Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Key Words
crime news deadly force ideology police accountability
police violence
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Method
Next, we introduce our mixed quantitative/qualitative approach to documenting how newspapers mobilize images and meanings of police violence.
The images of the professional, vigilante, and civil rights oppressors help
form the cultural backdrop against which we interpret the symbolic content
of news coverage. We focus on depictions of the victims and perpetrators of
police homicide, whose character and actions are critical to the perceived
legitimacy of police killings. Deemphasizing objective features of articles
like keywords and structure, we focus on the mechanics of symbolic construction (Thompson, 1990).
To be sure, the present portrait of over 100 articles inevitably forfeits
much intricacy and subtlety. But what our hybridized approach to discourse
analysis lacks in complexity, it makes up for in scope; and, we hope, vice
versa. We adopt CDAs core assumption that the range of meanings of news
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Findings
Table 1 describes the topics, newspaper locations, scope, and average length.
A slight majority (56.2 percent) were next-day incident reports. Investigations
comprised the second largest portion, followed by protests and civil litigation.
Incident reports were relatively short, averaging 396 words versus 504 words
among articles covering other topics. Investigations and protests generated
the lengthiest stories. Gunfire caused all deaths but two.
Symbolic strategies
Whereas 95.2 percent of articles included any of the six pro-strategies that
directly legitimate police violence (rationalization, euphemization, activation or expurgation of victim, and passivization or inclusion of officer),
only 59 percent of the accounts include counter-strategies that undermine
its legitimacy. Correspondingly, 92.4 percent of articles included at least one
type of claim (95 percent from official sources) that supports the legitimacy
of the shooting, compared to 50.5 percent which included claims that
Article characteristic
Percent
Mean length
Article topic
Incident
Investigation & adjudicatory proceedings
Civil lawsuits & litigation
Protest activity
Other
56.2
23.8
3.8
12.4
3.8
396.3
555.1
429.8
500.0
275.8
Section
Front page
Later in paper
11.4
88.6
860.9 (334.7)
389.8 (229.8)
Year
1997
1998
1999
2000
25.7
19.0
29.5
25.7
402.3
380.9
459.6
513.2
Scope
Local
National
Total
82.9
17.1
100.0
(231.2)
(366.3)
(304.6)
(317.7)
(118.9)
(286.1)
(192.2)
(266.2)
(352.4)
443.2 (277.2)
445.7 (329.1)
443.7 (285.0)
Notes: N = 105. Length is measured as the mean number of words. Numbers in parentheses are
standard deviations.
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Pro-strategies
Percent
Individual strategies
Rationalization
Expurgation (victim)
Inclusion (officer)
Anonymity of officer
Euphemization
Multi-strategy patterns
Violent officer actiona
Passive/reactive dominant
Victim provocative actiona
Active dominant
Aggregate results
Mean number of pro-strategies
69.5
61.9
16.2
61.9
45.7
72.5
97.8
3.46
(1.47)
Counter-strategies
Individual strategies
Repudiation
Expurgation (officer)
Inclusion (victim)
Naming & imaging officer
Dysphemization
Multi-strategy patterns
Violent officer actiona
Active dominant
Victim provocative actiona
Passive/reactive dominant
Aggregate results
Mean number of
counter-strategies
Percent
34.3
16.2
26.7
38.1
7.6
22.5
2.2
1.10
(1.15)
This prominent, extended quotation situates police actions within the legal
parameters governing deadly force. Although this long article (658 words)
notes that the shooting drew an angry crowd of more than 100 people, it
(and its five predecessors in this newspaper) lends no space to accounts questioning how someone lying on his belly pointed a gun upward at police.
Rather, the article implies that opposition to the shooting is based only on
emotions and an incomplete understanding of the facts:
Residents of the area accepted Coes decision with calm Wednesday, but
Mills family still cant understand why the officers had to kill him. Im
so mad I dont know what in the world to do, his mother, Evealene
Guillen, said.
Reinforcing the impression that the officers had no other choice and that
opposition is irrational and unfocused, the article quotes two upstanding community residents who both purportedly believe that the police are telling the
truth. Repudiative accounts were available, however. The following quotation
from an eye-witness appeared on the same day in the Tampa Tribune: One
friend said Fleita began hitting Mills, knocked him down and shot him when
Mills tried to get up (23 January 1997, p. 6). Neutralizing any residual basis
for opposition, all contextual and background information (e.g. bottles thrown
at riot-helmeted police) fits a crime narrative. Any racial dynamics underpinning the shooting or its aftermath are unexplored.
