JustinRead1

JustinRead
UniversityatBuffalo
LASA2014
May23,2014

People,MultitudesandDevelopmentalistHegemonyintheBrazilianStreet

Scholarshiptendstoerrorwhenoverlypreoccupiedwiththetopicalnewsof
theday;lettheboysbringflowerswrappedinlastmonthsnewspapers,as
WallaceStevensoncewrote.Scholarshipisyetworsewhenitdrawsuponthenews
ofthedayeithertocontrivegrandhistoricalshiftsortoprognosticateimmediate
future.Usingasoccermetaphoreverythinginlifecanbeexpressedintermsof
soccer,ofcourseitwouldbeasiftheBraziliannationalsquademployeda4231
formationoneday,insteadofamoretraditional343formation.Badscholarship
wouldseethisasawholesalealterationoftherulesofthegame,onethatwould
fundamentallychangethesportforevermore,ratherthanwhatitreallyis:amere
tacticbasedtheparticularopponent,letssayCroatia,Brazilwasfacingthatday.

Soifyouwillallowmethisindulgence,Iwouldliketotakethisopportunity

tobeterriblescholar,iffornootherreasonthatbydoingsoIshouldplacemyselfin
suchexcellentcompany.RobertoSchwarz,afargreaterscholarthanIwilleverbe,
beginshisseminalstudyoftheBrazilianmilitarydictatorship,CultureandPolitics
inBrazil,19641969,withanapologeticnotabeneaddedin1978:Thefollowing
pageswerewrittenbetween1969and1970.Itwillbereadilyobservedthattheir
prognosiswasincorrect,whichhardlyarguesintheirfavour(Schwarz126).I
supposeSchwarzreferstothefinalsectionoftheessayinwhichheforecaststhat
theviolentlyrepressivemilitarycrackdown,beguninlate1968inreactiontomass

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protestsearlierthatyear,wouldresultinakindofmilitarizationofintellectuallife
inthecountry;asproAmericanasthemilitarygovernmentwasatthetime,
Schwarzin1970believedthatAmericanstyleconsumerismwouldnevertakehold
inanunderdevelopedcountrylikeBrazil,suchthatareactionarynationalism
againstAmericandominationwouldmanifestitselfbothwithinmilitaryranksand
withinculturalinstitutionsliketheuniversitynowcontrolledmilitarily.Hewas
wrongonallaccountsinsuchrenderingsofthefuture,butashewritesinhis1978
note,Nevertheless,Ibelievethatthereissomethingtobegainedfromreadingthe
restofthematerial[inthisessay]untilsomeoneconvincesmeotherwiseSowhen
Isaynow,theobservations,mistakesandjudgmentsoftheperiodinquestionmust
beallowedtospeakforthemselves.Thereaderwillseethatthingshavechanged,
butnotthatmuch(Schwarz126).

Schwarzwaswrong:Americanstyleconsumerismhastakensuchtotal

controlofBrazilianculturethatitisnolongerevenidentifiableasAmerican;ithas
becomenormalizedasBrazilian.Andmeanwhilethemilitaryhasbeenthoroughly
depoliticized,atleastinthesensethatitspoliticalactionsagainstBraziliancitizens
arenowauthorizedbyacivilianleadership.1Thingshavechanged,butwhatI
wouldlikeasknowisthis:Howmuchhavethingschanged?Intheeraof
globalization,isBrazilnolongeranunderdevelopedordependentnation?My
answerstothesequestionsmayhereseemtopical,butcurrenteventsareonlya
meanstoarrivesomewhereelse:thestreet.Mygamehereisnottoanalyzethe

1http://alj.am/1dH97Q1.

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news,buttogaugeanyrelativeamountofsocioculturaltransformationinBrazilby
walkingacrossthestreet.

Theseterms,dependencyanddevelopment,holdaspecialplaceinthehistory

ofBrazilianmodernity.Ascriticalconcepts,theyarecloselyassociatedwiththe
dependencytheoryofthe1960sdevelopedbythesociologistFernandoHenrique
Cardoso(inhisseminalworkwithEnzoFaletto,Dependenciaydesarrolloen
AmricaLatina).OfcourseFHCwouldevidentlygoontoleadBraziloutoftheeraof
developmentanddependencyinthe1990s,firstasoneofthearchitectsofthePlano
RealwhenheservedasMinisterofFinance,andthenasPresidentoftheRepublic
19952003.Withjustenoughhistoricalperspectivenow,itappearsthatthePlano
Real2brokeBraziloutofthecycleofhyperinflationthatbeganwiththedebtcrisisof
1982(thesamecrisisthatultimatelyfelledthemilitarydictatorshipin1985);witha
stablecurrencyandamplecurrencyreserves,theFHCpresidencywasthusableto
guideBrazilintotheageofglobalization,creatinganationwithatechnological

