring material objects or wealth (20.6%) (Table 2).
In the case of their self-reported future identity threats as South Africans (Table 3),
respondents most often referred to a fear of being a victim of crime or discrimination,
racist or negative about South Africa (45.2%), intrapersonal (42.1%) and
interpersonal (25.9%) concerns, and unemployment or bad job prospects (21.5%).
Respondents generally made reference to language, religion, culture, or ethnicity
less often when describing their future identity aspirations and threats in comparison to
their self-articulated self-concepts (5.7% and 5.5%, respectively, versus 30%).
Moreover, no signicant differences were found among monolingual English-speakers,
bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans, European or other immigrant languages, and
bilingual speakers of English or Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa, and other vernacular
languages, as regards their use of this category in either their future identity aspirations:
w2 2; N 542 2:34; n:s: (4.3%, 5.8% and 7.9%, respectively) or threats: w2 2; N
542 2:82; n:s: (6.3%, 2.5% and 6.7%, respectively) as a South African.7
In spite of the comparatively infrequent use of language, religion, culture, and
ethnicity, and the relative absence of direct references to racial or national
identity markers in self-reported future identities, respondents did articulate their
future-oriented conceptions of self in relation to the realities of an apartheid past, the
transformation and redress of inequalities in the present, and the ideal of national
unity and non-racial democracy in the future. More specically, 25.7% of
respondents described their future identity aspirations in terms of making a
difference, charity work and idealistic change in South Africa, and 17.6% in terms of
7
Swart (2001) found signicant variation in identity aspirations and threats for this content domain
when comparing only South Africans in each of the three language orientation sub-samples N 450:
31 (25.6)
18 (14.9)
24 (19.8)
7 (5.8)
17 (14.0)
18 (14.9)
63 (52.1)
28 (23.1)
20 (16.5)
12 (9.9)
7 (5.8)
14 (11.6)
60 (23.4)
46 (18.0)
34 (13.3)
16 (6.3)
31 (12.1)
55 (21.5)
152 (59.4)
50 (19.5)
68 (26.6)
41 (16.0)
11 (4.3)
53 (20.7)
29 (17.6)
13 (7.9)
7 (4.2)
52 (31.5)
34 (20.6)
101 (61.2)
20 (12.1)
15 (9.1)
16 (9.7)
12 (7.3)
31 (18.8)
30 (18.2)
8 (4.8)
96 (17.6)
31 (5.7)
60 (11.0)
140 (25.7)
112 (20.6)
316 (58.1)
94 (17.3)
64 (11.8)
39 (7.2)
70 (12.9)
95 (17.5)
122 (22.4)
24 (4.4)
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent the percentages of people within a language orientation group who mentioned the future identity aspiration as a
South African category.
7 (5.8)
9 (3.5)
Eng. n 256
Categories
Monolingual
Table 2
Frequencies for future identity aspirations as a South African by language orientation across contexts
220
V. Franchi, T.M. Swart / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 27 (2003) 209236
11 (9.1)
46 (38.0)
28 (23.1)
5 (4.1)
4 (3.3)
1 (0.8)
6 (5.0)
25 (20.7)
17 (14.0)
7 (5.8)
52 (43.0)
3 (2.5)
3 (2.5)
123 (48.0)
67 (26.2)
15 (5.9)
11 (4.3)
5 (2.0)
11 (4.3)
50 (19.5)
39 (15.2)
16 (6.3)
139 (54.3)
16 (6.3)
11 (4.3)
14 (5.5)
English n 256
Monolingual
3 (1.8)
11 (6.7)
54 (32.7)
61 (37.0)
30 (18.2)
42 (25.5)
19 (11.5)
3 (1.8)
13 (7.9)
6 (3.6)
46 (27.9)
60 (36.4)
17 (10.3)
17 (3.1)
30 (5.5)
246 (45.2)
84 (15.4)
87 (16.0)
117 (21.5)
36 (6.6)
9 (1.7)
28 (5.1)
26 (4.8)
141 (25.9)
229 (42.1)
42 (7.7)
Total cases
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent the percentages of people within a language orientation group who mentioned the future identity threats as a
South African category.
Health problem/death-related
(e.g. HIV positive; chain smoker; being sick; unhealthy).
