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Abstract
This paper offers a series of critical interrogations of the principles and practice of harm minimisation. This critique draws from Michel
Foucaults account of ethics, pleasure and moderation in pointing to some significant gaps and conceptual problems within Australias National
Drug Strategy. I argue that this strategy has had only indirect impacts upon the ways in which illicit drugs are consumed in Australia, and
on the behaviour of individual users. Part of this problem lies in the ways in which the cultures and the contexts of illicit drug use have
been conceptualised within contemporary drug policy. Following Foucault, I argue that drug use ought to be conceptualised as a distinctive
practice of the self. I argue further that Foucaults work on pleasure and ethics offers important new ways of understanding the changing
nature of drug use for young people, as well as providing new conceptual bases for the design and delivery of harm minimisation strategies
within those settings and contexts in which drug use takes place.
2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Drugs; Young people; Ethics; Pleasure; Policy
0955-3959/$ see front matter 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2004.06.010
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character, was expected to exercise self restraint and moderation at all times as a way of demonstrating this nobility of
character. In exercising this moderation, an individual might
also make of his character, his very identity, a work of art, a
thing of great beauty (see Foucault, 1985: 5361).
The moderation of pleasure was thus oriented towards
three specific goals. To begin with, moderation was regarded
as a distinct practice of the self, as an ethic. It was understood
as a means by which the individual might be able to transform
themselves in the creation of a more noble character and a
more beautiful life. It was also thought that such a practice
enhanced ones reputation and the status and esteem of ones
family. In turn, moderation was practiced as a means of avoiding excess in the experience of pleasure. The Greeks regarded
excess and indulgence as great dangers, linked to all manner
of harms and misfortune from poor physical health through
to disruptions in ones family life and misfortune in ones
business dealings (see Foucault, 1985: 2022). Moderation
was thus recommended as a way of ensuring the health of
oneself and ones family. Finally, moderation was practiced
by the Greeks in order to enhance or intensify the experience
of pleasure. The moderation of pleasure was, in this way, considered of great functional utility. For if the individual could
come to moderate the frequency of those acts that brought
one pleasure, such as sexual intercourse or the consumption
of ones favourite wine or food, then one was also likely to
enhance or intensify the experience of that pleasure on those
rarer occasions in which it occurred. The Greeks believed
that ones tolerance for pleasure grew in direct proportion to
the frequency of its experience, and so one ought to moderate
ones pleasure in order to retain an appreciation of intensity,
flow and nuance (see Foucault, 1985).
The Greeks practiced this moderation through the deployment of various practices of the self. Each practice required
the regulation of ones personal conduct in the development
of a unique ethics of the self. The most distinctive practical
element of this ethics was the setting of personal limits. Indeed, this setting of limits was the principal means by which
the more ethical use of pleasure was to be enacted. Whilst
the Greeks made some attempt to codify a set of moral prescriptions pertaining to the use of pleasure, such prescriptions
did not obtain the force of law and hence it was left to individuals to determine for themselves how this use of pleasure
ought to be practiced (see Foucault, 1985). If the proper
use of pleasure required the exercising of moderation and
self-control, then each individual was required to define the
precise personal limits of this moderation and the means by
which such limits were to be maintained. The Greeks recognised the idiosyncratic nature of pleasure and so the great
philosophers and moralists of the age set out to provide guidance as to how an individual might come to establish personal
rules of conduct in the practice of moderation (see Foucault,
1985).