2ThePlanoRealwasamultitieredsetofmonetarypoliciesundertakenintheearly
1990stostifleinflation.Undertheplan,anonmonetarycurrencyunitwas
introducedtheUnidadeRealdeValorthatwaspeggedtotheUSdollar(1URV=
US$1).TheURVfirstraninparalleltotheeffectivecurrency,thecruzeiro(andlater
thenewcruzeiroreal,onlybrieflyused).Althoughcruzeiroswerestillusedfor
purchasesandpayments,allpriceswerelistedinbothcruzeirosandURVs,sothat
whilepricesincruzeiroscontinuedtofluctuateonadailybasis,pricesinURVs
wouldnot.Thiscreatedthepsychologicalconditionsforastablemonetary
exchange,suchthatthecruzeirocouldbereplacedoutrightwiththenewreal(now
consideredmorepermanentinvaluebythegeneralpublic)in1994.Fortherest
ofthe1990sthegovernmentfocusedalmostexclusivelyonencouragingforeign
directinvestmentinBrazilbykeepingthevalueofreaisartificiallypeggedtotheUS
dollarandofferinghighinterestratesforcurrencybonds.Thisservedtoreverse
thebalanceofpaymentssuchthatthemassivenetoutflowofcapitalinthe1980s(a
rootcauseofhyperinflation)changedtoanetinflowbythelate1990s.Thisinflux
ofcapitalhelpsexplainBrazilsrobustreentryintotheglobaleconomyandits
spectacularratesofnationaleconomicexpansionthroughthefirstdecadeofthe21st
century.

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capacityequaltoitsformerdevelopmentalisthegemons.Thatistosay,the
BrazilianeconomycouldnotonlywithstandcompetitionfromNorthAmericaand
Europe,butwasrestructuredinsuchawayastoallowintegrationinto
multinationalflowsofindustrialproduction,transportation,finance,information
andculture.

Inshort,thefigureofFHCappearstobepivotalintherecenthistoryofthe

nation,signalingadefinitivehistoricalbreakbetweenoneeraandthenext:Firstas
asharpcriticofBrazilsstructuraldominationbyforeigncapital;andthenasa
championforanewsortofstructuraldominationbyforeigncapitalthatappearedto
bemorefavorabletoBrazilsnationalinterests.Yetifsuchahistoricalbreakdidin
factoccurinthe1990s,itshouldstillbeavailableforthesamemodesofhistorical
structuralcritiqueproposedbyCardosoandFalettointhe1960s.Wetendtothink
ofdependencytheoryasahistoricalrelic,awayofthinkingthatwasinvogue
amongLatinAmericanistandAfricanisthistoricalandsociologicalscholarsinUS
universitiesinthe1970s,beforefallingintogeneraldiscreditbythe1980s.
DependencytheorythenseemstohavemorphedintotheWorldSystemstheoryof
ImmanuelWallerstein,whichinturnshapedthedecolonialitytheoriesofAnbal
QuijanoandWalterMignolo.Whetherornotthisepistemologicalhistoryisactually
correctIthinkWallerstein,QuijanoandMignolomightbegtodifferonthedetails
theimageweholdtodayofdependencyisthatofanafterthought,atheoretical
fieldthatatbestcededtootherfields,oratworstprovedtobeatheoreticalculde
sac.Theevacuationofperceivedvalueindependencytheoryseemstohave
stemmedfromitsoveremphasisonexternalcausesforthirdworlddeficiencies.

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Thatis,dependencistasofthe1970stendedtoreducecomplexpoliticaleconomic
phenomenatoasimplebinaryofus/them,inwhichalltheingrainedsocial
problemsofpoornationscouldbeblamedontheforeignhegemonicmonstersin
NewYork,Washington,ParisandLondon.Decolonialityisindebtedtothis
reductionisminthefollowingregard:itseekstocleansetheGlobalSouth(us)
fromanyresidualcolonialconstrictionsofthemintheNorth,inordertoopena
spacewherewecanfinallyspeakforourselves.

Ironically,suchoversimplificationispreciselywhatwasnotproposedby

CardosoandFalettoin1971.InDependenciaydesarrollotheauthorsdefine
dependencyasemergingfromthebreachbetweenanationspositioninthe
internationaleconomy,andnationalpoliticaldecisionsandactionsthatanations
peopleviewastheirsovereignright.ThespecificformofdependencyCardoso
andFalettotargetedwasnotthatofcolonialdominationorenclaveeconomy,butof
moderndevelopment:
Nationalunderdevelopmentisasituationofobjectiveeconomic
subordinationtooutsidenationsandenterprisesand,atthesametime,of
partialpoliticalattemptstocopewithnationalintereststhroughthestate
andsocialmovementsthattrytopreservepoliticalautonomy.Ideological
componentsplaysomeroleintheperceptionofwhatnationalinterest
means,aswellasintherationalizationaboutthepossibilityoftheexistence
ofnationstatesthathavesubmittedtoforeigninterestsandpressures.//
Oneoftheaimsofcomprehensiveanalysesofthenationaldevelopment
processistodeterminethelinksbetweensocialgroupsthatintheirbehavior

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actuallytietogethertheeconomicandpoliticalspheres(CardosoandFaletto
21).
Ultimatelywhatdrawstheinterestoftheauthorsisnottheworldsystemofcapital
writlarge,butofpoliticalmovementswithinagivensocietythatarecompelledto
respondtothepressuresofsubmitting(subsumption)tointernationalcapital.
Dependencytheoryisawaytocritiquesocialmovementswithinthespaceofthe
nationstate.Astheysurmise,Dependenceshouldnolongerbeconsideredan
externalvariable:itsanalysisshouldbebasedontherelationsbetweenthe
differentsocialclasseswiththedependentnationsthemselves(Cardosoand
Faletto,22).