Intrapersonal (e.g. not being faithful to
myself; narrow-minded; unhappy; lazy).
Interpersonal (e.g. lonely; hurting others;
cold towards others; hated by people).
No relationship/homosexuality (e.g. being
single; losing girlfriend; not getting
married; homosexual).
Pregnancy/single parent/bad parent (e.g. a
mother before Im married; a terrible parent).
Not travel/no leisure/not being able to move
(e.g. in the same place too long; restricted
in activities through limited events).
Graduation/university-related (e.g. a
university drop-out; failing university).
Unemployment/bad job prospects (e.g. being
unemployed; failing at my career).
Material poverty (e.g. being homeless;
being poor; being destitute).
Delinquency (e.g. drug and alcohol abuser;
being a criminal; being jailed).
Victim of crime/discrimination/racist/
negative about SA (e.g. worried about crime racist).
Language/religion/culture/ethnicity (e.g.
stigma attached to my culture; being too Western).
Civic/political commitment to SA (e.g.
politically active; victim of government corruption).
Table 3
Frequencies for future identity threats as a South African by language orientation across contexts
V. Franchi, T.M. Swart / International Journal of Intercultural Relations 27 (2003) 209236
221
222
civic and political commitment to South Africa. The concerns captured by these two
categories may reect an optimistic outlook about the countrys future, an
identication with national democratic ideals, and a commitment to change. However,
the relative paucity of these descriptors in respondents self-articulated future identity
aspirations may also suggest a generally low spontaneous endorsement of the new
democratic dispensations political and economic transformation initiatives.
These ndings may in fact reect the demographic status, political views, and
relative under-exposure to discrimination of the population sampled: Of the three
sub-samples, bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa and other
vernacular Southern African languages (namely, historically disadvantaged group
members) referred to making a difference, charity work, and idealistic change in
South Africa signicantly more often (31.5% as compared to 26.6% and 16.5%,
respectively) than monolingual English-speakers or bilingual speakers of English,
Afrikaans, European or other immigrant languages: w2 2; N 542 8:32; po0:05:8
A large proportion of the respondents were more concerned with achieving career/
occupational and university-related aspirations (58.1% and 17.3%, respectively),
realizing intrapersonal, interpersonal, marriage and relationship goals (22.4%, 17.5%
and 12.9%, respectively), and protecting economic self interests (20.6% aspired
towards material wealth and 11.8% towards leisure and travel), than with processes
of social and political transformation.
In line with the above interpretation, 11% of the respondents described their
future identity aspirations in terms of not being a crime victim, remaining safe, or
leaving South Africa, and 45.2% and 21.5%, respectively, referred to future identity
threats related to being a victim of crime or discrimination, racist, or negative about
South Africa,9 and unemployment or bad job prospects. While the mention of
concerns with physical safety may be understood to reect the relatively high
prevalence of crime in South Africa, discourses about security, being a victim of
violence and leaving South Africa are most often associated with opposition or
resistance to the new democratic dispensation and to current policies of redress (such
as afrmative action).10 Such views may also reect the fears of groups who regard
8
Swart (2001) also reports signicant gender differences for future identity aspirations as a South
African related to civic and political commitment to South Africa: w2 1; N 481 3:91; p > 0:05; and
making a difference in South Africa, charity work and idealistic change: w2 1; N 406 7:97; p > 0:01;
with females making signicantly greater use of both of these content domains.
9
Only 4.1% of the respondents used this category to express a fear of being a victim of discrimination,
while 41.1% used it to refer to being a victim of crime, being racist, being negative about South Africa.
10
Space constraints do not allow for an in-depth discussion on this subject. It seems necessary to
mention, however, that while South Africans who have been politically, socially and economically
oppressed and dispossessed by racial, gender and class asymmetries are exposed to higher levels of
violence than historically advantaged groups, it is more often the latter who express concerns with issues of
safety, violence and leaving South Africa. Moreover, these discourses have increased considerably since
the demise of the apartheid government in 1994, and focus only on a restricted denition of violence in
terms of crime. Insofar as these discourses obscure the fact that levels of violence and insecurity (especially
with regard to state violence, racial persecution, daily humiliation, oppression, and exploitation) were
higher during the apartheid regime for the majority of South Africans, they can be said to discursively
legitimate the apartheid system and operate as a form of resistance to democratic change.
