Khronos, Cronos, and The Cronion Hill The Spatialization of

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Home Type E-journal, Language/Literature, Research Symposium Khronos, Cronos, and the Cronion Hill: The Spatialization of Time in Pindars Olympian 10
Khronos, Cronos, and the Cronion Hill: The Spatialization of Time in Pindars Olympian 10
August 22, 2014 Posted by Maria Pavlou under E-journal, Language/Literature, Research Symposium
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Pavlou, Maria. Khronos, Cronos, and the Cronion Hill: The Spatialization of Time in Pindars Olympian 10. CHS Research Bulletin 2, no. 2 (2014).
http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:hlnc.essay:PavlouM.Chronos_Kronos_and_the_Kronion_Hill.2014
The mountain sat upon the plain

In his eternal chair,
His observation omnifold,
His inquest everywhere.
The seasons prayed around his knees,
Like children round a sire:
Grandfather of the days is he,
Of dawn the ancestor.
E. Dickinson, The Mountain
1 Olympian 10 celebrates Hagesidamus, a boy wrestler from Western Locri who won his victory in 476 BCE.[1] From Pindars apologetic style at the
opening of the poem, and his promise to pay back his overdue debt with interest (), it becomes clear that there must have been some delay in
composing the ode. The tardiness of the poem, the historicity of which should be taken at face-value and not merely as a toposnotwithstanding its
touch of poetic exaggerationis explicable if we take into account that the Olympiad of 476 BCE proved victorious also for Hieron of Syracuse and
Theron of Acragas for whom Pindar composed three elaborate and quite extensive epinicians: Olympian 1, and Olympians 2, and 3 respectively.[2]
The chronological proximity of these odes is significant, for it accounts for a number of similarities they share, not only in terms of the mythical
centrepiece, but also in their reverberations vis--vis the notion of time.
2 Khronos holds a central and pivotal place in Olympian 10, an ode that Hubbard aptly characterized as an orchestrated reflection upon the nature
of time.[3] My intention, though, is not to provide a detailed and extensive overall analysis of Pindars treatment of time in this poem, but rather, to
focus my attention on a specific excerpt which, as I will attempt to demonstrate, promotes an association between Khronos and the primeval God
Cronos. This association is noteworthy not only with reference to Pindars handling of time per se, but also because it could shed light upon other
contemporary or roughly contemporary representations of time, such as the ones found in Pherecydes of Syros and the Derveni Papyrus. In fact, it is
not irrelevant that Olympian 10, along with Olympian 2, have often been cited as evidence by a number of scholars in order to either bolster or refute
the role played by time in the above mentioned texts. Heretofore there has been no systematic attempt to approach the Cronos/Khronos issue in
Olympian 10 in more depth, taking into account both the wider context of the ode and Pindars overall attitude towards time. The current article is
offered as a contribution towards this direction.
3 The songs mythical section dwells upon a foundation story: the institution of the quadrennial Olympic festival by Heracles.[4] Heracles arrives at
http://wp.chs.harvard.edu/chs-fellows/2014/08/22/khronos-cronos-and-the-cronion-hill/
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Elis in order to perform the most disgraceful and humiliating of his Labors; to clean the dung from the byres of Augeas, the king of Elis.[5] Unwilling to
compensate him for his menial services, Augeas assigns Cteatus and Eurytus, the sons of his brother Actor also referred to in the poem with the
eponym Moliones, to prevent the hero from acquiring his wager.[6] Heracles, however, ambushes the Moliones near Cleonae and, after killing them,
destroys Elis with his army and gathers together all the booty at Pisa. There he wholeheartedly engages in a series of activities that radically
transform the landscape of Olympia: he plots out a precinct for Zeus, makes a resting place for banqueting, builds six double altars for the ruling
gods, and honors the river Alpheus by dedicating an altar to him.[7] Finally, he names the hill of Cronos:

,
,

, ,
.

