Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
of SOCIAL PHilOSOPHY,
Ignoring the systemic and interlocking nature of what I call complex systems of domination (e.g., racism, ableism, sexism, anti-Semitism, or homophobia) has misleading consequences. When the effects of sexism, for
example, are not understood macroscopically as the products of systemic
injustices, they are understood microscopically as the exclusive problems
of particular women who have made bad choices, have poor attitudes, are
too sensitive, or who are overreacting to a random incident. Failure to examine sexism, homophobia, racism, and anti-Semitism as harms produced
by systematically related forces and barriers blurs the distinction between
harm and oppression.
For oppression to be useful as a concept, Frye argues, the differences
between harm and oppression need to be sharpened. All persons who are
oppressed are in some way harmed, but not all persons who are harmed
are oppressed. Men who cannot cry in public or whites who are ineligible
for minority loan programs may feel harmed by these restrictions, but they
are not oppressed. The gender roles which make public tearfulness inappropriate for men are unfair and may indeed be harmful to men's emotional well-being, but there is no network of forces or barriers which says
both crying and not crying are unacceptable and that to do either is to expose oneself to "penalty, censure or deprivation" (1983,2). Similarly, whites
who are ineligible for loan programs designated for racial or ethnic minority applicants are only oppressed if there are no other reasonable means of
securing a loan open to them. If whites are eligible for a variety of existing
loan options, having one avenue closed to them may feel unfair, but it does
not meilIl they are oppressed in Frye's sense of the word. Whites who find
options for financing their education severely limited may be oppressed by
their class, but not by their race. There is nothing in these cases to suggest
racial barriers or forces that leave loan-seeking whites optionless.
Since oppression is a structural phenomenon that devalues the work,
experiences, and voices of members of marginalized social groups, it might
be said that oppression is experienced by persons because they are members
of particular social groups. In the language of Frye's cage metaphor: "The
'inhabitant' of the 'cage' is not an individual but a group .... Thus, to recognize a person as oppressed, one has to see that individual as belonging to a
group of a certain sort" (1983, 8). Before turning to my analysis of the concept of privilege, I wish to make two important comments regarding Frye's
observations about group membership and its role in systems of oppression. First, because individuals are rarely members of one community, oppression is not a unified phenomenon. Group differences in race/ ethnicity,
sexual orientation, gender, or class cut across individual lives to the point
that privilege and oppression are often experienced simultaneously. The
felt experience of oppression of a working-class white woman, for example,
will be different than the felt oppression experienced by a middle-class
African American male. Because of the complexity of these intersections,
Iris Young argues that to be oppressed persons must experience at least
one or a combination of as many as five conditions: economic exploitation, social/cultural marginalization, political powerlessness, cultural
imperialism, and violence (1990,48-63). The double-bind may be a characteristic of an individual's experiences of oppression, but it is not the
defining feature. Both Frye and Young, I think, would argue that the
strength of the bind depends upon which of these oppressive conditions
are present in a person's life, how many conditions are present, how
long they are present, and whether the individual is privileged in ways
that might weaken or mediate the binds.
Next, to say that women are oppressed as members of the group women,
or that lesbians are oppressed as lesbians, or that African Americans, Cherokees, or Chicano/as are oppressed as members of particular racial-ethnic
group suggests that sexism, heterosexism, and racism require identifiable
sexes, sexual orientations, and racial-ethnic groups. Yet to understand how
oppression is experienced by these marginalized groups, it is not necessary
for social groups to have fixed boundaries. In fact understanding the systemic nature of oppression requires just the opposite: it requires that one
understand how the lack of a rigid definition of social groups is part of
complex systems of domination. One of the features of priviiege is the ability of dominant groups to construct, define, and control the construction of
categories. In the United States, for example, the invention of the category
"white" illustrates how systems of oppression are held in place by purposely unstable racial categories. The word "white" began appearing in
legal documents around 1680 as a direct result of legislation enforcing the
hereditary bond servitude of Negroes, antimiscegenation laws, and new
anti-Negro attitudes. In time, the idea of a homogeneous "white" race was
adopted as a political means of generating cohesion among European explorers, traders, migrants. and settlers of eighteenth-century North America.
The borders constructed between races have never been static. Racial borders are well guarded but intentionally porous: the political nature racial
classification requires that these borders be redrawn as patterns of immigration challenge them and new candidates for whiteness arise. Racial designations, then, historically shift to preserve power and privilege of those
who have the authority to define who counts as white.