223
these changes as inevitably implying a loss of political, social and economic privilege,
at both personal and collective levels, and their continued attempts to hold onto this
privilege by focusing on the governments inability to ensure their safety, protect
them from violence, or guarantee their professional and economic prosperity.11
Future identity concerns related to not being a crime victim, safety, or leaving South
Africa, and being a victim of crime or discrimination, racist or negative about South
Africa were more frequently expressed by monolingual English-speaking (16% and
54.3%, respectively) and bilingual English, Afrikaans, European and other
immigrant language-speaking (9.9% and 43%, respectively) students, than by their
bilingual English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa and other vernacular language-speaking
classmates (4.2% and 32.7%, respectively) w2 2; N 542 14:34; po0:01; and,
w2 2; N 542 19:16; po0:01; respectively). While these views are quite widespread in present-day South Africa, especially among groups who were the most
advantaged by apartheid, it was somewhat disappointing to nd them reected so
prevalently among a sample of students of whom the majority attended a liberal
and integrated academic institution.
The specic socio-economic realities with which young adults from historically
advantaged and disadvantaged groups continue to grapple in post-apartheid South
Africa were also evident in their differential mention of such concerns as
unemployment or bad job prospects (21.5%), material poverty (16%), delinquency
(15.4%), and not graduating (6.6%), when reporting their anticipated future identity
threats. Whilst historically advantaged monolingual English-speakers and bilingual
speakers of English, Afrikaans, European and other immigrant languages made
reference to graduation-related identity aspirations signicantly more often than
bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa and other vernacular
languages: w2 2; 542 6:76; p > 0:05; the inverse was evident in the case of selfarticulated identity threats; Here, the latter referred to fears of not graduating
signicantly more often than the former two groups: w2 2; 542 9:14; p > 0:01:
Bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa and other vernacular
languages also made mention of delinquency signicantly more often when dening
their future identity threats than the other two groups: w2 2; 542 88:15; p > 0:01:
These results seem to corroborate Mhones (Mhone, Humber, Gault, &
Mokhobo, 1998) claim that pre-labor discrimination (including the lack of positive
measures to redress inequalities in primary, secondary and tertiary education)
continues to reproduce inequalities in post-apartheid South African society, in spite
of proactive measures to redress discrimination in the internal-labor market (such as
afrmative action). Moreover, it is interesting to note that while discourses opposing
afrmative action tend to exaggerate the difculty that historically privileged groups
have in nding employment in South Africa, the ndings of this study indicate that it
is clearly students from historically disadvantaged backgrounds (namely, bilingual
speakers of English, Afrikaans, Zulu, Xhosa and other vernacular languages) who
continue to experience and perceive the highest threat of not nding satisfactory
11
The article dealing with symbolic racism in organizational discourse (in this same issue) develops the
idea that these discourses constitute a new form of racism in post-apartheid South Africa.
224
employment (25.5% as opposed to 19.5% and 20.7% in the other two groups).
These ndings point to the social and economic disadvantages to which these young
adults continue to be exposed.
The ndings regarding the self-articulated self-concept and future identity
aspirations and threats of the sample as a whole, and of the language orientation
sub-samples in particular, were analyzed in light of the respondents reported desire
to stay in South Africa, their perceived opportunities for succeeding as compared to
other South Africans and their perceived chances of getting a job and being happy in
the future.