.
(4355)
Thereupon, Zeus valiant son gathered the entire army

and all the booty at Pisa,
and measured out a sacred precinct for his father
mostly mighty. He fenced in the Altis and set it apart
in the open, and he made the surrounding plain
a resting place for banqueting,
and honored the stream of Alpheos
along with the twelve ruling gods. And he gave the hill
of Cronos its name, because before that it had none,
when during Oinomaos reign, it was drenched
with much snow. And at that founding ceremony
the Fates stood near at hand,
as did the sole assayer of genuine truth,
Time.[8]
4 This is a dense and complex passage and it is no wonder that Pindar saves for it a place exactly in the middle of the ode. Through his actions
Heracles transforms the undesignated space of Olympia into a place, namely into space loaded with cultural and social meaning. The way in which
Heracles activities are flagged, which is both clipped and freewheeling, speeds the narrative up thus evoking a feeling of urgency which tallies with
the time of the story, considering that all these activities were completed within a single day.[9] Pindar rounds off this vignette in a grandiloquent
way, declaring that present during the founding ceremony were the Moirai and Khronos. What merits particular attention is that these figures are not
depicted as mere onlookers leisurely observing the ceremony from afar, but as overseers of the ongoing mystery. Their presiding over the
is heightened through the use of the verb and the adverb , both of which indicate their spatial proximity and
serve to gloss them as concrete entities, thus probing a feeling of marvelous sublimity (mira sublimitas).[10] The reference to Khronos and the
Moirai is overlaid with a number of adjectives that slow down the narrative in a way that chimes well with the stillness of the image evoked.
5 As far as the Moirai are concerned, their presence is not difficult to explain, considering that Heracles ritual embraces a number of births: the
birth of Olympia as a sanctuary dedicated to Zeus, the birth of the Olympic games, even the birth of the Cronion Hill, insofar as naming could
be seen as a kind of coming into being.[11] The presence of Khronos, on the other hand, defies easy interpretation not least because Khronos was
not a birth deity. Moreover, whenever personified, Khronos in Pindar is typically portrayed in actioneither moving or performing some other kind of
activity.[12] This is the only instance where Khronos is emphatically depicted standing still, a particularity that gains in significance if we take into
account that in Olympian 10 Khronos is twice portrayed in movement. The first such instance occurs at the proemium, where Pindar explains how
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Khronos, approaching from afar, has shamed his indebtedness:

(78)
For what was then the future has approached from afar
and shamed my deep indebtedness.
The second instance is to be found in the line immediately following the passage under discussion, where Pindar declares that moving forwards
Khronos revealed the truth about the foundation of the Olympic games:
X. ,