AsIopenuptodaysnewspaper,then,allowmetomakethisboldprediction

andlettherollersofcigarswiththeirconcupiscentcurdsprovemewronglater:
ThreeweeksfromtodaytheFIFAWorldCupwillbegininthenewlybuiltArena
CorinthiansinSoPaulo.TheopeningmatchofthetournamentbetweenBraziland
Croatiawillnotonlybewonbythehostcountry(theCroats,letsfaceit,willnever
havethequalityofaNeymar),butitwillalsobeoccasionedbymassiveprotests
acrossSoPauloandtherestofthenationthesizeandeffectofwhichIamnot
willingtospeculate.Nevertheless,IamconvincedthatthiswillhappenbecauseI
haveseenitallbefore,inthenewsofJune2013.Whatarenowknownasthe
Manifestaesde2013weresetoffbytheconvergenceoftwoseemingly
unrelateddevelopments:Justas(1)theFIFAConfederationsCup3wasaboutto
begin,(2)thecityofSoPaulodecidedtoraisebusandsubwayfares.Thesetwo

3TheConfederationsCuptournamentalwaysservesasafacilitiestestforthe
followingyearsWorldCup.

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developmentshavenothingtodowithoneanotheronastrictlylocallevel.So
PaulodidhostmatchesduringtheConfederationsCup,andIpresumethatpeople
didtakepublictransporttogettothem;butthislocalcoincidenceprovideslittle
explanationforwhatensuedstartingafterJune6,2013.Therealexplanationis
global:Brazilbidfor,andwontherighttohost,theWorldCup(andthe2016Rio
Olympicsaswell)inordertoportrayanimageofitselftotherestoftheglobe,that
thecountryhadfinallyemergedasadevelopednation,apoliticalandeconomic
powerhouseasmemberthesocalledBRICgroupofnations(Brazil,Russia,India,
China).Thesesportingeventsandmoreprecisely,broadcastimagesofthese
eventswouldportrayBrazilashavingarrivedasadevelopedpostmodern
nation,ratherthananunderdevelopednationperpetuallytrappedinthepitfallsof
modernization.

ThemanifestaeswereinitiallyorganizedbytheMovimentoPasseLivreto

protestthehikeinbusfares,buttheyquicklyencompassedabroadspectrumof
discontentagainsttheBraziliangovernment.Thecountryhadinvestedbillionsof
dollarsonsportinginfrastructure,largelyforpropagandisticpurposes.Therapid
expansionoftheeconomyhadcertainlyfilledthepocketsofpoliticians,principally
thosenominallyelectedtorepresentthecitizenryinCongress.Althoughthe
governmentclaimstohaveliftedtensofmillionsofpeopleoutofpovertyasaresult
ofglobalization,spectaculareconomicgrowthhasnotbeendistributedequitablyin
theslightest,suchthatevenapaltryaR$0.20centavoraiseinbusfareswouldhave
adverselyimpactedmillionsofworkersacrossSoPaulo.Bycontrast,whereasthe
originalinfrastructurecostsfortheWorldCupwereproposedintheneighborhood

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ofUS$1billion(mostallofitprivatelyfinanced),therealcostsareestimatedto
windupbeingoverUS$4billion,mostallofitpublicallyfinancedwithlittle
convincingexplanationforwheretheextraUS$3billionactuallyendedup.4

Thefarehikewasjustflashpoint,therefore,fortheexpressionofdisgustand

dissatisfactionwiththecurrentpoliticalandeconomicsystemsofthenation.
ThousandsjoinedtheMovimentoPasseLivreinamarchdownAvenidaPaulistaon
June6,butthepeacefulprotestquicklydevolvedintoviolence.Windowswere
indiscriminatelyshattered,inturncausinganoverreactionofrubberbulletsand
teargasonthepartofthemilitarypolicechargedwithkeepwatchovertheprotests.
Asimagesofpolicebrutalityfilledsocialmediaandtelevision,millionsmore
disaffectedBraziliansjoinedtheprotestsoverthenextthreeweeks,shuttingdown
trafficnotonlyonAvenidaPaulista,butalsothroughoutmostotherlargecities
acrossBrazil.Andallthisoccurredjustassimilarprotestshadbrokenoutin
Turkey,theTaksimGeziParkmanifestationsinIstanbulwhichborestriking
resemblanceintermsofmediaimagerytothoseinSoPaulo.

Beyondthesesuperficialdescriptions,however,itisdifficulttocharacterize

whattheprotestswereandwhattheymayhaveaccomplished.Theycertainly
attractedtheattentionofPresidentDilmaRousseff,whocanceledatriptoJapanand
subsequentlyenteredintocommunicationwithsomeentityrelatedtothe
manifestaes,whichthenledtoapatchworkquiltoflegislationdesignedto

4Theoverallpriceofthe12stadiums,fourofwhichcriticssaywillbecomewhite
elephantsafterthetournamentbecausetheyareincitiesthatcannotsupportthem,
hasjumpedto$4.2bninnominalterms,nearlyfourtimestheestimateina2007
FIFAdocumentpublishedjustdaysbeforeBrazilwasawardedthetournament(Al
JazeeraAmerica).

