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Home Type E-journal, Language/Literature, Research Symposium Early Reperformances of Drama in the Fifth Century
1 Comment
Introduction
11 When we think of the three classical tragedians we usually picture them as writing, directing, or even performing their own plays, not as
supervising the re-performances of their own work. The beginning of reperformances of drama is traditionally placed in 387/6 BC for tragedies and in
340/39 BC for comedies.[1] But reperformances were common from as early as the fifth century and are one of the most understudied fields of
classical scholarship. Investigating them can improve our understanding of middle- and late-fifth-century dramatic production, since issues such as
the theatrical knowledge and awareness of the audience, as well as the dramatic interaction of the playwrights can be considered from fresh
perspectives.
12 The aim of this paper is to reconsider the epigraphical and literary evidence for reperformances, to challenge the orthodoxy that they began in
the fourth century, and to demonstrate the existence of a reperformative culture, vibrant in Italy, Attica, and possibly Athens, from the early fifth
century. First, I will investigate the existing testimonies about the reperformances of Aeschylus; then I will examine evidence, scarcely discussed,
about formal or informal reperformances supervised by the poets themselves; in the last part of my paper, I will evaluate the evidence and propose a
theory about the beginning and the development of reperformances in the fifth century.
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Athenians were interested in restaging the Aeschylean plays, since, according to the decree, reperformances did happen and furnished Aeschylus
with new, posthumous victories.
The Acharnians scholion
24 A scholion on Acharnians 10 repeats the idea that reperformances took place only for Aeschylus, as a token of immense honor:
, .
Aeschylus received the ultimate honor from the Athenians, and only his dramas continued to be produced even after his death, according to
a joint decree.
25 emphatically asserts that only Aeschylus dramas were reperformed after his death; is the scholiast saying that only Aeschylus
plays were staged posthumously, or that only Aeschylus plays were reperformed as the consequence of a decree, which might mean that
Aeschylus plays initiated the tradition of reperformances? The latter option seems more likely. The decree, as well as the scholion, is concerned
with the beginning of reperformances. Only Aeschylus plays were decided to be reperformed upon demand, and after a joint decree. Perhaps the
scholion points to the fact that Aeschylus death was one of the reasons for putting the reperformances of Aeschylean tragedy in a different status.
Posthumous revivals, happening obviously without the supervision of the poet, had to be somehow formulized.
Quintilians Institutio Oratoria
26 Quintilian brings up a new element of the reperformances tradition. According to him (Institutio Oratoria 10.1.66), posthumous victories of
Aeschylus took place only after the plays were revised:
tragoedias primus in lucem Aeschylus protulit, sublimis et gravis et grandiloquus saepe usque ad vitium, sed rudis in plerisque et
incompositus: propter quod correctas eius fabulas in certamen deferre posterioribus poetis Athenienses permiserunt, suntque eo modo multi
coronati.
As to Tragedy, it was Aeschylus who first brought it into the world; lofty, dignified, and grandiloquent often almost to a fault, he is however
often crude and lacking polish; hence the Athenians allowed later poets to enter revised versions of his plays in the competitions, and many
won the crown in this fashion.[8]
27 In Quintilians account, the plays revisions by later poets are presented as something that led to their own victories. Quintilian mentions no
decree and attributes the plays restagings to Aeschylus important role in the evolution of the genre. The Athenians part in the procedure is also
presented differently. According to Quintilian, Aeschylean reperformances were happening more because of the Athenians tolerance (permisere)
towards later poets competing by restaging Aeschylean plays, than because of their decision to launch a series of honorary restagings of the works
of Aeschylus.
Philostratus Life of Apollonius
28 In Philostratus, the Athenians motive to honor Aeschylus is clearer. In the Life of Apollonius (6.11), Apollonius presents Aeschylus important
contributions to the tragic genre. Having discussed Aeschylus accomplishments, he then writes as following:
, ,
.
Hence the Athenians considered him the father of tragedy and even after his death they invited him to the Great Dionysia, for, according to
their vote, the dramas of Aeschylus were reperformed and won victories anew.