(5559)[13]
ime. Moving forwards it clearly revealed

how Herakles divided up that gift of war
and offered up its best portion,
and how he then founded
the quadrennial festival with the first Olympiad
and its victories.
Finally, the accumulation of the adjectives ,[14] , , and the evocation of the notions of firstness, uniqueness, and
genuineness, as well as the particle , which here expresses a lively feeling of interest in what follows,[15] are vociferous indications that Pindar
wanted to throw into relief Khronos attendance at the ceremony; the crucial question is why?
6 Modern scholars tend to see in this reference Pindars attempt to emphasize that the founding ceremony took place in time. According to Brisson,
Khronos is present at the ceremony because time allows the act to survive in memory once it has been performed; a somewhat similar stance is
adopted by Barrett: It is in the process of time that this version of the legend becomes established as true, and others as false; hence it is Time who
proves its Truth, and if he is to prove it he must know it, and he knows it because he was there in person.[16] Even though this is one possible
interpretation, in my view what Pindar seeks to achieve here is much more poetic, sublime, and grandiose. In order to fully appreciate the dexterous
and subtle way in which this is engineered and achieved, it would be instructive to cast a look first at Pindars description of Mount Cronion, which
Heracles baptizes during the rite.
7 The Cronion is a conical hill about 500 feet in altitude. It towers over Olympia right on the north edge of the Altis and constitutes a significant and
distinctive topographical marker in Olympias physical landscape. This is the reason why Pindar often uses it metonymically in order to refer to
Olympia as a whole.[17] In the passage under discussion Pindar notes that the hill was anonymous () during the reign of the king
Oenomaus, and he even figuratively elaborates on its anonymity detailing that it was continuously covered with snow: .[18] This
piece of information is noteworthy, for Olympia seems to have been associated with cultic activity even before Heracles arrival. Pausanias reports
that the Cronion was esteemed as sacred to Cronos prior to the establishment of the Olympic games, an association that crops up three times in his
narrative. In 5.7.6 we learn that during the Golden Age Cronos had a temple at Olympia, a detail that Pausanias claims to have retrieved from the
most learned antiquaries of Elis, while in 5.7.10 he refers to a struggle that allegedly took place at that very spot between Zeus and Cronos.[19] Of
particular importance is 6.20.1, where the so-called B are said to have done homage and sacrificed to Cronos on the summit of the hill during
the month of Elaphion:
.
, . [20]
Mount Cronius, as I have already said, extends parallel to the terrace with the treasuries on it. On the summit of the mountain the Basilae, as
they are called, sacrifice to Cronus at the spring equinox, in the month called Elaphius among the Eleans.
Even though Pindar refers several times to the Cronion,[21] he never explicitly associates it with any kind of pre-Olympian religion. Most scholars
seem to concede, though, that his insistence on the anonymity of the hill in Olympian 10 should be interpreted as a veiled attempt to challenge an
established competing variant. In support of this view I would propose that Pindars awareness of the tradition reported by Pausanias could, in fact, be
reflected in the impressive locution that features near the coda of Olympian 1 for Hieron of Syracuse: (113).
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Literally this phrase means that the farthest limit has a peak placed on it for kings and is typically taken to highlight the supremacy of kingship,
hailing it as one of the ultimate goals that can be reached.[22] Yet, considering that the mythical account of Olympian 1 dwells upon the story of
Pelops and his involvement with the Olympic games, it would not be forced to argue that this phrase could, in fact, serve as an indirect allusion to the
ancient ritual supposed to have taken place on the summit of the Cronion by the priestly caste of the , whose name clearly resonates with the
word .[23]
8 ow, assuming that Pindar knew of an alternative tradition attesting to a pre-Olympian cult of Cronos, why does he refute it? Some contend that in
doing so he manages to aggrandize Heracles achievement by ascribing to him not only the institution of the games but also the sacralization of the
Olympic landscape.[24] Still, this explanation does not account for the heros decision to name the hill Cronion; why not name it after Zeus, to whom
the sanctuary was dedicated (45), or even after Pelops, whose tombthe only man-made structure in existence at Olympia upon his arrivalis
emphatically mentioned in line 24? I would propose that Pindars conspicuous silence is evocative, aiming to incite his audience to draw an
association between the appellation Cronion assigned to the hill by Heracles and Khronos who, just like the hill, witnessed the founding ceremony
standing still nearby.[25]
9 This suggestion naturally begs the question: would the audience be able to grasp and comprehend the association and its ramifications? What
should be stressed is that Cronos identification with Khronos was not a fancy of Pindars own invention. In fact, according to Plutarch this association
had been widespread among the Greeks.[26] Even though it is difficult to trace its origin, the notional proximity of Khronos and Cronos in Olympians 2
and 10, and their syntactical proximity throughout Pindars oeuvre,[27] leave it to be inferred that the numinous identification Cronos/Khronos was
already current in philosophical discussions during Pindars time and that his audienceat least part thereofcould recognize the etymological
connection put forward here. The thrust of this suggestion is reinforced by the fact that this very association is also evident in the treatise of Pindars
older contemporary Pherecydes of Syros.[28]
10 The proposal put forward here is further supported by the following internal evidence:
1. First, the emphatic way in which Khronos is associated with ; to be sure, the depiction of Khronos as an unveiler of truth was
widespread in antiquity with Solon of Athens being its first fervent exponent. In Pindar the idea also crops up several times.[29] Nnetheless, the
tantalizingly reverent title of sole assayer of the genuine truth ascribed to Khronos elevates him to something more than a mere revealer of
truth. Here Khronos assumes an ordering capacity and is promoted to the wisest power of the universe. The wisdom attributed to Khronos
bolsters its association with Cronos who, despite being notorious for his craftiness, also had a mysterious relationship to wisdom.[30]
2. It is Pindars common practice, whenever referring to a birth, to stress the close relationship between the name given (signifier) and its
significance (signified), and there is no reason whatsoever why Heracles naming of the Cronion would have formed an exception.[31] On the
contrary, the very presence of the adjective in line 54the reduplicated form of rather prompts us to search for the etymology
of the hills nomenclature.[32] What is more, etymology in general seems to play an important role throughout Olympian 10. In his opening
gambit, for instance, Pindar skillfully juxtaposes with its etymological cognate , thus bringing to the fore s
association with non-forgetfulness.[33] Notable also is Pindars predilection for the term in lieu of other nouns which he typically employs
with reference to the Cronion.[34] Scholars have drawn attention to the etymological connection between and the compound verb
() used at 45 in relation to Heracles fencing of the Altis.[35] In my view there is another suggested etymological
overtone here which has passed mostly unnoticed: the relationship between the snow-covered Cronion and the term , which after Homer is
also used to indicate frost.[36] This etymological play would have served as yet another cue for the audience to search for a similar
etymological reasoning in Heracles appellation of the Cronion.
3. The bold and powerful enjambment in line 54 created by having Khronos carried over into the first line of the following epode would also be
conducive to the identification envisioned here, since the delay of the identifying name Khronos would definitely have evoked the expectation
that the second entity presiding over the ceremony would have been Cronos after whom the hill was named.
4. Last but not least, Olympian 10 was composed soon after Olympian 2, an ode replete with Orphic and Pythagorean connotations, where an
association between Khronos and Cronos is also claimed. Not only this but Khronos is once again spatialized in Olympian 2; this time, however, it
is located on the Isle of the Blessed, where Cronos is presented living in a tower.[37]
11 One possible objection to the suggestion advanced here could be that the representation of Khronos moving forwards in the line immediately
following the description of the foundation rite runs counter to the idea of its spatialization.[38] What we should bear in mind, though, is that in
Pindar the term Khronos is particularly nuanced and can take on a wide range of meanings; on some occasions Khronos is personified and is
depicted as an actor and agent in human affairs; on others it is presented merely as a framework within which things happen. One could also make a
distinction between the Khronos of the gods, which is cyclical and complete, and human time, which is incomplete and linear.[39] What is more, Pindar
typically shifts from one meaning to the other effortlessly and with great ease.[40] In light of this, I would suggest that in the passage under discussion
Khronos should be understood in two different ways: the Khronos that presided over the ceremony and that we identified with Cronos stands for all
time, while the Khronos that moved forwards revealing the aetion of the Olympian festival represents linear, fragmented time. Only if we accept this
distinction can we explain the fact that while in lines 5355 Khronos is hailed as the only arbiter of the genuine truth, at the opening salvo of Olympian
10 it is linked with falsehood and forgetting in the sense that mortals forget in the course of time and, therefore, the truth is in thus concealed.[41]
This twofold aspect of Khronos is also ingeniously alluded to through the spatial proximity between the Cronion and the altars of the twelve gods,
whom Heracles honors in the hills immediate vicinity; whereas the succession from the age of Cronos to the age of Zeus involves change and the
passage of time, the Olympian order itself repudiates, so to speak, time because it never falls or changes.[42]
12 Through the conflation of Khronos with Cronos and, accordingly, the advance of the Cronion hill as the abode of Khronos/Cronos, Olympia is
elevated to a single place permeated by different temporalities. Consequently, Pindars audience is encouraged to visualize Olympia as a place
where human and divine time meet. The power of naming to determine our perception of space is nicely put by Tuan:
words alone, used in an appropriate situation, can have the power to render objects, formerly invisible because unattended, visible, and
impart to them a certain character: thus a mere rise on a flat surface becomes something far morea place that promises to open up to
other placeswhen it is named Mount Prospect.[43]
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Seen from this perspective, Hagesidamus victory is emphatically presented not merely as a victory in wrestling, but also as a victory over time. This
last point is eloquently articulated in the odes last simile, where the young athlete is likened to Ganymede:[44]
<>
,

