The English School

The English School vs.
American Realism: A Meeting of Minds or Divided by a Common

Language?
Author(s): Richard Little
Source: Review of International Studies, Vol. 29, No. 3 (Jul., 2003), pp. 443-460
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Review
DOT.
of International
Studies
(2003),
29, 443-460
Copyright
British
International
Studies
Association
10.1017IS0260210503004431
The English School vs. American

a meeting
of minds or
Realism:
divided by a common
language?
LITTLE*
RICHARD
to assess the
it is designed
aims. First and foremost,
to
in the wake of developments
that are considered
relations over the past decade. A second aim, but one
international
have transformed
is to assess whether or not the resurgent English
that is central to my contribution,
for an approach that can account more effectively
School provides the foundations
This
Forum
relevance
has
two main
of American
realism
realism.
in the post-Cold War world than American
for developments
from an American
all
written
three
Not
the
contributions,
surprisingly,
previous
to provide essential
insist that realism continues
realist perspective,
insights for
it
is
that
there have
world.
the
contemporary
Although
acknowledged
understanding
recent
in
international
been some very significant
years, the basic
developments
are
seen
to
have
remained
intact. We
structural features of the international
system
continue to live, it is argued, in an anarchic arena that necessarily creates uncertainty
the potential for pervasive and
for all its members
possesses
and, as a consequence,
chronic insecurity throughout the system. In such a world, realism is seen to retain its
still offering the most effective theoretical framework
privileged explanatory position,
the
the crucial role played by the major powers in structuring
for comprehending
are
these
relations
and
international
for
powers
amongst
why
system
determining
and in others by conflict. As a
in some instances by cooperation
characterised
the
consequence,
despite seismic events, such as the collapse of the Soviet Union,
recurrence of conflict in the Balkans,
in Rwanda,
and the traumatic
the genocide
hours of 11 September 2001, the 'timeless wisdom' of realism is seen to remain intact.
Desch and Glaser provide a useful overview of what we
Copeland,
Collectively,
are calling American
in doing so clear tensions
realism in this Forum, although
the
that
For
argues
emerge.
uncertainty
experienced by one state
example, Copeland
of anarchy, and is
about the intentions of other states is a necessary
consequence
absolutely central to realist thinking. By contrast, Glaser argues that balancing has
not taken place in the post-Cold War world because the major powers recognise the
are simply not
state. These two positions
States is a benign security-seeking
United
consensus
seems
than might at
reflects
less
that
the
realist
and
it
theory
compatible
first appear.
Thanks
to Theo
Farrell
for helpful
comments
on an earlier draft
of
this article.
443

444
Richard Little
the assessment of the English School that emerges in the previous

Unsurprisingly,
contributions
is very critical, although it is impossible not to sympathise with some of
and Glaser. Who
is
the criticisms that are levelled at the English School by Copeland
or is not a member of the English School is not an issue that is worth spending time
on. By the same token, it is fair comment that there is a need for more solid empirical
to reveal how decision-makers
research from an explicitly English School perspective
view the world. But the criticisms go much deeper and the English school is seen to
realism on pretty well all counts. Glaser
and Copeland
fall short of American
to
School
the
that
the
possesses
English
potential
develop a rival theory,
acknowledge
in
societal
rather
than
the
international
anarchic
terms, but it is
system
viewing
at
almost
distinctive
feature
of
the
this juncture,
every
English School is
argued that,
At the end of the day, it is generally agreed that the English
left under-specified.
School currently fails to provide a coherent theory to set against the extremely robust
realists. But even if such a theory was
theory that has been established by American
and Glaser presume that, as things currently stand, it would
constructed, Copeland
not fare as well as the theory associated with American
realism because we are still
in an international
system that is governed on the basis of power and
operating
interests rather than an international
society that is governed by norms.
There is, however, a serious misapprehension
about the overall orientation
of the
and Glaser assume that because the idea of international
English School. Copeland
society is the most distinctive feature of the English School, it can readily be detached
from the other key concepts like the international
system and world society. In fact,
as I will attempt to demonstrate
in this contribution,
the concepts of international
system and world society cannot simply be set aside. By ignoring these elements of
it becomes
the English School framework
impossible to appreciate how the English
international society and what is distinctive about the approach.
School characterises
Before turning to what the English School can tell us about the post-Cold War
world, therefore, it is important to clarify where the English School is coming from.
In doing so, I want to demonstrate
that American
realism and the English School
intellectual heritage that can be traced back to the classical realists
share a common
of the twentieth century. What
the
who were developing
their ideas in the middle
is to take one strand of classical
realists have done, however,
modern American
There
realist thinking and refine it on the basis of their positivist methodology.
in principle, provided
that they had self
would be no problem with this procedure,
of this
decided to make a break with the classical realists. But members
consciously
school often associate themselves with the classical realist tradition without apparently
being aware of what they have left behind.
the reverse of this argument
fathers of the
applies to the founding
Ironically,
from
for
dissociated
himself
the classical
School.
Bull,
example, explicitly
English
work represented
'an instructive failure' and
realists and insisted that Morgenthau's
of a whole
line of inquiry'.1 Nevertheless,
Alderson
and
reflected 'the bankruptcy
a
out
idea
of
international
of
'critical
that
the
Hurrell
society grew
acknowledge
'the social
engagement' with classical realism, which is seen to have underestimated
nature of international
the overlap is more
life'.2 In practice, however,
significant
1
Bull, cited
Macmillan
in Kai Alderson
Press,
2000),
and Andrew
Hurrell,
Hedley
Bull
on International
Society
p. 47.
Ibid., p. 25.

(London:
School
The English
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
445
than Alderson
and Hurrell allow. A close reading reveals that the key concepts that
international
lie at the heart of the English School approach
system, international
- can all be
clearly identified in the
justice
society, world society, and international
works of seminal theorists in classical realism such as Morgenthau.
that is more
What
the English School does, therefore, is to clarify an approach
in classical
these links between
the
realism. By exploring
implicit than explicit
I
to
in
of
the
first
this
School
and
classical
realism
contribution,
part
hope
English
I will also reveal why,
reveal what is distinctive about the English School orientation.
there is certainly an important social element
from an English School perspective,
which is present in classical realism. From
from
modern
American
realism,
missing
realism presents a one-dimen
the English School perspective,
therefore, American
of
sional account that generates a distorted, or certainly incomplete, understanding
relations.
international
show what
this missing
In the second
element
adds
I shall then try to

part of the contribution
to our understanding
of contemporary
inter
national
politics.
I will
Finally, in the conclusion
realists.
School by the American
Classical
realism and the English
return to the main
criticisms
levelled at the Engish
School
are significant links that can be established between classical realism and
by focusing on the central concepts
English School. These can be highlighted
- international
system, international
underpin English School thinking
society
world society, and international justice. What we see in this section is that although
There
the
that
and
the
of their thinking in each