29 According to Philostratus, the Athenians decided to restage Aeschylus dramas when they began regarding him as the father of tragedy. What
first strikes us is the use of the verb . The semantic field of in the active revolves around its basic significance as to call, with LSJ giving
the meanings of I. summon, 2. call to ones house or to a repast, invite, 3. invoke, II. call by name, name.[9] All the above meanings would involve
the Athenians literally calling or inviting Aeschylus to the Great Dionysia as if he was still alive. What is especially interesting is a later meaning (third
century AD) according to which, when takes an abstract subject, it acquires the meaning of demand, require.[10] The example given by LSJ
comes from papyrus fragments,[11] which are close to Philostratus chronologically. It gives a nuance of demand to enhance the meaning of in
Philostratus. The Athenians invited dead Aeschylus at the Dionysia, demanding him to repeat his old practice of wowing the crowds. And he actually
did: he returned, back from the dead, and won new victories.
210 This brings us to . In general (sc. ) means anew, afresh.[12] is also used with reference to the
representation of new tragedies and comedies, as for example in Aeschines 3.34, . While might show that
old, successful performances were winning anew, and its common use for new plays could point to plays that were not successful when they
were first performed, but were better received when reperformed. Those alleged, posthumous victories, have been used by some ancient
commentators in order to explain the numerical inconsistency between the number of victories attributed to Aeschylus in the Vita and the Suda.[13]
Probably the new victories attributed to Aeschylus post mortem could fit both categories of successful restagings of previously unsuccessful plays
and new victories of already well-received performances.
Aristophanes Acharnians
211 Information that we have consulted so far consists of the transmission of the indirect knowledge that the composer of the Vita, or of the Scholia,
or Quintilian, or Philostratus, had regarding Aeschylean reperformances. What we are about to consult, the Aristophanic text, will provide the first
information from someone who could have witnessed reperformances directly. Indeed, Aristophanes could have supervised reperformances of his
own plays.
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212 In Acharnians 8-11, Dicaeopolis describes the disappointment he felt when, in a past theatrical festival, he saw a play by Theognis, although he
was expecting one by Aeschylus:
,
,
, , .
;
But then I had another pain, quite tragic: when I was waiting open-mouthed for Aeschylus, the announcer cried, Theognis, bring your chorus
on! How do you think that made my heart quake?[14]
213 The situation described involves an impatient spectator, Dicaeopolis, who was looking forward to an Aeschylean (re)performance, but instead
witnessed the sudden appearance of a chorus by Theognis. Given that Theognis was a contemporary of Euripides[15] and that Dicaeopolis could not
have been referring to a time when Aeschylus competed with Theognis, this is prima facie evidence that the Athenians of this period could attend
performances of Aeschylean plays, some three decades after his death: prima facie evidence, that is, of a reperformance culture.[16]
Aristophanes Frogs
214 A reperformance-oriented reading of Acharnians 8-11 is in accordance with lines 865-869 of Frogs.
. ; , .
.
.
.
. ,
,
, .
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32 Nothing of Phrynichus drama has survived; for whatever reason,[22] Phrynichus reminder of the was so upsetting that it should not
be repeated. When describing the prohibition, Herodotus uses , a verb whose range of meanings is enormous.[23] In our case, I believe that
the meaning evolves around the concept of make use of, and it is very telling regarding the routine of dramatic reperformances in the early fifth
century. The phrasing makes sense only if there were a culture of reperformances and a number of people interested in putting the play back on
stage; in combination with implies that there were actually a number of people that might potentially restage the play, none of whom
was allowed to.
Aeschylus directing a reperformance of Persians at Syracuse
33 At around the same period, Aeschylus is reported to have set up a reperformance of the Persians in Sicily. The text of the Vita[24] reads as
follows:
.
They say that Aeschylus was given the honour by Hieron of re-performing his Persai in Sicily, and he was greatly admired.[25]
34 If this happened, we should place it before the death of Hieron in 467 BC. The scholia on Frogs 1028 report that this information goes back to
Eratosthenes:
,
.