,

.
(99105)
I have praised the lovely son of Archestratos,

whom I saw winning with the strenght of his hand
by the Olympic altar
at that time,
beautiful in form
and imbued with the youthfulness that once averted
ruthless death from Ganymede,
with the aid of the Cyprus-born goddess.
At the exact moment of the victory ( ), Pindar declares, Hagesidamus was as beautiful as Ganymede who, although mortal, gained
immortality.[45] The ode ends thus, in a remote and unspecified moment in the past (). As in Nemean 1, Nemean 10, Olympian 4, and Pythian 9,
also ending in myth, Pindar does not have to return to the present, for once again the distance that separates past and present collapses. What
happened to Ganymede has just happened to Hagesidamus now. Like Heracles, who through his appelation of the Cronion puts deep time
into the very landscape of Olympia thus joining its linear and fragmented time with the cyclical time of the gods, so Pindar has averted death from his
laudandus by inscribing his name on the complete divine time.[46] Hagesidamus might not be ageless and immortal like the gods; he can, however,
receive eternal youth and immortality through song; for all time to come he will be remembered as winning at Olympia beautiful of form and imbued
with youthfulness.[47]
13 The power of song to freeze time by turning it from direction to duration is, in fact, articulated in a performative way throughout the poem. As
noted above, at the opening of the epinician, Pindar laments that the future approaching from afar (note the coming view of the future here, which
heightens the feeling of threat)[48] has shamed his , that is his indebtedness to write a tribute of praise for the victorious Hagesidamus.
Nonetheless, Pindar promises to pay back his due with interest. His promise is cast in the form of simile:

.