these concepts, the antecedents
highlighted
English
case can be traced back to the classical realists. Highlighting
these links helps to reveal
realists have only emphasised one element of classical realism at the
that the American
School
expense of thinking about
The international
the social dimension
of international
politics.
system
wisdom
system, and,
suggests that the dynamics of the international
the dynamics associated with the balance of power, provide the main
focal point for classical realists. In the case of Morgenthau,
however, this assessment
For him, there is an implicit distinction
drawn
certainly requires some modification.
between how the balance of power operates in the international
system and how it
in an international
there is not the clear-cut distinction
operates
society. Although
drawn between international
system and society that we find in the English School,
Conventional
in particular,
that they co-exist. A theory of the balance of power

there is the same presumption
to modern American
shorn of all normative
therefore, is distinctive
implications,
realists.
international
School when
'states are in
system emerges for the English
in
contact
is
with
other
and
where
addition
there
between
each
interaction
regular
them, sufficient to make the behaviour of each a necessary element in the calculation
of the other'.3 Classical
realists subscribe to a similar position
and Morgenthau
An
Hedley
Bull,
The Anarchical
Society
(London:
Macmillan,
1977), p. 10.

446
Richard Little
that there is an automatic

law ensuring that if one state increases its power
an
to
in
order
pursue
capabilities
imperial policy at the expense of a rival, then there
will be a 'proportionate
increase in the power of the other'.4 A systemic balance of
in any anarchic arena. It is this kind
power, therefore, represents the default position
of logic that underpins
the American
realist theory of international
politics, and
there is no doubt
that the thinking has resulted
in a much more
coherent
and
a
was
of
balance
of
than
advanced by the
power
comprehensive
theory
systemic
classical realists or the English
School. But, as a consequence,
the persistence
of
accepts
in the post-Cold War world poses a much bigger anomaly

for the
unipolarity
American
realists than for the other two schools and there is no straightforward
answer as to why the United States has not been confronted by a balancing alliance.
Classical
that the balance of power can only work
realism, however, presupposes
norms.
in the context of societal
If states refuse to accept the moral
effectively
standing of each other then they will find that they engage in a struggle of unlimited
'ferociousness
and intensity'.5 A purely systemic balance
is very different from a
It would
societal balance.
'state of
resemble, Morgenthau
argues, a Hobbesian
nature'.6 By contrast,
the English
School
that classical
although
acknowledges
an 'automatic tendency' for a balance of power to emerge in
realists have postulated
the international
system, they deny that there is an 'inevitable tendency for a balance
of power to arise' because states do not always seek to maximise
their relative power
often preferring to devote their resources and energies to other ends.7 As a
position,
Bull formulates
the idea of a 'fortuitous' balance of power that can
consequence,
effort' on the part of the members
of the system.8
emerge without
'any conscious
This outcome
is seen to be most
states are
likely in a situation where two dominant
an international
both striving to achieve hegemony
within
the
system. Because
outcome
is independent
a product of the system.
the sense that they act
a
advances
moreover,
of the objectives being pursued by the states, it is viewed as

As Watson
in
'act mechanically
puts it, systemic pressures
outside of the will of the community
concerned'.9
Bull,
similar image to Morgenthau,
that in a bipolar
arguing
we
anomic world with the two dominant powers aiming at absolute aggrandisement
can only imagine the balance of power to be 'amoment
of deadlock
in a struggle to
death between two contending powers'.10
The English School acknowledges,
therefore, that a balance of power might fortui
the members
do
system, but, like Morgenthau,
tously arise within the international
not consider that such a balance could provide the basis for a stable international
order. As a consequence,
Bull displays very little interest in a purely systemic balance
turns his attention
to a societal balance of power. The
of power and immediately
reluctance of the English School to accept that there is a logic to anarchy necessarily
Hans J.Morgenthau,
Politics Among Nations:
Alfred A. Knopf,
1973), p. 174.
5
Ibid., p 256.
6
Politics Among Nations,
p. 225.
Morgenthau,
7
Bull, The Anarchical
p. 107.
Society,
8
Ibid., p. 100.
9
Adam Watson,
The Evolution
of International
1992), p. 311.
Routledge,
10
p. 105.
Society,
The Struggle
Society:
for Power
A Comparative
and Peace,
5th edn.
(New York:
Historical
Analysis
(London:

The English
vs. American
School
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
447
a balance of power, could be a consequence

of their presumption
that
a
has put it, there has been a
anarchy is very fragile structure and that, as Watson
relations between empire and anarchy,
swing in international
perennial pendulum
with the pull being towards empire rather than anarchy.11 Certainly
the historical
record indicates that it has been more difficult for anarchic systems to survive than
the American
realist's theory would
realists, the persis
suggest. For the American
tence of anarchy is not seen to be problematic,
but from the English School perspec
tive, this is itself a problem.
generating
International
society
the concept much more

School makes
classical
explicit,
to the idea of an international
in other
Both
accept,
society.
words, that international behaviour have been regulated, on a habitual basis, by an
for example, goes to considerable pains to
established body of norms. Morgenthau,
contest what he sees as the 'widespread misconception'
that there is no such thing as
international
law emerged over
law.12 He asserts, to the contrary, that international
the English
Although
realists also subscribed
400 years ago and that it has been 'scrupulously observed' from the start.13 At the
of the Cold War, however, Morgenthau
feared that the international
beginning
was
an emerging
of
states
under
threat.
He
observed
international
grave
society
a
for
two
characterised
mutual
survival
the
between
system
super-powers
by
struggle
and he argued that their policies were creating a 'new balance of power'14 that would
deal the 'final, fatal blow' to a balance of power which had permitted
the long-term
survival of a society of states defined by 'shared values and universal
standards of
action'.15 Morgenthau
insisted that during the era of the European
balance
of
for
drives
had
been
constrained
'moral
power,
power
limitations',
imperial
by
'a silent compact' that all states had a
accepted by states as the result of establishing
right to survive.16 States agreed, therefore, on an 'ultimate standard' of behaviour
this distinc
reflecting a body of rules that all states were obliged to follow.17 During
tive period of history every ruler 'expected and was justified in expecting everybody
else to share this standard'.18
11
The Evolution
Watson,
of International
12
Morgenthau,
13
law
Ibid., p. 273. Wehere international
the international
system and establish
extremely
sceptical about the utility of
Society.
p. 273.
is seen to have
an element of
to eliminate war from

is in the attempts
was
international
government.
Morgenthau
law to try to make progress on these fronts
using international
because
international
to sustain a
is an international
institution
that is designed
law, like diplomacy,
states. It is through
law and diplomacy
that the society of states is
international
society of sovereign
a world with an effective
international
that
By contrast,
government
constantly
being reproduced.
a society of sovereign
could police the system would no longer constitute
states. From a classical
to protect
and international
law are designed
the
therefore, because diplomacy
to be effective when
it comes to introducing measures
that are
state, they are unlikely
sovereign
to undermine
the sovereign
designed
14
Morgenthau,
15
Ibid., pp. 330-1.
16
Ibid., p. 219.
17
Ibid., p. 274.
18
Ibid., p. 220.
failed
state.
ch. 21.