Percent
objectified
Percent
subjectified
Percent
neither
Source type
Official
Non-official
458
161
59.8
1.2
19.7
57.8
20.5
41.0
Claim type
Supportive
Contradictory
436
183
58.7
10.9
21.1
49.7
20.2
39.3
Source/claim subtypes
Official supportive
Official contradictory
Non-official supportive
Non-official contradictory
416
42
20
141
61.5
42.9
0.0
1.4
20.0
16.7
45.0
59.6
18.5
40.5
55.0
39.0
Type of claim/source
Notes: N = 619. Chi-square test results show that all non-overlapping groups exhibit statistically
significant differences in the portions of objectified and subjectified claims (p < .001).
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The first excerpt recounts the death of Tyisha Miller, who was reportedly
unconscious in her car with a gun in her lap when police fired 27 shots at
her. Though repudiative claims predominate, they are marked as subjective.
In this excerpt, the eyewitness is personalized twice (another of Millers
cousins and Anthonete Joiner, 18)and further subjectified with quotation marks. In the second example, by contrast, the anonymous official
source is an afterthought. Quotation marks and actors and claimants
names are all absent.
Expurgation of victims
We separately enumerated the accentuation or dramatization of crimes that
led to the police encounter, other information that taints victims, and unrelated criminal history. Overall, 26 percent manifested expurgation through
descriptions of pre-encounter crimes or criminal history, 19 percent through
derogating the victim as a person, and 17.1 percent through both means
(62 percent total).
Most articles (56.2 percent) mention crimes committed by the victims
leading up to their police encounter, generally in the first paragraph (40 percent)
or headline (32.4 percent). Although 35 percent of these comments were
not coded as expurgation, early references to the crime leading to the
police encounter are an entry point for the reader. Against this context,
police actions more often appear legally justified (Cerulo, 1998). Mentions
of criminal history (24.8 percent) are less innocuous, often introducing a
vigilante subtext. As shown by the following excerpt from the New York
Daily News article above, noting a victims criminal background and the
dearth of effective legal responses (and gratuitous reference to a box cutter and a putatively violent drug) fits better with vigilante than due process
narratives:
The person [who] was shot has 21 convictions or arrests and hes only
30 years old, Giuliani said. He had on him a box cutter, a crack pipe and
stolen property. It appears as if the police officers were justified in what
they did.
(New York Daily News, 19 August 1999, p. 8)
This shooting of a man who, like Diallo, was unarmed and had no
known history of violence, occurred during persistent public outcry over
the Diallo case. Except for brief mention of ballistic evidence supporting
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There is little doubt that the actively voiced series of actions in the fourth
sentence imputes agency to the officer. However, when situated in the
broader context of the article, it becomes clear that this statement does not
incriminate the officer. Rather, centering on the officer and his actions casts
him as the protagonist and unfolds the story from his point of view. This
purpose is achieved not only through active voicing and inclusive imagery
but also through describing the victims weapon through the officers eyes, as
an unknown object, rather than objectively as a (non-lethal) can of mace.
Another reason that active voicing, as in the above example, does little
to delegitimize shootings is that lethal police acts are generally depicted as
a direct reaction to a threat. Of the articles relying more on the active
voice, 65.2 percent are better described as mostly reactive. A prototypical
example is, When he turned and pointed a gun at them, the officers
opened fire.
Grouping passive and reactive voicing alters the basic pattern. Of the 102
articles that use verbs to describe police actions, 72.5 percent rely primarily
on passive/reactive voice, and only 22.5 percent describe the police primarily as acting upon victims (5 percent do both equally).
Activation of the victim
In sharp contrast, articles overwhelmingly activate victims. Nearly 98 percent
describe victims actions allegedly provoking their deaths in the active voice,
and 2.2 percent rely primarily on the reactive voice. We uncovered no instances
in which activation casts victims as protagonists.
Interactions among strategies
The observed symbolic techniques interact in complex ways, alternately
reinforcing, counterbalancing, and overlapping each other. Understanding
the role and success of these strategies in legitimating or de-legitimating
requires more consideration of patterns that span multiple strategies.
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Although the first words direct attention and agency to the police officers,
this is offset by the grammatical activation of the victim. Grammatical passivization of the officers (was tackled) furthers the transfer of agency to
the victim. The act of shooting the victim is reactive, and the victim is the
only person given agency in his death (he collapsed and died). Moreover,
his death is temporally and spatially dissociated from the shooting.