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appeasetheirdemands.Butitisnotatallclearthatthemanifestaeshadany
demandsinthefirstplace.Theywerenotcarriedoutinthenameofanyone,any
politicalparty,oreventhemovimentothatinitiatedthem.Inthissensewecan
justifiablycharacterizethemasposthegemonicasthatconcepthasbeendeployed
byourfriendJonBeasleyMurray:Themanifestaeswereneverbroughtunderany
hegemonicsignthatcouldarticulatetheirdemandsbeforeastateapparatus,not
evenanemptysignifierasthetypeoursorelymissedErnestoLaclauhadtheorized
overthecourseofhisillustriouscareer.Manifestaesisjustatermfor
somethingthathappened,butdoesntquitenameamovementoranapocalyptic
EventusheringinanewmessianicHistoricalSubjectsoletusdispatchwith
Badiouaswell.Rather,theprotestsemergedamongaunrepresentablemultitude
bymeansofsubjectiveaffectandhabit.TensofthousandsofdisaffectedBrazilians
traverseAvenidaPaulistaonadailybasis,buttheirdisaffectionisusuallynot
sufficientforthemtodecidetodisrupttheirroutinesandformamultitudinous
barricade.InJune2013,however,massdisaffectionwasspikedbythe
disseminationofmediaimagesofprotest,whichinturnservedtoloweremotional
disincentivesforotherindividualstojointheprotests.Inshort,eventhough
affectiveparticipatorylinkagesviasocialmediaarefairlyweak,itismucheasierto
decidetojoinamassprotestwhenoneseesimagesofonesfriendsdoingthesame
onFacebookorOrkut.Andtheimpactofsocialnetworkingcannotbedismissed
here,giventhatBrazilhasperhapsthehighestratesofsocialnetworkingand
internetusageworldwide:socialnetworkingtransformedelectronicimagesinto

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affectiveactionsofpoliticalsolidarity,eventhoughthisdidnotconstituteapolitical
actionperse.

Yetatthesametime,paceJonBeasleyMurray,the2013manifestaeswere

neitherhegemonicnorposthegemonic,inthesensethattheywerenotentirely
bornebysubjectiveaffectorhabit.Rather,theprotestsformedwhatIwillhere
termpoliticalobject,ratherthansovereignsubject,amanifestationofnon
subjectivity.AndtounderstandwhatImeanbythis,acertaingeographyofthe
streetisnecessary.Urbanplannerstypicallyimagestreetsasvoids,asopposedto
thesolidsofarchitecturalstructuresthatflankthevoids.Inthissense,atypical
pictureofAvenidaPaulistawouldbethatofanemptyspace,thecanyonformed
betweenthe20to30storyhighrisebuildingsflankingeithersideoftheavenue.
TherearelowerlevelbuildingsliketheMuseudeArteSoPaulo,ofcourse,aswell
asplaceslikeParqueTrianon.ButforthemostpartwetendtothinkofAvenida
Paulistaasathinlayerofconcreteandashphaltpouredjustabovethecrustofthe
earth(underwhichrunssubterraneanarchitectureslikeplumbing,electricaland
telecommunicationssystems);andabovethisthinlayerisjustemptyspacedefined
bytheoutlinesofskyscrapers.

AsIhaveindicatedelsewhere(Read2010),thisparticulargeographyofthe

streetnolongerholdstrue(ifindeediteverdidpreviously).Thespaceof
globalization,Ihaveargued,isoneofnetworksaturationthatmovestoever
increasingunicity.Thestreetinthisviewispartofatrafficnetwork,thatisitself
comprisedofmutuallyembeddedtrafficnetworksofallsorts:automobiletraffic,of
course,whichmovesupanddownAvenidaPaulistaatapainfullyslowpace,and

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pedestriantraffic,individualhumanbodiesbandyingaboutontheirextremities;but
itisalsoaconfluenceofothertrafficnetworks:waternetworks,electrical
networks,communicationandmedianetworks,informaticnetworks,acrosswhich
flowfinancialandbankingnetworks,consumernetworks,industrialmanufacturing
networks.LetusrememberthatBrazilsmainfinancialinstitutionssuchasIta
havetheirheadquartersontheAvenidaPaulista,suchthatmuchoftheeconomyof
SouthAmericaflowsthroughtheavenue;butitisalsothesiteofoneofSoPaulos
mainshoppingmalls,ShoppingPaulista,whereonecanonlyimaginethequantityof
creditcardtransactionsthatoccurthereatanygivenmoment.Evenfromthis
relativelyscantdescriptionofPaulista,wecanreadilyseethatthevoidisnothing
ofavoidatall.TheAvenidaPaulistaisasiteofnetworksaturation,inwhicheven
organicbodiesfoundtherearticulatethemselvesinformatically:theinformation
metabolismswithinthecell.Withinthislineofsaturation,therearearchitectures
thatcanbeseenandtouched(buildingsforinstance),andtherearearchitectures
whichcannotbeseenandtouched(wirelessnetworksforinstance).Buttheentire
spaceissolid,completelyfilledinbydesign.

Withinthissolid,movementwouldbedefinedasaleaporskipping

pointofinformationfromonenetworktoanother.(Thisdefinitionwouldalterour
usualnotionofpoliticalmovement,butmoreonthislater.)Theleapmightalsobe
thoughofasaninterface,aswhenthearticulationsofahumanbody(onekindof
informationalassemblage)touchthescreenofasmartphone(anothersortof
assemblageofmechanicalcomponents)inordertopostanimageonFacebook(yet
anotherkindofinformationalnetworking).AsVilmFlussertheorizedinthe1980s,