448
Richard Little
international
therefore, established an intimate link between
Morgenthau,
society
and the balance of power, and the English
School
travels along exactly the same
route. Bull, for example, draws a sharp distinction
between a 'fortuitous' balance
that sometimes operates within an international
system, and a 'contrived' balance
A
that is seen to underpin any international
contrived balance is associated
society.
where
with any international
the
Great
Powers
all accept the need to sustain
setting
a society of states. It follows that there is an intersubjective
a 'silent
agreement,
to refrain from endeavouring
to monopolise
international
power and to
compact',
to
state
restrain
does
take the necessary
that
this
any
pursue
steps
strategy. So a
a society of
with
balance
of
becomes
the
survival
of
'contrived'
power
synonymous
states. The Great Powers engage in voluntary
restraint because they know that any
the balance will be a 'hopeless undertaking'.19 Although
this
attempt to overthrow
is not spelled out, it is also apparent
that while
the undertaking
may
argument
eventually prove to be 'hopeless', it could lead to the demise of the societal balance
of a systemic balance which both the English
School and the
and the emergence
to turn into a 'state of nature'. 20
classical realists believe has the potential
Both the English School and the classical realists go further, however, and insist
that there is a necessary
between
international
law and the societal
relationship
balance of power. The logic underpinning
this relationship, however, is never spelled
out with
like the precision

that characterises
the analyses
offered by
anything
realists. The argument seems to be that in the context of a societal balance
law because if it fails to do so, other
of power each state will abide by international
seems to lie at the heart of this process.21 This
states will sanction them. Reciprocity
that there is no state in the
procedure will only prove effective, however, provided
system that can ignore the sanctions of other states. There will be a tendency for
American
states to voluntarily
subscribe to international
law, therefore, because infringements
of international
law pose a threat to the societal balance of power. But classical
realists and the English School have failed to explore this idea in detail. To do so
a systemic and a
between
would
require them to make more of the distinction
societal balance of power. The former acts as a counterfactual,
deterring states from
into a systemic balance of
international
law because of the fear of moving
violating
power, that operates in the absence of a normative framework.
This line of argument may still not seem sufficient to account for why states obey
interests to do so. But as Hurrell
it is not in their immediate
has
rules, when
of the English School have provided various reasons to account
suggested, members
of international
law. He suggests
for the observation
that norms are observed
because of 'power and coercion, self-interest and reciprocal benefits, institutionalised
habit or inertia, the existence of a sense of community, procedural
legitimacy of the
suasion that derives from a shared sense of
process of rule creation, or the moral
that the English School does no more than
justice'. But Hurrell also acknowledges
establish an aggregate list of factors 'without providing any precise guide as to their
19
Ibid., p. 219.
20
the Peloponnesian
J. Price:
characterises
War. See Jonathan
Price argues that this is how Thucydides
and Internal War (Cambridge:
Press, 2001).
Cambridge
University
Thucydides
21
Power Politics,
3rd edn. (London:
See G. Schwarzenberger,
Stevens and Co.,
1964), p. 203; and K. W.
Political Realism
and the Crisis of World Politics
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University
Thompson
Press), p. 169.

The English
School
Thus
it is not
relationship'.22
presented by the English School
World
vs. American
a meeting
Realism:
realists who
only American
and inadequate.23
449
of minds
find
the arguments
incomplete
society
the idea of world

with the English
closely associated
Although
society is most
of the form
discussion
School, the concept also plays a key role in Morgenthau's
ation of a world state. Although
he accepted that international
law and diplomacy
a society of states and are unlikely, as a consequence,
are designed
to maintain
to
he did not suggest that a world government
international
is
promote
government,
or that the formation of a world government
should be opposed on
inconceivable
principle. On the contrary, he believed that, if we are to survive, then it is essential,
to be established,
in the long run, for a world government
because only a world
can effectively
eliminate war. A world government,
however, presup
government
state and the demise of the society of sovereign
of a world
poses the existence
states.24
cannot be implemented
is clear that such a development
from the
Morgenthau
an
or
some
kind of
state,
top, either through world
conquest,
by
imperial
by
a
movement
states
constitutional
confederation.
successful
from
of
away
Any
society
must be preceded by a transformation
at the level of the community. A necessary,
if
not sufficient, precondition
for the establishment
of a world state is that individuals
from their local community
to a world
have shifted their primary allegiance
that
it
would
be
however,
community. Morgenthau
acknowledged,
extremely difficult
a world
was
to establish
he
enthusiastic
about the
very
community,
although
saw
with
functional
associated
the
of
and
the
theory
writings
Mitrany
special
as one way forward to promote
the
agencies associated with the United Nations
creation of a world community.25
The English School has a different and more complex take on this issue. Members
must
of the school
22
23
are divided
on the significance
of what
they call world
society
for the
'International
in V.
Hurrell,
Society and the Study of Regimes: A Reflective
Approach'
Relations
Press, 1993), p. 55.
(ed.), Regime Theory and International
(Oxford: Clarendon
Rittberger
See Ole Waever,
'Four Meanings
of International
in B. A.
Dialogue',
Society: A Transatlantic
Roberson
and the Development
Relations
(ed.), International
Society
of International
Theory (London
and Washington:
that the arguments
enumerated
Pinter,
1998), p. 90 who argues, however,
by the
to take us much
School have the potential
further than the liberal institutionalists
who only
English
rules. He goes on (p. 91) 'Often the
investigate one item on the list. Moreover
they focus on individual
Andrew
in explaining
interest in international
general
society is important
while the specific rules add up to a general system of international
structure of the state-system
states come to believe
itself. Because
in this international
and
legal system, the rules achieve obligation
becomes more
law-like and where compliance
is hard to calculate
with specific rules,

compliance
law that is constitutive
of the
that they have a long-term
interest
in a way which
normativity
in terms of specific
and calculable
interests.'
24
25
ch. 29. Morgenthau

refers to a world community
rather than a
Morgenthau,
to International
world
'From International
society. See Barry Buzan,
System
Society: Structural
and Regime Theory Meet
the English
International
47:3 (1993),
School',
Theory
Organization,
on a book that uses this
pp. 327-52, who takes this distinction
seriously. He is currently working
to clarify English
distinction
School
thinking.
Politics Among
Morgenthau,
:Robertson,
Politics
(London
Nations,
ch. 30. See also David
Mitrany,
The Functional
1975).