. [49]
,

. (712)
For what was then the future has approached from afar
and shamed my deep indebtness.
Nevertheless, interest on a debt can absolve one from
a bitter reproach. Let him see now:
just as a flowing wave washes over a rolling pebble,
so shall we pay back a theme of general concern
as a friendly favor.
Even though scholars do not agree on the origin of this image,[50] they unanimously take the flowing wave to refer to the torrent/rush of Pindars
verse, and the rolling pebble to his shame. The meaning, accordingly, is that the torrent of Pindars verse will wash his shame off like a flowing wave
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washes over a rolling pebble.[51]

14 Bearing in mind the poems overall orientation towards time, I would rather take a different path and propose a more daring reading. Even
though I agree that the flowing wave of the simile stands for Pindars verse (), personally I would associate the rolling pebble not with the poets
shame, but rather with the cause of this shame, that is the Khronos of line 7. The juxtaposition between and is, I believe, supported by
the placement of the two terms at the end of lines 7 and 8 respectively, as well as by the strong acoustic effect generated by the complex . The
participle attached to the pebble also enhances such an interpretation not only because would be quite apposite for
describing the movement of Khronos, but also because Pindar employs it in close association with time in Olympian 4.[52] In light of the above, what
the poet seems to say here is not let him see now how the torrent of my verse will wash over shame, but rather let him now see how the torrent of
my song will wash over time. While in lines 78 time () is said to have shamed the poets debt (), Pindar is now promising to do the exact
opposite: his song () will wash over the rolling time () thus rendering Hagesidamus name immortal.[53]
15 The performance is, therefore, transformed into an arenaso to speakwhere the poet must freeze and outweigh Khronos. Nevertheless,
assisted by his Muse and Truth, Pindar manages by the end of the poem not only to ward his shame off but also to cancel out Khronos passage that
brings to mortals shameless death. What is even more remarkable, however, is that this gradual harnessing of linear, human time is mirrored on the
level of language. So, whereas in lines 56 Khronos is put in the nominative and is presented as a threat and a source of forgetting, in line 55 it is
void of negative connotations and is positively valorized as a revealer of truth. In line 85 Khronos comes to the fore again; this time, however, it is not
personified but is used in the dative and stands for the texture within which events occur: /
(8485). Notably, Pindars lavish tribute appears (note that it is not Khronos that reveals it) by Dirke in the course
of time.[54] Finally, at 102 Khronos only denotes a point in time ( ),[55] a moment which Pindars poetry, though, immortalizes thus
rendering it at once a finite point and an infinite duration.[56]
Conclusion
16 To sum up: My main objective in this paper was to further support the hypothesis tentatively/superficially put forward by some scholars that in
lines 5055 of Olympian 10 Pindar may seek to promote an etymological connection between Khronos and Cronos. As I have tried to demonstrate,
this conflation is, in fact, vouched for by both internal and external evidence. By encouraging his audience to visualize Mount Cronion as the abode of
Cronos/Khronos, Pindar manages to promote Khronos to a dominant and ordering power of the Universe. At the same time, by spatializing Time at
Olympia, he both turns the Cronion Hill into a sublime object and Olympic victories into victories over time. Even though Pindar tailors his
representation of Khronos so as to befit his encomiastic purposes and his attempt to portray himself as a master of time, we should not forget that
although a poet of the sublime, Pindar did not live in vacuo. Accordingly, it would be legitimate to suppose that his songs are laden with contemporary
philosophical ideas and that they capture the zeitgeist of his time. Following from this, the masterful way in which he treats time in Olympian 10, and
more specifically the association he advances between Khronos and Cronos, could shed light upon other contested instances where Khronos is
identified with Cronos, such as the work of Pherecydes of Syros, and perhaps also the Orphic poems and the role that Khronos could play in the
Theogony commented upon in the Derveni Papyrus.
The initial idea for this article was conceived during my stay as a Fellow at the Center for Hellenic Studies (Spring Term 2014). I would like to express
my gratitude to the CHS Director, Prof. Gregory Nagy, the Senior Fellows, and all the members of the staff for providing excellent conditions for
research. Thanks should also go to the audience at the CHS Research Symposium for their comments and suggestions and, more specifically, to