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ifenoughoftheseinformaticmovementsconcentrateinaspecificarea,theymay
formawavetroughinspacetobefilledbydenseknotsofinformationthatwe
typicallycallcities.IwouldextendFlussersnotionstoaddressthequalityof
informationthatknotstogether.Globalcapitalism,forinstance,thriveswhereflows
ofinformationarereadilytranslatableinameaningfulway;Ihavetermedany
densitiesofsuchtranslatablenetworktrafficasexones.Bycontrast,therearealso
knotsofuntranslatablenetworktrafficthatappearasnoisetopowersthatbeinthe
exone,andIcalltheseuntranslatableknotsintrones.5

Utilizingtheseterms,wecanimagetheManifestaesde2013asa

particularlylargeanddenseinstantiationofanintrone.Assuch,furthermore,we
couldsaythatthisintronegrewtosuchlargescalesorapidlythatitbecamean
objectthatcouldbereadilyviewedconsideredorcontemplatedfromthe
vantageoftheexone.ThisexonicgazedidnotmaketheSupermassiveSoPaulo
Introneof2013anylessuntranslatable(norwastheuntranslatabilityofthe
SupermassiveGeziParkIntroneof2013ortheSupermassiveSoPauloGezi
Introneof2013diminished)forthemerefactofbecomingobjectivelyvisibleor
imaged.Itmerelymeantthatanintroneformedasalargeknotanassemblageof
humanbodies,machines,andflowsofinformationthatlodgeditselfinthemiddle
ofAvenidaPaulistaandotherspotsacrossthecityandtheBraziliannation.This
intronicknotmadetrafficflowsthroughtheavenueextremelydifficult,suchthat
theonlyrecourselefttopowersintheexonetoremovetheblockagewasphysical

5IderivethetermsexoneandintronefromtheexonsandintronsofDNA,genetic
sequencesthateithermetabolizeintoproteinsordonotexpress.Myderivations
areintendedtospatializethegeneticreferenceoutsideoforganicbodiesassuch,
providingassenseofzoning.

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force,utilizingmilitarypoliceasifasortofcrowbarortoothpicktodislodgeapiece
ofdebrisstuckinonesteeth.

TheobjectIamnowcharacterizingwaspoliticalinthatitsentanglementof

thestreetcreatedproblemsforBrazilspoliticalsystem,whichatthatmomentin
June2013hadbeenfocusedontranslatinganimageoffunanddevelopmenttothe
restoftheglobe.Butintermsofpoliticalexpression,thepoliticalobjectassuchis
apolitical,orevenantipolitical.Itisaspatialentity,notahistoricalsubject.Thatis,
theonlyresponsetotheemergenceofapoliticalobjectlikeasupermassiveintrone
couldonlybephysicalforce,becauseasapoliticalform,themodernor
constitutionalnationstateonlyrecognizessubjects.Thenationstatefurthermore
onlyrecognizessubjectsbasedonsharedorcommonhistory.Thepoliticalobject
herecharacterized,however,isnonsubjective:itwasanassemblagethatincludes
individualsubjectsbutnotquitereducibletotheirindividualdecisionsoractions
becauseitwasalsocomposedofnonorganicmachineandephemeralflowsof
information,somethingmorethanameregroupingofhumanbodies.Accordingly
theobjectifiedintronecannotbenamedasasubjectcapableofexpressingdemands
tothestate.Apoliticalobjectisunhegemonic,shallwesay,ratherthanpost
hegemonic;intermsofhegemony,itwouldprefernotto.Assuch,itcanonlybe
misrecognizedbyapoliticaleconomicsystem:asanobjectitisclearlythere,butno
oneseemstoknowwhattodowithit.Thefirstresponseistopushthisobject
somewhereelse(humapedranomeiodocaminho),totrytogetridofit.But
notably,thenextresponseoftheBrazilianstatewastotransformtheSupermassive
Introneof2013intoasetofsubjectivedemands,remakethepoliticalobjectintoa

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politicalsubject,andthenhaveCongresspassaslateoflegislationdesignedtomeet
subjectivedemands,eventhoughitisstillnotatallclearwhowasrepresentedby
thenegotiationofthesedemands.

Nevertheless,mypurposehereisnottocriticizeDilmaRoussefforBrazilian

soccer,which,letsfaceit,despiteitscleardominanceoverCroatiansoccerisfartoo
orientedtotheexpressionofindividualbeautyjogabonitothantothestrategic
collectiveflowstikitakarequiredforsuccessintodaysgame.My
characterizationoftheManifestaesde2013asanintroneisintendedtopushus
beyondadivisionofsocialmovementsbasedoninside/outsidedimensions,us
Braziliansversusglobalcapitalism;thereisonlyonesidetoaunicity,afterall,
withinwhichthereareonlydifferentialflowsoftranslatabilityoruntranslatability.
Thus,thepoliticalmovementofapoliticalobjectdoesnotseemtooperateinthe
samewaywetypicallydefinepoliticalmovement.Weneednolongerassociate
movementwithhistoricalunfolding,inotherwords,inordertoseemovement
asphysicaltranslationacrossspace.Doesthisthereforeproveadecisivehistorical
shiftinworldorder,from,say,themodernityofdevelopmentanddependency,to
theliquidpostmodernityofglobalization?