3.4. Desire to stay in South Africa
Of the 540 respondents who answered this question, only 43.7% indicated that they
wished to remain in South Africa in the future, as compared to the 35.2% who
reported not knowing and the 21.1% who indicated their desire to emigrate. As
indicated in Table 4, among those who reported wanting to stay in South Africa
n 236; the reasons most often cited included patriotism (44%), personal
Table 4
Frequencies of responses and reasons given for the desire to stay in South Africa
Desire to stay in South Africa N 540
Yes, want to stay
236 (43.7)
Language orientation sub-samples
Monolingual English n 255
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., European,
other n 121
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., Zulu, Sotho, vernacular
SA n 164
Reasons cited
Political
Economic
Social
Occupational
Familial
Personal
Crime rate/safety/fear
Geographical features
Patriotism/birthplace
Religion
Total
Do not know
190 (35.2)
95 (37.3)
44 (36.4)
94 (36.9)
47 (38.9)
66 (25.9)
30 (24.8)
97 (59.2)
49 (29.9)
18 (11.0)
Want to stay
n 236
Do not know
n 190
Want to leave
n 114
19
17
39
16
47
99
23
28
103
1
392
21
14
16
45
33
92
50
7
31
2
311
24
16
14
28
14
45
58
3
1
2
205
(8.1)
(7.3)
(16.7)
(6.8)
(20.1)
(42.3)
(9.8)
(12.0)
(44.0)
(0.4)
(167.5)
(11.9)
(7.9)
(9.0)
(25.4)
(18.6)
(52.0)
(28.2)
(4.0)
(17.5)
(1.1)
(175.7)
(21.1)
(14.0)
(12.3)
(24.6)
(12.3)
(39.5)
(50.9)
(2.6)
(0.9)
(1.8)
(179.8)
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent within-group percentages for language orientation subsamples.
225
No signicant differences were found for gender, age or nationality of participants (Swart, 2001).
It is interesting to note that monolingual English-speakers rated their possibilities for success as
compared to their classmates (Swart, 2001) more positively than their chances for success as compared to
other South Africans (68.6% versus 31.5%). The same pattern was observed for bilingual English,
Afrikaans, European and immigrant language-speakers (70.2% versus 46.7%), and English, Afrikaans,
Zulu, Sotho, Xhosa, and other vernacular language-speakers (61.3% versus 44.7%). While this variable is
not examined in the present article, the lower ratings of academic success when compared to South
Africans could possibly suggest a negative residual effect of racial categorization during apartheid. This,
however, remains pure conjecture at this stage.
13
226
Table 5
Frequencies of responses and reasons given for perceived equality of opportunities to succeed as compared
to other South Africans
Perceived equality of opportunities to succeed N 535
Equal opportunities
208 (39.0)
Language orientation sub-samples
Monolingual English n 254
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., European,
other n 120
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., Zulu, Sotho,
vernacular SA n 161
Reasons cited
Personal effort
Individual capabilities or interests
Social comparison
Occupational comparison
Economic reasons
Good previous education
Academic opportunities/university
All have equal opportunities
Too many distractions
Unequal opportunities
Family background
Interpersonal factors
Fate/luck
Total
Do not know
92 (17.2)
Unequal opportunities
235 (44.0)
80 (31.5)
56 (46.7)
42 (16.5)
19 (15.9)
132 (52.0)
45 (37.5)
72 (44.7)
31 (19.3)
58 (36.0)
Equal opportunities
n 208
Do not know
n 92
Unequal opportunities
n 235
76
37
8
1
7
14
46
28
0
5
2
3
0
227
9
3
22
3
11
1
5
1
0
19
2
7
1
84
14
22
55
4
47
41
23
0
1
70
8
1
1
287
(39.4)
(19.2)
(4.1)
(0.5)
(3.6)
(7.3)
(23.9)
(14.5)
(0.0)
(2.6)
(1.0)
(1.5)
(0.0)
(117.6)
(13.8)
(4.6)
(33.8)
(4.6)
(16.9)
(1.5)
(7.6)
(1.5)
(0.0)
(29.2)
(3.1)
(10.8)
(1.5)
(129.2)
(6.1)
(9.6)
(24.0)
(1.7)
(20.5)
(17.9)
(10.0)
(0.0)
(0.4)
(30.6)
(3.5)
(0.4)
(0.4)
(125.3)
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent within-group percentages for language orientation subsamples.