Ioanna Papadopoulou for sharing with me her expertise on various issues related to the Derveni Papyrus. Last but not least, many thanks should go
to all my co-Fellows for encouragement; I am most grateful to Elena Martin Gonzlez, who read and commented upon the final version of the article.
[1] The ancient Scholia give both the seventy-fourth and seventy-sixth Olympiads as possible dates for Hagesidamus victory. Based on the
fragmentary list of Olympic victors in P. Oxy. 222.1.16, the victory must have taken place during the latter Olympiad, that is in 476 BCE. On the ode
see, among others, Erbse 1970; Nassen 1975; Kromer 1976; Burgess 1990; Hubbard 1985:6070; Barrett 2007; Eckerman 2008; Patten
2009:217233.
[2] Most seem to agree on the historicity of the delay; see e.g., Nassen 1975:223224; Catenacci et al. 2013:248; Hubbard 1985:61. Contrast Erbse
1970:2324, 28 who argues that Pindars apology should rather be construed as a pretence.
[3] Hubbard 1985:69.
[4] Olympians 1 and 3, composed immediately before Olympian 10, also dwell upon the Olympic games, but mainly deal with peripheral issues, such
as Pelops association with the games (see Nagy [1990] http://www.press.jhu.edu/books/nagy/PHTL/chapter4.html) and Heracles fetching of the olive
tree from the Hyperborean Land. On the foundation of the Olympic festival see Pausanias 5.7.9, 5.8.1; Diodorus Siculus 4.14.1, 5.64.6.
[5] The specific task was not a flattering one for Heracles (see Diodorus Siculus 4.13.3 who remarks that Eurystheus entrusted this Labor to Heracles
) and it can hardly be a coincidence that Olympian 10 provides the first extant literary reference to the story. This Labor was also the
least favored in Greek art. In fact, its only monumental representation is to be found on the east porch of the Olympian temple of Zeus built around
470456 BCE. There is also a testimony for a statue by Lysippus, which has not survived; see Brommer 1986. According to the myth, Heracles
managed to wash the filth out by rerouting the nearby rivers and turning their course through the stables. Even though Pindar does not dilate on the
actual cleaning, this detail is echoed in the term in line 37. This mythical story serves as an illustration of the maxim in lines 2223 that glory
requires effort and toil and it is also used as a springboard for the introduction of the poems main mythical centrepiece.
[6] On Heracles encounter with the Moliones see Bernardini 1982:5568. The story is also attested by Pherecydes of Athens (FGrHist 3F 79a), even
though in his version during his first encounter with the Moliones Heracles is outweighed by them and is forced to retreat; he kills the two brothers at a
later stage, on their way to Corinth. On the Moliones see also Homer (Iliad 2.620621, 11.750752, and 23.638642) and Hesiod (fr. 17 M-W); cf.
Scholia ad Iliad 11.709 and 23.638, 639. Of particular interest is the tradition attested by Ibycus (285 PMG), according to whom the Moliones were
born from a silver egg: / , / / /
; cf. Athenaeus 2.58. The allusive and elliptical narrative style leaves it to be inferred that this story must have been known to Pindars
Locrian audience.
[7] See Olympian 5.5 where Pindar makes explicit reference to the six double altars at the Olympic sanctuary:
. By means of Herodorus (FGrHist 31F 34a), whom the Scholia ad Olympian 5.10a (Drachmann I, 141) quote, we know that Heracles
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dedicated the six altars to Zeus-Poseidon, Hera-Athena, Hermes-Apollo, Charites-Dionysus, Artemis-Alpheus, and Cronos-Rhea. Contrast Verdenius
1988 ad 49, who disputes the deification of Alpheus and prefers to read the preposition as an equivalent of .
[8] Quotations from Pindar are from the Snell-Maehler 1984 Teubner edition. Translations are taken from Races 1997 Loeb translation with slight
modifications.
[9] This can be implied from Pindars reference to the moon in 7375.
[10] Quintilian 8.6.11 on personification.
[11] On the power of naming see, among others, Segal 1986a:67 and passim. See also Tuan 1991:688: Naming is powerthe creative power to
call something into being, to render the invisible visible, to impart a certain character to things.
[12] See, e.g. Olympian 6.97; Pythian 1.46; Nemean 1.4647, 7.68.
[13] In his translation Race does not keep the punctuation after X and translates as Time, which in its onward march revealed Yet, as it will
become clear in what follows, the punctuation is crucial for the interpretation of the passage.
[14] On the adjective and similar comparanda see Segal 1986a:77. lvarez 2008:1163n8 draws attention to the fact that the term is
imbued with orphic connotations; in the Orphic cosmogonies of the Rhapsodies Protogonos (or Phanes) is the hermaphrodite being generated from
the egg fashioned by Khronos. In addition to a number of other words in the passage could also function as buzzwords for Orphism:
, , , . we this remark to Prof. A. Chaniotis.
[15] Denniston 19592: 3334; see also Verdenius 1988 ad 52.