WecouldreadilycomparetheBrazilianprotestsof2013toBrazilianprotests

45yearsearlier,almosttotheday,whichledthemilitarydictatorshiptoissueAto
InstitucionalNmero5(AI5)inDecember1968.Associaltensionsmountedthat
year,therewerenumerousstrikesandproteststhatwereoftenmetwithrepressive
policeviolence.Amongthese,severalareworthnotinghere:themetalworkers
strikeinOsasco(SoPaulostate)thatwasquelledbyforce;andthepoliceraidon

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theCalabouorestaurantinRiodeJaneiro,acentralmeetingpointfororganizersof
thestudentmovement,thatresultedintheslayingofEdsonLuisdeLimaSouto,now
oftenconsideredthefirstvictimofBrazilsownguerrasuja.EdsonLuisdeath
sparkedawaveofstudentmovementprotestsinthedaysthatfollowed,
culminatinginoneofthelargest,ifnotthesinglelargest,protestsduringthe
dictatorshipera.ThePasseatadosCemMiltraversedaroughlyonemilestretchof
theCentrodoRiodeJaneiro,fromCinelndia(PraaFloriano)tothePraada
CandelriaattheeasternterminusofAvenidaPresidenteVargas,andthenturning
backsouthwardtotheAssambliaLegislativa.ThePasseatadosCemMilisnotable
notonlyforitssizeitreallydidseemtoinclude100,000peoplebutalsoforits
participants,whoincludedClariceLispector,ChicoBuarque,CaetanoVeloso,Nara
Leo,MiltonNascimentoandGilbertoGil.

Beyondthesedetails,however,thereisnotmuchelsetoreportaboutit.

PerhapsgiventhepresenceofBrazilsculturalelite,butalmostcertainlybecause
thesheerpopularityoftheprotest,themilitarystatedidnotimmediatelyreactto
thePasseatawithviolenceorrepression.Infact,itbarelyreactedatallandthis
lackofreactioniswhatshoulddrawourattentionhere.PresidentCostaeSilva
arrangedameetingwiththeorganizersofthePasseatadosCemMil,whopresented
allthetypicaldemands,ofcourse:releaseofpoliticalprisoners,endtocensorship,
guaranteesoffreedomofexpression.Andtothesedemandstheregimeresponded
withpreciselynothing.Ifanything,thePasseataidentifiedthestudentmovementas
athreattostateorder.Thelackofofficialresponsecombinedwithincreased
repressionofstudentprotestsledmanystudentmovementleaderstojoinmilitant

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movements(Krger,143144).ThemilitaryregimerespondedinturnwithAI5,
suspendinghabeascorpusandthuseffectivelyauthorizingpoliticaltortureand
violence.Atthestartof1968,thepoliticalleftinBrazilwouldhavebeenmovedto
actionbythemurderofonestudent;theycouldnothaveimaginedthatbytheend
ofthenextyeartheremightbehundredsofmurderscommittedbythestate.

Theutterfailureofthestudentmovementandtheleftgenerallycanbe

attributedtoitsmisunderstandingofitsspatiotemporalsituation.This
misunderstandingwaswelldocumented,infact,byRobertoSchwarzinthesame
articlewithwhichIbeganthisessay.Oneofthecurious,idiosyncraticaspectsof
Brazilsmilitarydictatorshipwasthatthepoliticalleftwasleftmoreorlessintact
throughout,otherthantherelativelybriefinterregnumofbrutalityfrom19681973.
Morepreciselystated,theleftwasexcludedfromthepoliticalsphere,butallowedto
continueitsculturalhegemonysolongitdidnotbecomeoverlypoliticized.As
Schwarznotes,thiswasbecauseafter1960theculturalleftwasstillasmalland
concentratedpopulation:Theonlytrulyradicalmaterialproducedbythisgroupis
foritsownconsumptionwhichisinitselfasubstantialmarket(Schwarz127).
Moreover,atthetimeofthemilitarygolpedeestadoin1964,theclassinterestsof
theculturalleftfocusedonhistoricalmodesofdependencyandnational
underdevelopment,orwhatSchwarztermsthearchaicaspectsofBrazilian
society:thelatifndiosystemofagrarianproduction,andtheneedtoexpress
Brazilspoliticalautonomyinthefaceofpressuresfromthenationscreditorsin
NorthAmericaandEurope.Schwarzaddressesthissituationas:

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Onaneconomicandpoliticallevelafundamentallybourgeoisproblematic
[that]aroseconcerningmodernizationanddemocratization.Tobemore
precise,ithadtodowiththeexpansionoftheinternalmarketbymeansof
agrarianreform,withintheframeworkofanindependentforeignpolicy.On
anideologicallevel,wewereintroducedtoanapologeticand
sentimentalizablenotionofthepeople,whichembraced(andwithout
distinction)theworkingmasses,thelumpenproletariat,theintelligentsia,the
financialbaronsandthearmy(Schwarz130).
The1964coupthereforeadjustedthispredicamentratherthanreallychangingit.
Theleftcouldnolongervoicedemandsforagrarianreformorforeignpolicy;butit
continuedtospeakforthepovobrasileiroasahistoricalculturalsubjectposition.