227
Table 6
Frequencies of responses and reasons cited for perceived chances of getting a job in the future
Perceived chances of getting a job in the future N 532
Good
309 (58.1)
Language orientation sub-samples
Monolingual English
n 253
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., European,
other n 118
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., Zulu, Sotho,
vernacular SA n 161
Reasons cited
Intrapersonal
Interpersonal
Familial
University education
Socio-economic
Racial identity
Gender
Political
Afrmative action
Religion
Occupation-related
Geographical location
Total
Do not know
171 (32.1)
Not good
52 (9.8)
140 (37.3)
89 (35.2)
24 (9.5)
72 (61.0)
30 (25.4)
16 (13.6)
97 (60.3)
52 (32.3)
12 (7.5)
Good
n 309
Do not know
n 171
Not good
n 52
128
15
4
89
9
7
7
1
9
3
104
1
377
24
6
0
27
48
12
5
11
25
5
45
7
215
6
4
1
11
15
8
4
0
15
0
4
0
63
(42.0)
(4.9)
(1.3)
(29.3)
(3.0)
(2.3)
(2.3)
(0.3)
(3.0)
(1.0)
(34.1)
(0.3)
(123.6)
(14.9)
(3.7)
(0.0)
(16.8)
(29.8)
(7.4)
(3.1)
(6.8)
(15.5)
(3.1)
(28.0)
(4.3)
(133.5)
(11.5)
(7.7)
(1.9)
(21.2)
(28.8)
(15.3)
(7.7)
(0.0)
(28.8)
(0.0)
(7.7)
(0.0)
(130.8)
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent within-group percentages for language orientation subsamples.
228
Table 7
Frequencies of responses and reasons cited for perceived chances of future happiness
Perceived chances of future happiness N 532
Good
397 (74.6)
Language orientation sub-samples
Monolingual English n 253
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., European,
other n 118
Bilingual Eng., Afrik., Zulu, Sotho,
vernacular SA n 161
Reasons cited
Intrapersonal
Familial
Spouse or partner
University-related
Socio-economic
Political
Religion
Philosophical
Occupation
Health
Current circumstances
Unable to explain
Nationality
Crime/violence/stress
Total
Do not know
116 (21.8)
Not good
19 (3.6)
140 (80.2)
72 (71.4)
43 (17.1)
29 (24.4)
7 (2.8)
5 (4.2)
97 (68.3)
44 (27.3)
7 (4.4)
Good
n 397
Do not know
n 116
Not good
n 19
235
51
41
25
5
2
29
65
43
3
44
7
2
4
556
18
10
9
2
4
2
4
14
16
2
22
36
1
5
145
5
2
3
0
0
1
0
2
2
0
4
0
1
3
23
(61.0)
(13.2)
(10.6)
(6.5)
(1.3)
(0.5)
(7.5)
(16.9)
(11.2)
(0.8)
(11.4)
(1.8)
(0.5)
(1.1)
(144.5)
(16.7)
(9.3)
(8.3)
(1.9)
(3.7)
(1.9)
(3.7)
(13.0)
(14.8)
(1.9)
(20.4)
(33.3)
(0.9)
(4.6)
(134.3)
(26.3)
(10.5)
(15.8)
(0.0)
(0.0)
(5.3)
(0.0)
(10.5)
(10.5)
(0.0)
(21.1)
(0.0)
(5.3)
(15.8)
(121.1)
Note: Values enclosed in parentheses represent within-group percentages for language orientation subsamples.
(10.6%). Uncertainty in this domain (do not know), where respondents did not feel
unable to explain (33.3%), was attributed to current circumstances (20.4%),
intrapersonal factors (16.7%), the respondents chosen future occupation (14.8%),
or his or her philosophical outlook (13.0%). Where respondents rated their chances
for future happiness as negative, they most often related this to intrapersonal factors
(26.3%), and current circumstances (21.1%).
4. Discussion
Before examining the implications of the ndings presented in this article, a
number of the limitations of the study need to be pointed out. Firstly, the use of a
synthetic grouping variable (language orientation across contexts) to generate subsamples for comparison obscures the fact that each of these sub-samples subsumes a
229
number of smaller sub-groupings, which may have differed along the target identity
variables. Furthermore, while the use of language orientation as a dimension along
which to compare sub-samples in the study attempts to provide an alternative to rewriting constructed racial differences among groups, the sub-samples generated in
this way may be mistaken for politically correct replacement categories for the
racial categories of apartheid. The use of this grouping variable also renders
comparison of the results with other studies more difcult.
Secondly, sampling among university student populations restricts the generalization of the ndings to tertiary populations, as this population is a minority
grouping in South Africa and may show more broad-minded or politically liberal
attitudes, and higher levels of tertiary education than could be considered
representative of the South African population (Sennet & Foster, 1996).