Theory
of
450
Richard Little
some arguing
that an element of world
of international
society, with
a
to
states
if
has
have
stable
of
is
society
emerged
society
going to exist. Others are
the issue. For example,
less certain. But there is considerable
ambiguity
surrounding
one
in
at
much
line
with
Bull
very
argues
Morgenthau,
point that an expansion of
existence
world
individuals
the subjects of international
law, would
society, by making
undermine
'the international order based on the society of states'.26 Later, however,
he argues that the 'future of international
among
society is likely to be determined,
other things, by the preservation
and extension of a common
culture'.27 Diez and
come
Whitman
politics
ambiguity
and we
International
is a feature of international
that this ambiguity
substantial
the
analytical
purchase
by making
'treating it as an inherent characteristic of the international'.2*
to the conclusion
can establish
and
explicit
justice
realists and the English School both draw a distinction

between order and
in other words, that there is no reason to suppose that a
justice.29 It is acknowledged,
be a just society. On the contrary, classical
society will necessarily
rule-governed
Classical
such as Morgenthau
and Carr, both heavily
of knowledge, worked from the premise
sociologist
their power to promote their own interests, although
on a dominant
ideology to obscure this link between
notes 'the individual or group which
As Niebuhr
or pr?tentions,
an
social
its intentions
arrogates
realists
influenced by Mannheim,
the
that those with power will use
often they will also rely heavily
power
and interest.
organised any society, however

inordinate
of social
portion
to both Morgenthau
and
privilege to itself'.30 A crucial task of the realist, according
Carr, is to expose the truth about where power exists and how it supports the status
the realist 'cannot help being a subversive and revolutionary
quo. As a consequence,
force with regard to certain vested interests'.31
The weakness
that
of realism, argues Carr, is that it then fails to acknowledge
role for ideas in international
there is an independent
politics. Carr acknowledges,
to envisage a transformed world but also to
therefore, that it is not only possible
turn this vision into a reality. Whenever
any vision is realised, however, then some
parties will benefit from the new system more than others and they will turn these
benefits into power, which will then be used to maintain
the system. The perennial
link between power and interest. From
task of the realist is to expose this axiomatic
forces and the
Carr's perspective,
therefore, both the realist emphasis on material
26
The Anarchical
p. 152.
Society,
Ibid., p. 317.
on the English
Thomas Diez and Richard Whitman,
Reflecting
'Analysing European
Integration:
School', Journal of Common Market
Studies, 40:1 (2002), pp. 43-67, p. 49.
29
some argue that it is not possible
to
In fact this issue is debated within
the English
School, because
no provision
have a concept of order that makes
for justice. See Ian Harris,
'Order and Justice in The
69:4 (1993), pp. 725^41.
Anarchical
International
Affairs,
Society',
30
Moral Man
and Immoral Society
SCM Press, 1963), pp. 6-7.
R.Niebuhr,
(London:
31
J.Morgenthau,
in the
of Political
in Hans J.Morgenthau,
'The Commitments
Politics
Hans,
Science',
27
Bull,
28
Twentieth
Century,
abridged
edn.
(Chicago,
IL: Chicago
University
Press,
1971), p. 258.

The English
School
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
451
with transformative
ideas have an essential role to play in any
Utopian preoccupation
Carr concludes, as
of world politics. Armed with this understanding,
understanding
a consequence,
states
to preserve an
that wish
that it is obvious why satisfied
ensure
to those who
that they offer significant concessions
established system should
benefit least from the system, to ensure that their position
ismade bearable.32
The English
School has also thought hard about the role of justice in inter
national relations and are clear that there are ideas about what constitutes
justice in
relations and that these ideas 'play a role in the course of events'.33
international
Bull goes on to draw a distinction between justice at the level of the state and justice
at the level of the individual. Justice at the level of the state requires international
society to ensure, for example, that the sovereign rights of states are observed. But
this tells us nothing about human justice. In other words, just as in any society, it is
inevitable
that those states with power will use their power to ensure that the
states in the
interests of these states are served at the expense of the remaining
of the state, therefore, the idea of human rights has
the consolidation
system. With
and indeed can now be seen to be potentially
'subversive of
gone 'underground'
the obvious moral ambiguity attached to this
international
society itself'34. Despite
position, Bull was clear that it was essential for order to take priority over justice.
towards the end of his life, he began to reconsider
this position
and
However,
that there was a need to rectify the imbalance between the rich and the
recognised
poor
states within
'positions
Assessing
the system. Justice demands,

of undue privilege'.35
Bull argued,
that the West
abandon
the post-Cold War world
it
The English School starts from the premise that its pluralistic
framework makes
to
at
in
examine
international
relations
world
So
its
any point
possible
history.
some sense of the post-Cold War world.
assert that they can make
members
American
realists
realists, of course, wish to make the same claim. But the American
for
also argue that because they have a theory, they can provide a causal explanation
the behaviour of the Great Powers. From the American
therefore,
most
of
War
the
feature
the
world have been the
perhaps
puzzling
post-Cold
persistence of unipolarity, which their theory would not predict, and there have been
to account for the failure of a new balance of power to
considerable
efforts made
of course, also poses a puzzle for the English
emerge. The persistence of unipolarity,
32
: An Introduction
to the Study of International
E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis, 1919-1939
:Palgrave,
with new introduction
Cox (ed.) (New York
Relations,
2001). See also Bull's
by Michael
'The Twenty Years' Crisis Thirty Years On', in Kai Alderson
and Andrew Hurrell, Hedley
assessment,
Bull on International
Press, 2000), pp. 125-38. For a different
Society
(London: Macmillan
reading of
Carr than given here, see Charles A. Jones 'Carr, Mannheim
and a Post-Positivist
Science of
International
Political
Relations',
Studies, 45:1 (1997), pp. 232-46. For perceptive
essays on Carr, see
Michael
Cox (ed.), E. H Carr: A Critical Reappraisal
(London: Palgrave,
2000).
33
(London: Macmillan,
1977), p. 78.
Society
Hedley
34
Ibid., p. 183.
35
in Kai Alderson
'Justice in International
Relations:
The 1983 Hagey Lectures'
and Andrew Hurrell,
Press, 2000), p. 244.
Society
(London: Macmillan
Hedley Bull on International