[16] Brisson 1997:163; Barrett 2007:67.
[17] See, e.g. Olympian 1.111, 9.3.
[18] ccording to the Scholia ad Olympian 10.62a (Drachmann I, 326) this locution is a rhetorical trope and should be taken as an equivalent of the
verb ; either because of its lack of name or because king Oenomaus was not well-known, before Heracles arrival at Pisa the hill was
doomed to obscurity. Modern scholars adopt a rather different stance and tend to take the phrase literally, either as providing information about the
climatic conditions of Pisa or as Pindars attempt to draw a distinction between the snowfall during Oenomaus time, and the sunshine that replaced it
in the wake of the foundation of the games; see, e.g., Gildersleeve 1885:217. Based on the description of Olympus in the Odyssey (5.4345) as a
place free from rain and snow Verdenius 1988 ad 51 even put forward the tentative suggestion that perhaps Pindar is here trying to connect Olympia
and Olympus etymologically. See also Norwood 1945:235n35, who argues that Pindar probably took this piece of information from an account of the
district of Elis which he might have found in a chronicle and in which the snowfall was somehow genuinely relevant. Based on the fact that Olympian
10 lays much emphasis upon the polarities concealment/revelation, light/darkness I believe that this paradoxical climatic detail should be taken
metaphorically. However, it seems that the emphasis on the snow could serve other purposes as well; see the discussion below.
[19] See also Pausanias 8.2.2. On the traditions attested by Pausanias see Hubbard 2007.
[20] The cult is also attested by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Antiquitates Romanae 1.34). See Frazer 1913 ad 6.20.1; Weniger 1906:2022. Peak
sanctuaries and rituals on mountaintops akin to the cult of Cronos mentioned by Pausanias seem to have been quite widespread in the Bronze Age;
see e.g. Kyriakidis 2005.
[21] Olympian 1.111, 3.2123, 5.1719, 8.1518, 9.14.
[22] Gerber 1982 ad 113114; see also Verdenius 1988 ad 113.
[23] It has been proposed that the priesthood probably dated from the old regal days and may have been held by the kings themselves; see Frazer
1913 ad 6.20.1. Frazer also draws attention to the association between the title B and the noun . I was glad to see that in his recent
article on Olympia Eckerman 2013:9 makes a similar point.
[24] See, e.g, Catenacci et al. 2013 ad 5051: Con la descrizione di una collina anonima e desolata, Pindaro evidemente intende insistere sul ruolo
di Eracle nella fondazione dei giochi di Olympia.
[25] Contrast Huxley 1975:17 who maintains that Pindars silence is due to his inability to explain why Heracles called the hill after Cronos, whom
Zeus has displaced in Olympus rather than after Zeus himself, the heros father. The Cronos/Khronos conflation has been proposed by some
scholars, but rather in a superficial manner; Quincey 1963:146, for instance, emphatically declares that in this passage is outrageously
connected with , but without pursuing the issue further. This Pindaric passage along with Olympian 2.1719 and frr. 33 and 159 have often
been cited by scholars in order to support the association between Khronos and Cronos in Pherecydes of Syros and the Derveni Papyrus; see e.g.
Schibli 1990; Piano 2013.
[26] Plutarch De Iside et Osiride 363d: ; see Griffiths 1970 ad loc. On this identification and more
examples see McCartney 1928; Lpez-Ruiz 2009 and 2010:151167; Panofsky 1939, who places, however, this conflation much later, during the first
century CE. For an anthropological explanation of the conflation between Khronos and Cronos see Leach 1961:124132.
[27] otably, no less than ten times Cronos and the patronymics Cronios/Cronidas/Cronion are placed in close proximity to the word Khronos and its
derivatives: see, e.g., Olympian 1.108115, 2.1217, 4.610.
[28] Schibli 1990:135139; of course, the presence of Khronos in Pherecydes is not accepted by all scholars. n his article on Cronos/Khronos in
Egypt Pettazzoni 1954:173n8 refers to a fourth century inscription from Elateia published by Paris in 1886 (see also Hoffmann [1893] n339), where
Poseidon is presented as son of Khronos: () / /
/ . However, Dittenberger, who republished the inscription in IG IX.
1.130 contends that the first letter of Paris X() is, in fact, a clear K; accordingly he writes K() instead. In the more recent publication by
Hansen in CEG 2 (1989) n807 the inscription is also published with a K.
[29] Solon 3, 14, 30 G-P2; see the recent commentary by Noussia-Fantuzzi (2010) 240242, 323326, 466467. As far as Pindar is concerned see
Olympian 1.3334: ; cf. Pythian 8.13.
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[30] For Khronos as the wisest see, Diogenes Laertius 1.35, who ascribes to Thales of Miletus the maxim ;
a similar remark is made by Plutarch Questiones Romanae 266e-f: ; ,
, , ,
. Cronos is tagged with the adjective in omer (Iliad 2.205, 319, 4.59, 75, 9.37, 12.450, 16.431, 18.293;