Lastly, the use of primarily quantitative analyses in the present study does not
permit an in-depth examination of some of the discourses that emerged in relation to
race, culture and nationality. More specically, the focus on the frequency of the
occurrence of racial, cultural, ethnic, linguistic and national identity markers
in self-articulated self-concept and future-oriented identity measures may have
obscured the ways in which discourses on race continue to underscore and organize
self-narratives and perceptions of self in relation to other and the sociopolitical
collective. Bearing in mind these constraints and the complex nature of issues related
to racial, cultural and national identity in South African society, this discussion
seeks to highlight a number of tentative interpretations for the primary ndings that
emerge from the study.
A general paucity of direct references to racial, cultural and national identity
markers was noted in respondents self-articulated self-conceptions. This can be
interpreted in a number of different ways. From a more idealistic perspective, the
relative absence of racial identity markers may indicate that the respondents are
attempting to dene their identity beyond the narrow connes of racial
categorization, in ways that were perhaps neither permitted nor perceived as
possible during apartheid. This may reect their desire to align themselves with the
ethos of the new democratic South Africa, which embodies a future-orientated
progression towards a unied national identity, whilst simultaneously recognizing
individual differences. In the case of young adults, this progression may be facilitated
by the fact that they are at a developmental age where identity processes and life
choices are experienced as particularly important. Post-apartheid society and the
transformations it entails may also present these youth with new identity challenges
and concerns (such as re-membering and recognizing the past, redressing the socioeconomic inequalities of the present, working through the trauma and guilt that
underpin subjective, interpersonal, and intergroup processes), which may be asserted
as more prominent for self-representation, self-orientation and self-presentation;
with race no longer fullling a salient or central function in this regard.
However, it may be more realistic to assume that the legacy of decades of racial
oppression is unlikely to have dissipated in the short period of time since South
Africa has become a nascent democracy. While based on a constructive sentiment
and the imperative for national unity and reconciliation, an ethos of non-racialism
230
may be seen to elide or deal inadequately with the remnants and memories of
apartheid. The absence of racial self-descriptors in self-articulated forms of identity
amongst South Africa students may in fact represent what Carrim (2000) refers to as
a silencing of race. According to Carrim (2000), this results from the fear of losing
privilege, the fear of continuing with the (racist) ways of the past or the fear of
civil war. For those who continue to benet from racially constructed privileges,
the silencing of racial identity is seen to fulll the strategic function of selfpresenting as aligned with the new dispensations ethos of non-racialism and the
ideals of national unity and reconciliation, at a time when the focus on racial
identity would serve to expose and denounce the illegitimacy of this privilege.
Otherwise stated, the attempts to deracialize identity representations amongst
historically advantaged South African students may well be related to their fear of
losing the socio-economic status which continues to afford them greater opportunity
relative to the historically disadvantaged majority.
The ndings also suggest that making overt references to race is no longer
considered to be acceptable when self-reporting identity amongst South African
students. This tends to be corroborated by the nding that, while racial markers
were infrequently used, implicit references to an apartheid history and its
implications for the present and the future were consistently made across selfconcept and future identity representations (e.g. civic/political commitment to South
Africa; making a difference/charity work/idealistic change; the fear of being a victim
of crime/the desire to leave South Africa; the fear of becoming a racist or of being a
victim of discrimination), the motivations for wanting to leave the country (e.g.
crime rate, insecurity, fear, politics), the reasons cited for perceived opportunities to
succeed, get a job, and achieve future happiness in the New South Africa (e.g.
afrmative action and lack of future employment prospects). Referring to these
concerns in self-articulated self-identity attests to the difculties that present-day
youth experience in coming to terms with South Africas history of racial
oppression, and the legacy of personal and collective trauma, in the face of the
present move towards non-racial, democratic nationhood. The relative salience of
indirect references to apartheid oppression/privilege and post-apartheid transformation in the self-conceptions of historically privileged and oppressed language
orientation sub-samples, seems to suggest that students in post-apartheid South
Africa are likely to be grappling with a process of negotiating the multiple and
conicting personal and social meanings and the value of past, present and future
racially constructed and de-constructed locations of self and other.