452
Richard Little
because, as argued above, the balance of power plays a crucial role in their
But first, I
analysis. I will come back to this issue at the end of this contribution.
want to extend English School thinking to three questions
that the post-Cold War
intervention
and why these interventions
world raises. The first relates to military
of international
for members
have proved to be so problematic
society. The second
School
relates
free trade and asks how we can account

for the extra
norms
across
of
free
trade
international
society. The
expansion
an
to
and
formulate
School
terrorism
attempts
global
English
the West
should respond to global terrorism. Of course, there is
any more than sketch what the English School would have to say
to the growth
ordinarily
rapid
third focuses on
to how
approach
not space to do
of
I will
the English
School position,
about these issues. But having briefly outlined
and to the criticisms
of unipolarity
conclude by returning to the specific question
realists..
levelled at the English School by the American
Military
intervention and the international
system
intervention was as much a feature of the bipolar Cold War era as it has
Military
School perspective,
proved to be in the post-Cold War world. From an English
in very different terms because
however, these interventions need to be characterised
In contrast
to the American
the structures of the two periods are quite different.
on the distribution
to
of military
realists, however, who focus primarily
power
to
the shift from bipolarity
characterise
international
structure,
highlighting
the
the English School draw on both system and society to distinguish
unipolarity,
two periods. Watson
that in the aftermath
of World War II,
argues, for example,
it was possible to identify a global international
whereas
system, it was important to
'were not "book ends" holding together a single
recognise that the two superpowers
largely separate
closely involved society of states; they were centres around which
societies developed'.36 Bull also asks if international politics in the Cold War should
be viewed in terms of 'an international
system that is not an international
society',
but concludes
that the element of society is always present in international politics,
its 'survival is sometimes
the demise of the Soviet
although
precarious'.37 With
for a much
the potential
thicker international
Union,
however,
society across the
globe has emerged.
to structure opens up a more complex assessment
The English School approach
of the military
that occurred during these two periods. During
the
interventions
Cold War, military moves made by either the United States or the Soviet Union were
in terms of their impact on a systemic balance of power or the
assessed primarily
in Africa
in the
societies. Soviet moves
need to defend their respective international
at the end of that decade, were viewed
in Afghanistan
1970s, but more especially
with alarm by the United
States, for example, because of their potential
impact on
the distribution
of power in the international
system. The moves by one super-power
were also drawn upon
to justify the moves
of the other. So, for example,
the
36
The Evolution
Watson,
of International
1992), p. 289.
Routledge,
37
p. 39.
Society,
Hedley
Adam
Society:
A Comparative
Historical
Analysis

(London:
The English
School
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
453
to justify US military
in the
intervention
language used in the Johnson Doctrine
was
terms
in
cast
in
of the United
the
Dominican
1965
States defending
Republic
but the language was then replicated
Dominican
people from 'internal aggression',
in 1968 to justify
intervention
Pact into
by the Soviet Union
by the Warsaw
and this process exemplifies what Franck and Weisband
call 'the
Czechoslovakia,
echo
effect'.38
In the post-Cold War era, military

responses by the United States and other states
in very different terms. The impact of a potential
have been evaluated
intervention
on the global distribution
of power has not been an issue. Instead, attention has
focused on whether
the rights of states or individuals
should be given priority. So,
the focus has not been on how a potential
intervention would affect the military
of the United
States, but rather on whether the sovereign rights of a
preponderance
state should be observed, or whether
of individuals within
the protection
the state
should be privileged.
There is substantial
and ambiguity
controversy
surrounding
this choice in the international
and this controversy
and ambiguity
is
community
reflected within the English School. On the one hand, support persists for a pluralist
on the assumption
that a society of states creates, as Sorensen
premised
states to pursue their preferred
'the freedom for citizens of individual
observes,
versions of the good life', but he goes on to note that this vision ignores the fact that
states have changed
'the sovereignty
and postmodern
the
games of postcolonial
in such a way that the
conditions
for the good life in major parts of the world
39
creation of political goods has acquired an explicit international dimension'.
The
vision,
latter position
leads to what the English School identifies as solidarist solutions that
to
the rights of indviduals over the rights of states.40
give priority
Since 11 September 2001, however, the debate has moved on again. The current
concern in theWest is less about individual vs. state rights and much more about the
the status quo which
is being threatened by groups with very
need to preserve
different
visions of the future than those entertained

the Western
by elites within
The debate now centres on tensions between systemic order and the societal
rights of states when the threat to international
society is coming from within world
return
to
will
this
in
the
of global terrorism. The basic
We
issue
discussion
society.
are
to explain why interventions
that
the
American
realists
unable
is,
however,
point
in the Cold War were always justified in security terms (even those interventions
that
world.
38
: Verbal Strategy Among

M. Franck and Edward Weisband,
Word Politics
the Superpowers
:Oxford University
Press, 1971).
fNew York
in Statehood:
The Transformation
Relations
Sorensen,
Georg
Changes
of International
(Basingstoke:
2001), pp. 171-2.
Palgrave,
40
Nicholas
J. V^heeler
'Pluralist or Solidarist Contentions
of International
Society: Bull and Vincent
Thomas
39
Humanitarian
solidarists
Intervention'
The debate between pluralists

and
(1992), pp. 463-87.
in a World of States
The Global Covenant: Human
Conduct
World Politics: Progress
and Its Limits
2000), and James Mayall,
Millennium,
See Robert
Jackson
on
21:3
persists.
Press,
(Oxford: Oxford University
J.Wheeler,
case, and Nicholas
Saving
(Cambridge:
Polity Press, 2000), for the pluralist
in International
Intervention
Press, 2000)
Strangers:Humanitarian
Society
(Oxford: Oxford University
for the solidarist case. However,
it is still often assumed
that the English
School favours pluralist
solutions. Mohammed
for example, calls upon the English
to reinforce his argument
School
Ayoob,
to defend
that it is essential
the rights of states in 'Inequality
and Theorising
in International
The Case for Subaltern Realism',
Relations:
International
Studies Review,
see also Michael
Barnett's
solidarist
very critical and essentially
response
Realist: A Rejoinder'
International
Studies Review, 4:3 (2002), pp. 48-62.
4:3 (2002), pp. 27-48. But