This version of the Persians is believed to have been directed by Aeschylus, in Syracuse, Hieron being eager <that the play be directed by
Aeschylus>, according to Eratosthenes in book 3 of On Comedy.[26]
35 The scholiast here provides this information as part of a claim about the existence of two versions of the Persians, one containing, the other not
containing, the death of Dareius.[27] Such a possibility is highly unlikely and elsewhere unattested, and hence is not part of this discussion. What is
important to our investigation is the fact that the evidence on the reperformance of the Persians in Syracuse now goes back to Eratosthenes. As
Taplin says, the re-performance at Syracuse is not, then, a historical certainty, but it is attributed to a serious historian of literature and it is not
inherently implausible.[28] The majority of scholars agree that a performance of the Persians in Syracuse is highly probable.[29] It has even been
suggested that this performance might have been the premire.[30] As will be shown in the following discussion, a performance of Persians in Sicily,
whether a premire or a reperformance, can only add to the evidence of fifth-century reperformance tradition.
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vvv
vvv
vacat
Socrates dedicated.
Euripides was director.
Tragic chorusmembers[45] vv <were> Amphidemus
Python vvvvv Euthydicus
Echecles vvv Lysias
Menacles vv Sn
Philocrates Critodemus
Echyllus vvv Charias
Meletus vvv Phaedon
Emporion vacat
314 This inscription commemorates a fifth-century theatrical contest in Anagyrous, where Socrates was the choregos, Euripides the director, and
the list of the fourteen demesmen of Anagyrous[46] were the members of the chorus. As in the previous case, it is not clear whether Euripides was
directing a premiere or a reperformance.
Conclusion
41 My paper evolves around the discussion of two groups of evidence. The first group of evidence contains references to the reperformances of
Aeschylus that we frequently come across, drawing from his Vita, the Scholia, Quintilian, Philostratus, and Aristophanes. The second group
encompasses information for performances or reperformances, of all the dramatists, as attested in Herodotus, the Scholia, inscriptions, and Aelian. I
hope it is by now clear that the Vita of Aeschylus and what we have traditionally been treating as some of the most characteristic evidence for
reperformances, seem just a limited segment of a long tradition that spreads chronologically throughout the fifth century, and geographically,
throughout Attica and Italy. These reperformances must have been organized upon informal occasions (a tyrant, say, in Sicily was celebrating the
foundation of a new city), but also, in the context of the Rural Dionysia. In the Rural Dionysia, we should certainly expect reperformances, but perhaps
also premires, or revisions of plays already presented in the City Dionysia.
42 All those theatrical and performative variants seem to share a single principle: they entail performances that were supervised by the poets
themselves (Aeschylus directed -- in Sicily, Sophocles and Aristophanes in Eleusis, Euripides in Peiraeus). Information on the alleged
decree on reperformances, whether accurate or not, might reflect a tendency to formalize a practice, to transfer the responsibility of the
organization of the reperformances from the poet to the citizen-body. Even if the decree on reperformances was constructed later than the fifth
century, a sort of canonization of reperformances after Aeschylus death might still have happened. The inscriptions on the deme festivals leave no
doubt regarding a performance culture beyond the Athenian borders. Testimonies of reperformances are for the fifth century indirect, yet enough to
construct a likely scenario about one of the most critical, though most undeservingly underrated aspects of fifth-century theater.
* I would like to express my gratitude to the audience at the Center for Hellenic Studies Research Symposium (Spring 2014) for all their comments
and feedback, and especially to Professors Gregory Nagy, Angelos Chaniotis, and Luca Giuliani, for their constructive criticism. My thankfulness also
goes to Patrick Finglass for his illuminating comments.
[1] According to the Didaskaliae (IG II2 2318 lines 202203 and 317318 respectively). For discussion, see Wilson 2000:33n58; Pickard-Cambridge
2003:99100.
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Very interesting paper about an aspect of the representation of the tragedies usually not very thorough, with selected sources giving to the whole
great value. Thank you
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