2. The View From Outside of the Birdcage:
derous at worst, should not be thought of as desirable (1988,77). The etymology of the word "privilege" helps to clarify my use of privilege as unearned advantages conferred systematically."Privilege" itselfis derived from
the Latin privilegium, a law or bill in favor of or against an individual, from
priv-us, meaning private, individual, or peculiar, and from lex, or law. So,
privilege literally means private or individual law. 4 As one legal definition
holds: "Privileges are special rights belonging to the individual or class,
and not to the mass."s The etymological roots of privilege as private law or
special rights reveals the worrisome nature of privilege. Historically,to have
a privilege meant to have a right or immunity granting a peculiar benefit,
advantage, or favor, such as a right or an immunity attached to a particular
position or office. The exemption of ambassadors and members of Congress from arrest while going to, returning from, or attending to their public duties is an example of this. Here, having privilege means that holders
of particular officessuch as queen, police officer,senator, judge, parliamentarian, or bishop are either exempt from the usual operations of public law
or accountable to a less formal set of private laws (sometimes of their own
making) or both. In this sense to have a privilege means that a particular
individual, like the president of the United States, or a specific group, say
members of the Senate, are exempt from particular burdens or liabilities of
public law (e.g.,having to pay their parking tickets); their activities are governed by an individual or private set of immunity-granting rules. If the
contemporary connotations of privilege strike us as too positive, then surely
the denotations reveal the disturbing origins of this term.
Second, since exemptions and benefits of offices are sometimes understood as arbitrary favoritism, privilege in this sense has pejorative
connotations; but it could be argued that some exemptions, and thus
some privilege, is justified. For example, it is reasonable to grant ambulance drivers immunity from speeding laws, since emergency care requires getting to the hospital as quickly as possible. In this sense paramedics may be said to have special rights in the sense that they are granted
temporary immunity from speeding laws while they are on duty. The
extension of privilege to particular practices such as ambulance driving,
which enable emergency care to continue efficiently, are generally regarded as justifiable. However, by most standards of fairness it is not
justifiable to grant immunities to persons simply because they are perceived to be white, heterosexual, or male. Laws granting immunities to
individuals because they are perceived to be members of dominant
groups, if they can be justified at all, certainly ought not to be justified
on the grounds that these private laws are needed for members of dominant racial or economic groups to move through the world safely at the
expense of others.
Dominant group privilege is a particular class of unearned benefits and
immunities enjoyed by individuals who, by moral luck, belong to groups
with race, heterosexual, gender, or class privilege. I refer to groups such as
men, whites, and heterosexuals as dominant not because of their numbers,
but by virtue of the fact that historically their lives and experiences define
the standards for what is deemed valuable or "normal." Dominant group
privileges can, as I have argued, also be extended to individuals outside of
these groups. Dominant group privilege is established partly through legislation and public policy but also through informal and subtle expressions
of speech, bodily reactions and gestures, malicious stereotypes, aesthetic
judgments, and media images. In this way pnvilege is systematically created and culturally reinforced.
My third point is that one of the functions of privilege is to structure the
world so that mechanisms of privilege are invisible-in the sense that they
are unexamined-to those who benefit from them. What Frye's birdcage
metaphor does for oppression, Peggy McIntosh's invisible knapsack and
Jona Olsson's computer metaphor do for privilege.6 The systemic and
unexamined nature of what it means to have dominant group privilege is
made clearer by McIntosh's metaphor of the "invisible knapsack." White
privilege, she argues:
[is] an mvisible package of unearned assets that I can count on cashing in
each day, but about wluch I was "meant" to remain oblivious. White privilege is like an invisible weightless knapsack of special provisions, assurances, tools, maps, guides, code books, passports, visas, clothes, compass, emergency gear, and blank checks. (1988,71)
Being able to publicly show affection for one's partner without fear
of public harm or hostility.
Being assured that most people will approve of one's relationship.
Not having to self-censor gender pronouns when talking about
one's partner.
The wild card quality of privilege points to the possibility that dominant group privilege is more complex than simple immunities from the
systemic barriers of which Frye speaks. Members of dominant groups not
only receive benefits from the default options and knapsack tools they use
to maneuver themselves around barriers, they also receive additional benefits. Barriers are put in place with the intention of creating privilege,
but it is here that we encounter the limits of Frye's barrier metaphor. The
collective package of privileges given to members of dominant groups
takes two distinct forms: negative privilege, which can be understood simply as the absence of barriers, and, positive privilege. which can be understood as the presence of additional perks that cannot be described in
terms of immunities alone.