'Radical Chic? Subaltern

Richard Little
454
occurred outside of the Cold War context and could be seen to have had humani
into Uganda)
tarian goals, such as the Tanzanian
intervention
whereas
the post
terms. Although
in humanitarian
interventions
the
Cold War
have been defended
on
a
at
have
School
is
least
handle
the
issue.
they
English
deeply divided,
Free
trade and international
society
in world politics over the past fifty years

the most dramatic developments
movement
free trade. During
this period,
tariffs
has been the
towards globalised
to
in
levels'
the developed
world and, since the
have been reduced
'insignificant
countries.41 There is
1970s, there has been a similar 'rush to free trade' by developing
no good comprehensive
that adequately accounts for the inexorable rise
explanation
One
of
of the
of free trade, although American
realists, like classical realists and members
School, have tended to ignore the issue, focusing on security rather than
English
have followed
this route because
economic
issues. Realists
they give ontological
to security, but the structural transformation
identified at the end of the
priority
of free trade over the Cold
Cold War fails to correlate with the steady expansion
War and post-Cold War periods. Members
of the English
such as Bull,
School,
to
that military power is not fungible and that it is necessary
however, acknowledge
'chess boards'.42 So at the height of the
explore the balance of power on different
Cold War, for example, Bull accepts that on the economic board, the Soviet Union
and China did not have a significant role to play.43
At the start of the Cold War, outside of the Soviet sphere, the United
States
arena
a
within
the
role
the
economic
and
advocated
occupied
hegemonic
unfailingly
virtues of free trade. As more and more new states came into existence during the
to adopt free trade practices. By the 1990s,
Cold War era, they were all encouraged
Consensus
took it for granted that
what has come to be known as the Washington
the only way for new states to catch up with the United
States, Japan, and the EU
was to work within the evolving free trade regime. The same advice was meted out to
and the basic tenets of this
the new states that had escaped the grip of communism,
free trade orthodoxy were simply not amenable to challenge. What we observe from
1945 to the present, therefore, is a body of rules associated with free trade steadily
embracing an increasing number of states.
being extended and, simultaneously,
a shibboleth
free trade has represented
For many
therefore,
years,
beyond
the elites in the international
criticism in the developed world, particularly
amongst
the world economy. But there
for managing
institutions
that have had responsibility
41
V Milner,
Thomas
Risse and Beth A. Simmons
'International
Trade' inWalter
Carlsnaes,
Relations
p. 449.
(London:
2002), pp. 448-61,
Sage Publications,
(eds.), Handbook
of International
42
about power not being fungible on
p. 133. The argument
Hedley
Society,
Robert O and Joseph S. Nye, Power and Interdependence:
different boards
is developed
by Keohane,
:Little, Brown,
in Transition
World Politics
1977).
(Boston, MA; Toronto
43
the importance
of seeing how different
American
realists are starting to recognise
games are played
on different boards. See Michael
Moment:
Realist Theories
Mastanduno
the Unipolar
'Preserving
Helen
and US Strategies
Unipolar Politics:
Press,
1999).
in Ethan B. Kapstein
the Cold War',
and Michael
Mastanduno
After
Realism
and State Strategies
After the Cold War (New York: Columbia

(eds.),
University
The English
School
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
455
is now
growing debate about the nature of the rules and policies dictated by the
West for the developing world. There are two areas of criticism. First, it is argued
states relied on protectionist
that most of the existing developed
policies to develop
to develop industry is being denied to
their economies. But the protection necessary
to emerge from within the economic
the developing world. Critics are now beginning
that the rules of the world
have not been
camp, arguing
economy
orthodoxy
designed to promote the economies of the poor countries in the world but rather to
of the developed
world economies.44
the advantages
The facts are still
preserve
realists nor the English
School have shown
disputed.45 But neither the American
much interest in the phenomenon.
The second area of criticism
focuses on international
trade in agricultural
is focused, in the first instance, on the 800 m people who
products. Here attention
are suffering from malnutrition.
International
that this
society has acknowledged
is unacceptable,
situation
from the 1948 Universal
Declaration
of Human Rights,
which insisted that everyone has a right to food, through to the 1996 World Food
to reduce the number of hungry people in

Summit, where there was a commitment
the world to 400 m by 2015. But the World Food Summit also committed
states to
the establishment
of a 'fair world trade system'. In other words, it is recognised that
mass
states in the developed
starvation
is the consequence
of a refusal by most
world to open their agricultural
systems to free trade rules.
economics
is generally seen to represent something of a blind spot for
Although
the English School, the lacuna can be seen to be an aberration because, at least since
the demise of the mercantilist
era, it is difficult to envisage an effective international
in the absence of the complex body of rules that helps
system functioning
international
society. Buzan, however, carries this line of argument further
and suggests
that the failure to accommodate
the economic
dimension
has the
to
the
overall
of
the
School
He
undermine
asks
potential
logic
English
position.46
how the pursuit of economic
liberal values over the last half-century
fits into the
that relies on an absolute distinction
state
between
dichotomy
pluralist/solidarist
economic
to define
rights and human rights. This argument is reinforced when the impact of the West's
failure to open up agriculture to free trade is taken into account.47 Buzan argues that
44
inHistorical
Strategy
(London:
Perspective
Chang, Kicking Away the Ladder: Development
countries
Press, 2001). He argues that most Third World
grew faster when they maintained
tariffs than when they adopted
free market
import substitution
strategies.
45
Desai
'Our world not beyond
Meghnad
repair', in Times Higher Educational
Supplement,
22 November
and credible
2002, p. 25 argues that increasing access to rich countries' markets
and fiscal strategies have industrialised
the Third World
faster than was thought possible,
monetary
states by a larger proportion
and has reduced poverty
in China,
India and most other Asian
since the
1980s than in the previous
is reviewing Joseph Stiglitz,
century. Desai
eight decades of the twentieth
Globalization
and Its Discontents
(Allan Lane: the Penguin Press, 2002). Stiglitz was a leading free
a major
market
economist
in the US, and a Nobel
critic of the IMF.
prize winner, who has become
46
of Robert
in a World of States
Review
Conduct
Jackson, The Global Covenant: Human
(Oxford:
Oxford University
World Politics: Progress
and Its Limits
Press, 2000), and James Mayall,
31:2 (2002), pp. 363-6.
(Cambridge:
Polity Press, 2000); 'Special Book Reviews', Millennium
47
Gonzalez-Pelaez
has shown how John Vincent
the centrality
of the international
presupposed
for English
of the basic right to food
School
economy
thinking when he showed how the satisfaction
of the international
failed to follow through on this
economy. But Vincent
required a restructuring
Ha-Joon
Anthem
in International
'Basic Rights
Idea of a
insight. See Ana Gonzalez-Pelaez,
Society: R.J.Vincent's
to the Practical Realisation
of Human
to the
Subsistence
Ph.D submitted
Approach
Rights',
of Westminster,
December
John Vincent, Human Rights and
2002, and Raymond
University
International
Relations
Press, 1986).
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University