Thesomewhatradicalnihilismoftropicliawasanegativereactionagainst

theculturalleftshegemonicappropriationofpovothefactthatitsuseofelectric
guitarswasperceivedbytheculturalleftasasignofAmericanization,andan
abandonmentofBrazilianmodesofperformance.Thetropicalistasthusseemed
toembraceBrazilsdependencyratherthanfightit.Nonetheless,tropicliaproved
tobearathertoothlesspopularculturemovementoncetheCostaeSilvaregime
usedAI5toarrestCaetanoVelosoandGilbertoGilandexilethemtoLondon.The
participationofCaetanoandGilbertoamongotherculturalelitesinthePasseatados
CemMilwasanexpressionofpoliticalsolidaritywiththepopularleft,andthe
Passeataculminatedinaleftistexpressionofpoliticaldemandsvoicedinthename
ofthepeople.Theproblem,however,wasthattheconditionsofdependencyand
developmentweredifferentthanwhattheleftperceivedthemtobe.Theagrarian

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reformsandindustrialmodernizationofthe20thcenturyhadindeedcreatednew
internalmarkets,newsocialclasses,andanewsensethatBrazilhadarrivedto
modernityallperfectlyencapsulatedintheconstructionofBrasliaasan
expressionofthenewBrazil.ButBrasliawasapublicworksprojectthatwas
largelyfinancedbymassiveinternationalloansfromtheIMFthatBrazilproved
incapableofrepaying,suchthatdefaultcreatedtheeconomicinstabilitythat
broughttheprodevelopmentalistmilitarytoseizecontrol.

TheBrazilianleftwishedtorepresentthepovobrasileiroasahistorical

subject,butitdidnotrealizetowhomitwasreallyrepresentingthisvoice.It
imagineditspoliticsasaconversation,howeverturbulent,betweensubjects.Andin
thisregard,itispartofthegeneral,globalproblematicofleftismaddressedby
FredricJamesoninPeriodizingthe60s.Jamesonwrites:
Meanwhile,somethingsimilarcanbesaidoftheconceptionsofcollective
identityandinparticularofthepoststructuralistsloganoftheconquestof
speech,oftherighttospeakinyourownvoice,foryourself:buttoarticulate
newdemands,inyourownvoice,isnotnecessarilytosatisfythem,andto
speakisnotnecessarilytoachieveaHegelianrecognitionfromtheOther(or
atleastthenonlyinthemoresomberandbalefulsensethattheOthernow
hastotakeyouintoconsiderationinanewwayandtoinventnewmethods
fordealingwiththatnewpresenceyouhaveachieved)(Jameson184).
TheBrazilianculturalleftinJune1968soughtHegelianrecognitionfroma
dictatorialstatethatitimaginedasasubjectiveOther.Itcouldnotimaginethatit
wasdealingwithanincreasinglymechanizedobjectthatoperatedtoincreasethe

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penetrationofglobalfinancecapitalintoBrazil,somethinglikethereplacement,
Jamesonwrites,oftheBritishEmpirebytheInternationalMonetaryFund
(Jameson184).Underthisviewofhistory,agrarianreformsundertheregimesof
Vargas,KubitschekandQuadros/Goulartdidinfactmanagetoinitiatethe
liquidationoftheoldlatifndiosystem,butonlysoastoallowforamechanized
industrialagriculturedominatedbyglobalmultinationalcorporations.Thisinturn
setthestagefortheproletarianizationofagriculturalwork,andthe
lumpenproletarianizationofnewmegalopolitancenterslikeSoPauloandRiothat
grewfromthemigrationofdisplacedagrarianworkers(andamassivepoolof
underemployedindustrialworkers).Nationaldevelopment,eveninitsthird
worldmanifestationasnationalunderdevelopment,didindeedliberateBrazilian
societyfromtheshacklesoftradition;butthisonlymeantanambiguousliberation
ofthemechanizedcapitalismthatwouldcometobeknownasglobalization.

Suchambiguousliberationisbestimagedinthemodernistconstructionof

thestreet,exemplifiedintheconstructionofBraslia.InhisclassicstudyofBraslia,
TheModernistCity,JamesHolstondescribesthePlanoPilotoasamodernist
inversionofsolidandvoid.IntraditionalorBaroqueBraziliancitiessuchas
OuroPrto,solidbuildingsformtheperceptualgroundthroughwhichonecan
recognizeshapeorfigureinthevoidofastreetorplaza.Inotherwords,weseea
plazaasasquarebecausethebuildingssurroundingthatplazacuttheshapeofa
squareinspace.Whereasthesolidcontainsprivatespace,thefigurecutintothe
voidpoeticallyopensaspaceforpublicdiscourse.HolstonseesBrasliaasa
reversalofthetraditionalsolidvoidrelationship(Holston127136).Openspace

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onthePlanoPilotoprovidesthegroundforOscarNiemeyersstarklygeometrical
solidstobecarved,ratherthanthosebuildingscreatingfiguresinopenspace.
Niemeyersbuildingsarenotablefortheirmeldingofpoeticandmathematical
figuresintheirreinforcedconcrete:straightlinesjuxtaposedagainstcurving
parabolasandhyperbolas.Consequently,thespaceforpublicdiscourseinBraslia
isalmostentirelymonumentalized;publicdiscourseistobecontainedwithinsolid
structuresundertheconstantvigilanceofstateownedrealestate.Publicdiscourse
feelsuncomfortabledefamilarizedorstrangeoutinthestreet,whichinBraslia
onlyseemsfitforautomobiletraffic.6

Modernization,shallwesay,isoperationalizedbythemonumentalization

andobjectificationofspace.WhatIearlierdiscussedasunicitytherefore
representsanintensificationofsuchobjectification,inwhichthereversalofthe
solidvoidrelationshipisrereversedbackoutintothestreet.Iwilltrytoexplain
thisbetter:Modernization,suchasexemplifiedbyBrasliaseliminationofthe
street,resultedinpublicspacebeingsubsumedintothesolidbuilding;thissame
solidbuildingiscomposedofvariouskindsofnetworkedrelationships:thewebof
gravitationalforcesbalancedbetweenconcrete,glass,andsteel;electricalnetworks;
plumbingnetworks;communicationnetworks,bothorganic(wordofmouth)and
inorganic(telephonesandcomputers).Mostimportantly,thesubsumptionofpublic
discourseintothesolidinteriorspaceoftheconcretestructureprovidesthe
groundsfordirectsurveillanceofpoliticalmovementwithinthatspace.Butnow,
overhalfacenturyaftertheheydayofBrazilianmodernism,theincreasednetwork

6Streets,furthermore,areentirelyeliminatedwithinthespaceofBraslias
residentialsuperquadras.