Before this excerpt, the piece relays the police claim that a woman yelled
that the man had a knife. This article never verifies the existence of the
woman or the knife (nor do any subsequent articles). Yet this tenuous claim
grounds the rationalization of the killing, the victims lunging at officers. A
subjectified knife claim may raise questions as to if, how, and why the victim lunged, casting doubt on the shootings justification.
Readers are provided little basis to question the police version, because it
is divorced from the social actors and interactions that produced it. Some
police claims are not labeled as such, and police and investigators are the
only cited sources. Moreover, the victims lunging at an officerthe most
critical element of the due process narrativeemanates solely from the
journalists authoritative voice. Shoring up this tenuous legal justification,
back-up vigilante imagery enters the scene. Helping to neutralize the death
of this essentialized villainous other, the piece relays investigators claims
that the would-be auto thief exhibited erratic and violent behavior and
possessed suspected crack cocaine.
Before and after Diallo
Next, we examine whether the framing and construction of deadly force
shifted in the aftermath of Diallos death. The five Diallo articles were
replaced with five randomly selected articles from the sampling pool.
During the pre-Diallo period, sampled articles, following crime reporting
conventions, rarely reported victims race. Only three of the 50 pre-Diallo
articles did so and two stated ethnicity (Latino). In three separate articles,
mentions of civil rights marches and lawsuits likely encouraged readers to
impute these characteristics and may have evoked the image of the police
oppressor. But, civil rights images and themes were generally overridden
by official narratives that rationalized shootings and expurgated and
Post-Diallo news stories more often pursued a race angle, in part, due to
changing patterns of newsworthy events. Police killings fell from 369 in
1998 to 308 and 309 in 1999 and 2000, respectively, before climbing back
to 378 in 2001 (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2002). Incidents that
occurred during the firestorm over Diallo may have generated more newsworthy reactions from political and investigative officials and non-officials.
Accordingly, the share of post-Diallo news articles that centered on the incident itself declined from 68 percent of the pre-Diallo sample to 50 percent
post-Diallo. Likewise, follow-up stories focused on ensuing investigations,
trials, and protests jumped from 22 percent pre- to 42 post-Diallo.
Topical shifts, reflective of objective historical developments or not,
reshape the overall symbolic construction of deadly force. When lethal
police actions are actual or potential foci of political controversy, other
sources besides police press releases are needed to craft the news. Accordingly,
as Table 4 shows, three strategies to legitimize police shootingsrationalization,
expurgation of victims, and passivization/reactivation of policesignificantly
declined in the two years post-Diallo. The mean number of pro-police strategies also fell significantly during the post-Diallo period, especially during the
first six months.6
Perhaps a more theoretically compelling question, however, is whether
the Diallo incident changed how articles on a particular topic constructed
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Pre-Diallo (N = 50)
Post-Diallo (N = 50)
Individual strategies
Rationalization
Repudiation
Expurgation (victim)
Expurgation (officer)
Inclusion (victim)
Inclusion (officer)
Anonymity of the officer
Euphemization
Dysphemization
78.0
32.0
74.0
24.0
24.0
14.0
58.0
50.0
6.0
62.0*
34.0
56.0*
8.0**
28.0
20.0
66.0
46.0
6.0
Multi-strategy pattern
Violent officer actiona
Passive/reactive dominant
Active dominant
81.6
16.3
66.7*
25.0
3.86
(1.1)
1.04
(1.2)
413.78
(267.87)
3.26**
(1.6)
1.06
(0.9)
476.98
(289.9)
Total strategies
Mean number of pro-strategies
Mean number of counter-strategies
Mean length
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176
177
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Location
Atlanta, Georgia
Boston, Massachusetts
Boston, Massachusetts
Chicago, Illinois
Columbus, Ohio
New York, New York
Denver, Colorado
Houston, Texas
Milwaukee, Wisconsin
New York, New York
Omaha, Nebraska
Portland, Oregon
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania
Denver, Colorado
San Diego, California
San Francisco, California
Seattle, Washington
St. Louis, Missouri
St. Petersburg, Florida
Minneapolis, Minnesota
Tampa, Florida
New Orleans, Louisiana
The District of Columbia
Frequency
9
3
1
6
2
10
6
4
3
14
5
2
4
6
2
1
2
8
3
1
3
1
9
105
References
Barak, Gregg (1994) Between the Waves: Mass Mediated Themes of Crime and
Justice, Social Justice 21(3): 13347.
Beckett, Katherine (1997) Making Crime Pay: Law and Order in Contemporary
American Politics. New York: Oxford University Press.
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