Foucault was in this way primarily interested in the principles and practice of Ancient Greek ethics, particularly those
provisions relating to the ethical fashioning of ones conduct
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and identity. Foucault regarded these principles as an effective antidote to the normalisation of morals and ethics in our
own time (see Foucault, 1988). However, I would argue that
the ancients also have much to offer us today in the ways in
which they managed the experience of pleasure. Rather than
regulate the experience of pleasure through legislative fiat or
punitive sanction, the Greeks attempted to foster a culture of
moderation that saw limit setting raised to the virtue of an
ethic. Significantly, this ethic had significant benefits for the
individual in that it was designed to bring to that individual
nobility of character and the intensification of ones pleasures. Moderation was never understood as a virtue in and
of itself: it was a practical means of improving ones lifea
true art of existence. I would argue that such a conceptualisation might provide a way of rethinking Australian drug
policy.
drug use takes place within distinct social settings or locales which feature an array of specific norms and conventions that work to encourage moderation through discouraging excessive consumption. Slavin (2004) argues that notions of messy or uncontrolled drug use are condemned
in many drug using peer groups as the province of inexperienced and/or irresponsible users. In this sense, considerable cultural and social cachet is attached to the cultivation
of more refined and controlled personal habitsin the ability to handle ones drug use (see also Measham, Aldridge,
& Parker, 2001: 124129). That said, the typical focus of
many of these social norms is the desire to avoid the embarrassment or social stigma associated with messy drug
use, with getting out of it, rather than the more direct
valorisation of moderation in the use of pleasure. It does,
nonetheless, suggest that the grounds for a practice of moderation and active limit-setting already exist in many youth
cultures and across many diverse settings. Furthermore, it
suggests that a policy that might promote the moderation of
use as a way of both intensifying the pleasures associated
with that drug use as well as ameliorating the more messy
or undesirable consequences of this use has considerable
merit.
In closing, this paper has sought to canvas the value of
a more Foucauldian appreciation of pleasure and ethics in
the design of drug policy and so my interests have been more
conceptual or theoretical than practical or programmatic. The
next step in the development of this line of argument must
concern the manner in which these ethical principles might
be implemented and/or operationalised. How in other words
might theory be brought into practice? In thinking about this
problem, I would argue that drug prevention and harm minimisation programmes ought to be implemented within those
contexts and settings in which drug use takes places in order to influence the nature and conduct of that drug use.
Foucaults work suggests that such a cultural transformation
might be possible through closer attention to an ethics of
moderation. This will require new types of information and
peer education strategies in specific drug use settings such
as bars and nightclubs, the workplace, schools and universities. This might involve the development of more effective
peer to peer education and information strategies in which
the practical benefits of moderation might be communicated
to young people in a way that resonates with their own experiences. Following Foucault, these strategies ought to emphasise the manner in which the practice of moderation might enhance the experience of pleasure whilst potentially reducing
harms. This work should also go some way towards shifting
the broader culture of drug use in ways that valorise more
moderate use whilst cautioning against excess. Moreover, a
strategy that focuses on the responsible use of illicit substances, in contrast to the idealism of prohibition, is arguably
a more pragmatic and appropriate response to the problem
of illicit drug use in Australian society.
A model of such strategies might be discerned in the
work of the Australian peer education and harm reduction
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organisations RaveSafe, Enlighten and the PtChang NonViolence Group. Each organisation remains grass-roots and
peer driven, and is committed to reducing the harms associated with young peoples use of illicit substances through the
provision of honest, non-judgmental information and education (see VCDPC, 2003). These organisations primarily
offer out-reach services to young people in those settings in
which they consume illicit substances, with clubs and raves
being common sites of operation. Importantly, each organisation is managed and staffed by volunteers and peers and is
widely respected among young people who use illicit drugs
for a non-judgmental and pragmatic approach to harm reduction (see VCDPC, 2003: 217229). It is also worth noting that these organisations share a commitment to the safer
use of illicit substances through the dissemination of safer
use guidelines and other innovative harm reduction strategies (see VCDPC, 2004: 682687). It is for these reasons
that I believe such organisations have much to offer in the
development of an ethics of moderation in the use of illicit substances. For each organisation might quite readily
be pressed into the service of a much broader push to encourage a more Foucauldian use of pleasure in the consumption of illicit substances across a range of diverse settings.
The challenge remains to find ways of funding these bodies to ensure that their efforts are more effective and enduring.
392
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