Writers such as Beggs (cited in Ackerman & Botha, 1998) have viewed students as
a relatively homogenous group as regards present or potential social status or class.
However, in the present study, students constructed self-identities clearly reect the
socio-historical divide in their respective backgrounds, when examined by their
language orientations across life contexts. For example, bilingual English, Afrikaans,
Zulu, Xhosa and other vernacular language speakers made more frequent mention
of identity threats related to delinquency and graduation than the other two groups.
The members of this sub-sample are more likely than the other two groups to share
an historical background of racial discrimination under apartheid, with all that this
231
232
negative identity threats for a same domain (e.g. the desire to graduate and the fear
of not graduating) serve the function of motivating the individual to achieve identity
ideals and avoid feared identities in that particular domain.
Monolingual English-speakers also made frequent use of overt racial self-concept
markers, and showed a similar orientation towards the past. These ndings
corroborate those reported in the Markdata omnibus survey, regarding increased
racial identication amongst English-speaking white respondents and black
respondents (cited in Bornman, 1999). As mentioned earlier in this article, the
majority of the respondents in this sub-sample are likely to have been categorized as
white under apartheid. The use of racial markers can be taken to indicate an
orientation towards identifying either with an apartheid past or with a future outside
of South Africa. Either way, the data is consistent with Smith and Stones (1999)
nding that white English-speakers were excessively pro-white.
Sennet and Foster (1996) point out that white English-speaking South Africans
have historically shown a more diffuse sense of collective identity and have been
characterized by internationalism and close links to the mainstream of western
culture, a relatively weaker commitment to South Africa and prolic international
travel. Similar trends were found in the present study, with monolingual Englishspeakers perceiving less equality of opportunities to succeed as compared to other
South Africans, often expressing a desire to leave the country, and making relatively
greater use of intrapersonal markers across their self-concept and future identity
representations. These respondents also made signicantly more mention of crime,
safety, leaving South Africa, and being racist or negative about South Africa in their
future identity aspirations and threats than bilingual speakers of English, Afrikaans,
Zulu, Sotho and other vernacular Southern African languages. While bilingual
speakers of English, Afrikaans, European and other immigrant languages made use
of racial markers signicantly less often, they nonetheless made frequent use of
intrapersonal markers in their self-articulated self-concepts and future identities, and
reported a similar desire to leave South Africa. The latter may be seen to reect their
perceived or imagined cultural ties with an ancestral immigrant group of origin,
their family or cultural links with the international community, or their inability to
anchor their future lives in the current South African context.
These ndings may be seen to indicate the difculty that members of these two
groups experience in envisaging a place for themselves in the New South Africa, and
a related tendency to emphasize negative aspects of the transition process and to
aspire towards emigrating. On the other hand, discourses related to the lack of
opportunity for future employment, happiness or security may also function to deny
the implications of racial oppression in the past, and legitimate socio-economic
inequalities in the present. The reasons given for wanting to leave suggest an
unwillingness to forgo a position of privilege relative to the majority of South
Africans, and a resistance towards aligning the self with the imperatives of the new
democratic dispensation. The unwillingness or inability to locate the self in relation
to the New South Africa may also heighten identication with a colonial country of
origin or an apartheid past, idealized through processes of nostalgic and evasive
remembering.
233
234
Acknowledgements
This research was carried out with the support of a research grant provided by the
French Institute of South Africa (IFAS). The ideas and opinions expressed in this
article are those of the authors and do not reect the views of this organization. The
authors contributed equally to the present article. Earlier versions of the paper were
presented by T. Swart and V. Franchi (2000) (Swart & Franchi, 2000) at the XVth
Congress of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology, Pultusk,
Poland, and in V. Franchi (Chair) (2001, April), (Swart & Franchi, 2001) The
current status of race and ethnicity in post-apartheid South Africa. Symposium
conducted at the meeting of the Second Biannual Congress of the International
Academy of Intercultural Research, Mississippi, USA. The authors would like to
acknowledge Dan Landis, Michael Metcalf and the Croft Institute for International
Studies for facilitating and supporting this endeavour. The authors would like to
extend special thanks to Norman Duncan, Gabriel Horenczyk, and Garth Stevens
for their highly valuable comments on earlier versions of the manuscript.
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