The distinction between positive and negative privilege is not merely
two ways of expressing the same phenomenon. I first became aware of this
distinction during a conversation I had with a young white male student in
my "Introduction to Women's Studies" class. Once he became aware of the
unearned aspects of his male privilege, this student was eager use it in politically useful ways. He suggested that one way to do this would be to
accompany women on a Take Back the Night March, a historically womenonly demonstration against sexual violence. Since men can go out at night
with little risk of sexual assault, he reasoned, he might use this unearned
privilege to, in his words, "protect the women as they marched." What this
student had in mind, no doubt, was to exercise his role as protector to defend the marching women against members of his gender with predatory
leanings. In other words, he wanted to use his privileged protector status in
a way that supported feminist projects.
But, it might be objected, what is wrong with wanting to use male privilege to help women and girls demonstrate for their right to safe access to
the streets at night? Shouldn't our male allies use privilege to open up opportunities for women and to advance feminist causes? Certainly, in some
cases persons with privilege should actively seek ways of using privilege
supportively, but this is not one of them. The purpose of Take Back the
Night Marches is to give women and girls the opportunity to reclaim the
night in ways that do not rely on male protection. On a practical level, when
male protectors step in, the symbolism of the march is undermined; with
male protection the marchers no longer experience the autonomy and empowerment which come with walking around at night and feeling safe.
On a theoretical level, the problem is that the gendered roles of both
"protector" and "predatoe' are the products of the ideology of hetero-patriarchal dominance. The student fails to understand how the protector role
that heterosexual male privilege grants him is the product of the systemic
nature of heterosexism; that is, the benefits of the protector role depend on
and cannot be secured independently of the heterosexual paradigm which
cast women in male-serving subordinate roles. As Sarah Hoagland argues,
Maria Lugones has challenged Frye's account and Marxist accounts of oppression that
leave oppressed groups in the discouraging position of the double-bind. In response
to these theories she suggest a more liberatory "contradictory desiderata" for oppression theory which rests on embracing a pluralist notion of the self. See "Structure
and Anti-Structure: Agency under OppreSSion," The Journal of Philosophy, 88:10 (October 1990),p. 500.
2 See Joel Feinberg, Social Philosophy, Englewood Cliffs, N.J,: Prentice Hall, 1963,pp. 58-59,
and Black's Law Dictionary, 6th ed., St. Paul, Minn.: West Publishing, 1990,pp. 1197-98.
My remarks follow Feinberg's examples here.
I
would have been very different because reputation and respect have different values
for women. As Frye explains: "Being rational, righteous, and [law abiding] ... do for
some of us some of the time buy a ticket to a higher level of material well-being than we
might otherwise be permitted .... But the reason, right, and rules are not of our own
making; white men may welcome our whiteIiness as an endorsement of their own values and as an expression of our loyalty to them (that is, as proof of their power over us),
and because it makes us good helpmates to them, but if our whiteIiness commands any
respect, it is only in the sense that a woman who is chaste and obedient is
called ..."respectable. " See Frye "White Woman Feminist," Willful Virgin: Essays in Feminism., Freedom, Calif.: Crossing Press, 1992,p. 161.
Frye, Marilyn. The Politics of Reality. Freedom, Calif.: Crossing Press, 1983,1-16.
---.
"White Woman Feminist." In Willful Virgin: Essays in
Feminism. Freedom,
Calif.: Crossing Press, 1992, 147-69.
Hacker, Andrew. Two Nations: Black and White, Separate, Hostile and Unequal. New York:
Scribner's, 1992.
Hoagland, Sarah. Lesbian Ethics: Toward New Value. Palo Alto, Calif.: Institute of Lesbian
Studies, 1988.
McIntosh, Peggy. "White Privilege and Male Privilege: A Personal Account of Coming
to See Correspondences Through Work in Women's Studies." In Race, Class and
Gender: An Anthology, eds. Margaret L. Andersen and Patricia Hill Collins. N.Y.:
Wadsworth, 1991.
Moraga, Cherrie. Loving in the War Years, Lo Que Nunca Paso por Sus Labios, Boston: South
End Press, 1983.
Young, Iris Marion. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990.