456
Richard Little
market creates a significant space between solidarism and

are examined
invisible when
these concepts
through a
state
between
and
lens
that
human
rights
only distinguishes
rights. He does
political
to
fill
how
this
indicate
not, however,
space.48
that the issue is more
The growing debate about free trade suggests, however,
the idea of an economic

that remains
pluralism
and the dispute about the advantages

than Buzan acknowledges
and
to
assessment
free
trade
need
be
factored
into
the
of
of
issue.
any
disadvantages
to acknowledge
from a realist perspective,
would be willing
the
Critics, working
on
an
has
that
that
the
international
rested
has
been
economy
ideology
possibility
of the system. Members
deliberately fabricated to obscure the underlying exploitation
as in
School are much more
of the English
likely to accept that in economics,
contentious
politics, there is always considerable

that the debate will be informed
room for debate
about appropriate policies and

So, for
by the pluralist/solidarist
dichotomy.
example, they would be interested in the way that the protests directed at the World
in Seattle in 1999 quickly
conference
Trade Organisation
during its third ministerial
states to disarm the critics - a development
that
led to concessions
by the developed
reveals the close links between world
society and international
society. From the
to recognise
that international
therefore, it is essential
English School perspective,
there is
arena, but it is also a forum where
society is not only a rule-governed
constant debate. Waever has argued that international
society is an arena defined by
reflection' about 'prudence, ethics and legality'.49 If
'reasoned debate and conceptual
we acknowledge
Buzan's point, then the space defined by international
society must
the world economy as well
also embrace the constant debates about how to manage
as the links with world
Global
society.
terror and world society
World
realists, but there has
society has no role to play in the analysis of American
to make
been growing recognition within the English School that it is not possible
sense of what is happening
in post-Cold War international
relations without making
true in the wake of 11 September.
for world society. This is particularly
provision
Since then it has become more apparent that the scale of the problem confronting
states can only be assessed by taking world society more effectively
into
Western
account.
for example,
is generally
that there is something
acknowledged,
al
Previous
such as Hizbollah
about
different
groups,
Qaeda.
distinctively
jihadist
liberation.
the Islamist agenda with the struggle for national
and Hamas,
associated
in national as
around the world still conceive of themselves
Indeed, most Muslims
to be strong support for the
well as religious terms. In other words, there continues
to a transnational
states
in
of
Islamic
international
prevailing
society
preference
48
It
But he does
so in International
Society
and World
Society
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
University
Press,
forthcoming.
49
in
'Four Meanings
of International
See Ole Waever,
Society: A Transatlantic
Dialogue',
and the Development
Relations
B.A.Roberson
Theory
(ed.), International
Society
of International
and Washington:
Pinter,
(London
1998), pp. 90-1.

The English
School
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
457
of al Qaeda have harnessed

the transnational
rhetoric
polity. By contrast, members
of Islamic solidarity to a global jihadist movement.50
As things currently stand, however, there is little support in the Muslim world for
the aims and tactics of al Qaeda. More
in the Western
specifically, most Muslims
world are hostile to al Qaeda's
tactics; but, at the same time, they also believe that
the 'war on terror' is in reality a 'war on Islam'. So long as this belief prevails, it has
been argued, the war on terror is being lost. In other words, the Muslim world is not
being unified on doctrinal grounds, but around a limited number of potent issues,
such as Israel's policy towards the Palestinians,
the American military
in
presence
Saudi Arabia, and the policy of theWest towards Iraq. Donald has argued, however,
that a war on Iraq is less important for the outcome of the war on terror than what
in Iraq after the war, because Muslim
perceptions will not be primarily
by the war, but by the nature of a putative postwar Iraq and the long-term
role it plays in the region.51
If Western
fail to convince
their local Muslim
communities
that
governments
their intentions
to recruit
towards Islam are benign,
then al Qaeda will continue
the US
does
affected
theWest itself. Even second-generation

Muslims
tend to reject secularism and
to Mondai
individualism
and according
'their faith is often expressed in even more
collectivist
forms than in the Islamic world
itself'.52 Donald
argues that Western
have to build a 'firewall' between the dar-ul Islam and al Qaeda. But he
governments
are so mistrustful
believes that 'if British Muslims
of the war on terror, then that
firewall is present only in an architect's drawing'.53 He goes on to suggest that only if
within
keep the need for a firewall

to win the war on terror. The
at the level of world society, can

can be
of
they hope
growth
global communications
seen to magnify
and complicate
this issue. Western
for example, have
commentators,
been surprised by the impact that satellite stations like Al-Jazeera,
which reaches
more than 20 Arab countries, have had on Muslim
But
Al-Jazeera
allows
opinion.
to by-pass
Muslims
their own, often censored,
to
without
press
rely on
having
news services. Paradoxically,
Western
the growth of global communications
has
policymakers
in place,
opened the way to more local media sources.54

the Muslim world only represents one aspect of world society. Yet there
Obviously
is no doubt that it is a significant feature of world politics that itwould be unwise of
Western
to ignore. However,
and the United
States in particular,
it is
governments,
far from clear how we should most effectively conceptualise
and think about world
tools for
society. In truth, the English School provides only the most rudimentary
of the English School recognise
members
opening this complex issue. Nevertheless,
that it is an area that needs to play a crucial role in their thinking. It is certainly a
realist thinking and renders the approach
gap in American
significant
impotent
when it comes to the task of examining global terrorism.55
50
51
Anshuman
Dominick
A.Mondai
Donald
'Liberal Islam', Prospect

(January 2003), pp. 28-33.
'What Happens
Guardian Review,
11 January 2003,
Next',
Islam', p. 32.
pp. 10-11.
52
Mondai
'Liberal
53
Dominick
Donald
'What Happens
Next',
p. 11.
54
on TV, Prospect
Bella Thomas
'What the Poor Watch
(January 2003), pp. 46-51.
55
Buzan acknowledges
that this is an area where the English
School
is particularly
weak on the
front and he is endeavouring
to fill the gap.
conceptual