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mechanizationofthesolidbuildinghascometosaturatethevoidsurroundingthe
buildingaswell,suchthatnetworksthatusedtobeconfinedtotheinteriorofthe
building(wiredtelephonesandsecuritycameras)arenowjustaslikelytobe
presentoutsidethebuildinghoweverinvisibly(wirelessinformationnetworks,
surveillancedrones,satellites).

Thefailureofthe1968studentmovementinBrazilwasalsoafailureto

recognizethespacesinwhichstudentsmoved.ThePasseatadosCemMilmoved
acrosswhatitconsideredtobevoids,startinginoneplaza,movingdownastreet,
occupyinganotherplaza,movingdownanotherstreet,fillingupanotherplaza.It
mistooktheseplazasforclassicalagoraeinwhichcitizenscouldmeettonegotiate
socialdemands.Themovementssubjectivedemandswerepointlessonseveralkey
accounts:1)Theytendedtoignorerelationsofinternationaleconomicdependency
asexternalvariablesasopposedtotheinternalpoliticaldemandstheywishedto
achieve;orbetterstated,theyviewedtheirownpoliticalpositionasaninterior
thatifgivensufficientreinforcementwouldbeabletowithstandthepressuresofan
exteriorstructureofdependency.Aproperreadingofdependencytheoryquickly
showsthattheputativelyinternalpoliticaldynamicsofthebourgeoisculturalleft
werepartandparcelofstructuraldependencyallalong.2)Thetypeofglobal
capitalistdevelopmentintensifiedbythemilitarydictatorshiphadalreadymanaged
toobjectifystreetsandplazasthroughoutBrazil,suchapoliticsofsubjective
expressionandrecognitionhadalreadybeenneutralized,liquidated.

Bycomparison,the2013manifestaescannotbesaidtohavebeenany

moreorlesseffectivethan1968.Butwhattheydidmanagetodowasliberatethe

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networksandarchitecturesthroughwhichspacehasbecomeutterlyobjectifiedby
capitalism.Liberationheredoesnotatallmeanthattheprotestsucceededin
freeingBrazilfromitscontinueddependencyonglobalcapitalism.Butthe
formationofthepoliticalobjectdoesdemonstratethatthemechanicsof
mechanizedcapitalismcanbeliberatedinorderdisruptandnegatecapitalisms
dominationofspace.Theuntranslatabilityofthepoliticalobjectshouldnot
thereforebeconfusedwithpoliticalfailure.Quitethecontrary,untranslatability
maybedeployedstrategicallybyutilizingtheverynetworksthoughwhich
capitalismflowsinordertodislodgethesenetworks,altertheircourse.Atthesame
time,however,theoccupationofthestreetwhetherbyobjectifiednetworksof
capitalistcontrolorbypoliticalobjectsofassemblageandrejectionalsoexistsin
proximitytoothervoidswithinBrazilianurbanspace.WhereasBrazilian
dependencyusedtoimplymilitarydominationofcivilians,Braziliandependency
nowimpliesthatcivilianpoliticalleadersmobilizethemilitarytoinvadethefavela,
wheretherearenostreetslaidoutbyurbanplanners.Beginningwiththeinvasion
ofComplexodoAlemoin2011,theBrazilianstateruledbyleftists!soughtto
keepthestructuraldeficienciesofBrazilianpovertyoutofviewfromMaracan
StadiumindowntownRiodeJaneiro.Andtheyusedtacticslikeclearandhold
developedforwarfareinplaceslikeBaghdadandKabultodosoanothersortof
globalnetworkingaltogether.Theliberationofthepoliticalobjectisthus
ambiguousatbest:Canapoliticalobjectonlyemergewithintheformal
architecturesalreadyutilizedbyglobalcapital,orcanitalsoformthroughthe
informalarchitecturescreatedbythepurposefulneglectofglobalcapital?

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InanycasewhetherastreetlikeAvenidaPaulistaorthenonstreetsofthe

favelamyanalysisheresuggeststhatwearenotnowlivingafterahistoricalbreak
fromtheeraofdependencyanddevelopment.Weareonlylivingtheintensification
withinmodesofdependency,intensificationsofcapitalistobjectificationsofspace
andplace,thatemergedafter1950.Thisalsosuggeststhatdependencytheory
shouldnotbediscardedsoquicklyorsummarily.Butthenagain,anystudentofthe
gameknowthathistoricalstructuralanalysisisneverperfect,especiallybasedon
topicalevidence,becausethepitchisalwayswideenoughtopermitcomplex
permutationsofspacethatcannotbepredicted.Consequently,theCroatiasofthe
worldoccasionallystealamatch.Afterall,lookwhatUruguaydidtoMaracanthe
firsttimetheyplayedaWorldCupfinalthere.

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