458
Richard Little
Conclusion
attention is turned to important issues that exist in the post-Cold War world, it
English School thinking is in some
quickly becomes apparent how underdeveloped
further than classical realism.
significant areas. In many ways it has not progressed
in classical
On the other hand, it has not regressed. The key insights contained
realism have all been carried over into English School thinking. And in many ways
than ever they were in classical
these insights are much more clearly signposted
Once
that distorts
the American
realists have only focused on one dimension
of
a consequence,
a
have
muscle-bound
approach
they
produced
the reality of international politics
refers
producing what Freedman
to as
realism.56
realism.
classical
By contrast,
realism. As
'unreal'
The American
insist that their
realists, however, are unimpressed

by criticisms of this kind. They
are
to
and
and amenable
theory
methodology
unambiguous
the
members
of
the
By contrast,
approach
adopted by
English
empirical
testing.
is considered
School
of methodological
and theoretical
fatally flawed, because
the
deficiencies. On the methodological
front, Copeland
argues,
English School has
never succeeded
in drawing a clear distinction
between dependent
and independent
even if it is accepted that the English School prefers to adopt an
variables. Moreover,
to reveal the intersubjective world of decision
designed
interpretive methodology,
insists
that
makers,
Copeland
they have failed to follow
through and conduct
research on this basis.
front. Indeed,
The English School is seen to be just as weak on the theoretical
no
comes
to
that
is
close
that
there
the
theory underpinning
Copeland
arguing
route that
English School approach and he feels obliged to identify the theoretical
to a possible
should follow by pointing
the English
School
causal relationship
But to make progress, he insists, the
between
international
society and cooperation.
are
to
nature of this causal relationship
to
have
the
in
School
going
English
specify
much more detail that they have so far done. This suggestion, however, indicates the
between
the English School and the
existence of a yawning gulf in understanding
American
realists.
the American
realists fail to take on board is the scale of
What
on a very broad
the English
which
has always worked
School,
across
millennia.
international
relations from
extending
Viewing
becomes
clear that the anarchic
international
system is a rather
the agenda set by

historical
canvas,
this perspective,
it
unusual structure.
Indeed, anarchy is considered very fragile, almost invariably giving way to hierarchy.
The American
realists do not begin to address this question, but simply assume that
a
structure that does not need to be explained. By taking a world
is
robust
anarchy
the English
School
raise different
and more
historical
fundamental
perspective,
to the ones posed by the American
realists. When members
of the English
questions
on
international
School
focus
the European
therefore, what
system,
they find
intriguing is the fact that it has proved to be so enduring and that it had the capacity
to extend across the globe. It is the enduring and expansionist
of the
dimensions
a
to provide
In fact, Copeland's
that need to be explained.
system
attempt
56
Lawrence
(2001),
Freedman
pp.
review
of Nicholas
J.Wheeler,
Saving
Strangers,
in International
174-5.

Affairs,
77:1
The English
School
vs. American
Realism:
a meeting
of minds
459
in the wrong direction.

The
for the English
School points
theoretical
signpost
American
realists take for granted what the English School finds most intriguing.
The starting assumption
of the English School is that the European
of members
state system was able to survive and expand because of its distinctive
institutions.
a
a self
to
set
of
for
the
of
with
Bull,
emergence
great powers
example, points
conscious and mutual
interest in international order, the growth of international
law,
the distinctive diplomatic
of limited war and the mutual
the conception
framework,
interest in a balance of power. By restricting themselves to an ahistorical framework,
the American
the really interesting
realists do not take on board
theoretical
that history throws up, and, as a consequence,
questions
they set about dealing with
what the English School views as a second order problem.
the American
realists insist that their power theory
By the same token, when
state
it
shows why
interests trump international
is that
norms, from an English
this way of defining
the problem
is the equivalent
of looking
School perspective,
It fails to appreciate
down the wrong
end of a telescope.
how influential
inter
of state interests. The American
national norms are when it comes to the constitution
realists establish a false dichotomy
between state interests and international norms.
norms
norms
Interests shape
and
shape interests, from an English School perspec
the mutual
tive. The problem
with denying
constitution
of norms and interests
we
return to the question of why unipolarity
becomes apparent when
has persisted
in the post-Cold War era. Glaser
States is not
suggests that it is because the United
perceived as a threat by other major powers in the system. But he does not explain
States is seen to be a benign state. By contrast, Copeland
circum
why the United
vents the question of why unipolarity
has persisted and argues that in an effort to
its dominant
the United
States has regularly flouted commonly
position,
From an
accepted norms. But he fails to identify which norms have been flouted.
fail to take on board
however, both of these assessments
English School perspective,
to convince the world that it
the extent to which the United
States has endeavoured
is primarily
in promoting
international
order. Of course, the United
interested
States has made moves
that have been seen to confirm the idea of US exception
maintain
alism, for example, refusing to sign up to the idea of a International Criminal Court,
or to ratify the Kyoto Treaty, but the United
States is not under any legal obligation
to agree to either of these international
in
The refusal to cooperate
developments.
these areas is simply an exercise of sovereignty. Unipolarity
persists, therefore, because
the other major powers have accepted
that the United
States has no intention of
norms that constitute
to overthrow
the established
inter
using its military might
national society. By the same token, however, the United
States can also be seen to
in the international
have been restrained by the potential
for balancing
system. It
remains to be seen if this assessment persists in the wake of the 2003 war in Iraq.
some scope for a meeting
there is potentially
of minds between
Nevertheless,
American
the English School acknow
realism and the English School. Certainly
for a realist voice, and it is acknowledged
that
ledges that there must be provision
there are occasions when the realist voice prevails. In other words, the assessment of
international
advanced by American
realists does sometimes determine
the
can
states.
But
members
of
the
School
policies
by
pursued
although
English
that they share a common
realists, they
acknowledge
language with the American
insist that other voices also have to be registered. There are voices insisting that
norms must be defended
established
and observed and other voices arguing that
politics

460
Richard Little
norms need to be changed to accommodate

transformations
that are taking place in
can
be
These
voices
associated
with
the
international
world
system,
politics.
can
and
be
international
world
it
argued that the voices are
society,
society, although
seen by the English
to be registered within
School
international
society. So
a
norms
not
set
is
defined
of
international
and values
society
simply
by
prevailing
but also by the 'conversation' that takes place amongst ongoing modes of thought.57
to produce a meeting
of minds amongst
the
The English School has the potential
relations. But to realise this potential,
various schools of thought in international
and produce a common
language, there will have to be much more work carried out
not only on the theoretical framework, but also the methodology
that is required to
sustain
57
this inherently pluralistic
approach
to world
politics.58
not been good at exploring

the methodological
School, however, have traditionally
have tended to focus on the verstehen method.
of their position.
Pluralists
See Robert
implications
of a pluralistic
But attention
has also been drawn to the importance
Jackson, The Global Covenant.
See
to methodology
if the richness of the English
School
is going to be encompassed.
approach
to the Study of International
Little
School's Contribution
Richard
'The English
Relations',
European
Journal of International
6:3 (2000), pp. 395-422.
Relations,
58
avenue that might
of Michael
be worth exploring
is the philosophy
who
One possible
Oakeshott,
see Terry Nardin,
For an excellent discussion,
in terms of a conversation.
The
defined civilisation
The English
Philosophy
of Michael
Oakeshott
(University
Park,
PA: Pennsylvania
State University

Press,
2001).

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