Odyssey 21.415) and Hesiod (Theogony 18, 137, 168, 473, 495). The same adjective is used in the Orphic Hymn to Cronos (13.9), where Cronos is
also called begetter of time infinite ( 5); on this see Ricciardelli 2000:292294 and Alderink 1997:190194. On Cronos
wisdom see also Plato Cratylus 396b where Cronos name is etymologized as meaning pure intellect ( ); the issue is discussed by
Robinson 1995. Cronos name is also etymologized as the in the Derveni Papyrus, Col. X-XI; see Bernab 2013:10. Plotinus also
comments on Cronos wisdom in the Enneades 5.1.7:
. For more examples see Brendel 1977: 3335.
[31] Salient examples are the association of Iamos name with the (Olympian 6.55), and Ajax name with the eagle () that appears while
Heracles prophesizes his birth (Isthmian 6.4954); see also Olympian 9.4146 and fr. 105.1, as well as the Scholia ad Nemean 7 1a (Drahmann III,
116117) where etymology is defined as a typical Pindaric practice. See also Dickson 1990:116119; Patten 2009:226233; Gini 1989.
[32] On the significance and function of , , and in Pindar see Bury 1965 ad Nemean 7.24 and 63.
[33] See Catenacci et al. 2013:251. See also Hesych. s.v. : o . On the notion of alatheia in the archaic
period see, among others, Cole 1983; Detienne 1996.
[34] Pindar typically uses only the adjective Cronion when referring to the hill. When supplying a noun he uses either (Olympian 9. 3, Nemean
11.25) or (Olympian 5.17, 8.17).
[35] Quincey 1963:146; Patten 2009:229.
[36] See, e.g., Sophocles Philoctetes 293; Plato Symposium 220b.
[37] Khronos association with space is not peculiar to Pindar; see, e.g. Aristotle Physics 4.10.218a-b on the Pythagoreans; Atius 1.21.1:
. Interestingly, in Column XII of the Derveni Papyrus Khronos is identified with Olympus; on this vexed
reference see, among others, Tortorelli Ghidini 1989, 1991; Brisson 1997; Betegh 2004; Piano 2013.
[38] In fact this is one of Brissons 1997 objections to Khronos representation as a dominant power in Olympian 10: In this passage, personified time
presents the characteristics described by Hermann Frnkel: an orientation towards the future and a strikingly active role. Consequently, nothing
forces us to identify it with the primordial divinity which intervenes at the beginning of the Rhapsodies and in the Theogony known as that of
Hieronymus and Hellanicus. (162)
[39] For a perceptive discussion on the issue see Segal 1986b:180193; id. 1974.
[40] See Hurst 1984:171, who makes a similar observation for Olympian 2.
[41] At the same time, though, the image of the Khronos who after the birth-rite moved forwards could also stand as the figurative representation of
the beginning of the history of the Olympic games, an idea implied in the adjective which, apart from taking place for the first time
also bears the overtone creating the beginning; see Verdenius 1988 ad 51.
[42] I owe this observation to Prof. R. Martin.
[43] Tuan 1994:684.
[44] The myth of Ganymede is also employed in Olympian 1.4445.
[45]According to tradition Ganymede was transferred to Olympus by Zeus, who was aroused by the lads beauty. See also Kromer 1976:435 who
traces further implications in Pindars use of the Ganymede story.
[46] By doing so, Heracles mythologizes Olympia in the same way as Pindar mythologizes Hagesidamus victory.
[47] Burgess 1990:281 emphasizes the erotic overtones of the last strophe.
[48] On this issue see Fleischman 1982.
[49] adopt Fennells reading instead of the manuscripts unmetrical , which is adopted by Snell-Maehler. On this issue see the
discussion in Barrett 2007:61.
[50] Scholia ad Olympian 10.13a-m (Drachmann I, 311312) assume that the image comes from the sea and, therefore, that the floating wave stands
for the torrent of Pindars verse. Modern scholars, on the other hand, typically take the image to refer to a river in the mountains rather than to a
wave. See Farnell 1932 ad 912 and Bowra 1964:19; Norwood 1945:1112 offers a somewhat different interpretation, arguing that the image alludes
to the work of the gardener who irrigates his land, making a channel for the bubbling water that thrusts along all the little pebbles in its course; Cf.
Homer Iliad 21.257264.
[51] See Scholia ad Olympian 10.13a-m (Drachmann I, 311312). Even though the majority of scholars endorse this interpretation, it has been
suggested that the pebble might also refer to the idea of indebtedness (abacus-pebble); see, e.g. Finley 1955:120.
[52] Olympian 4.12: / . See also Isthmian 8.1415 where (here indicating
a kind of daemon, rather than lifetime) is depicted unrolling the course of life: , / ; cf.
Isthmian 3/4.18: .
[53] See also lines 9799 where Pindar asserts that through his song he has drenched with honey the city of the Locrians, also an indication of
immortality; this image clearly harks back to the image of the snow-covered Cronion at 5051.
[54] For this meaning of the dative see Aeschylus Agamemnon 126, 463; Libation Bearers 650. The notion of delay is also implied; cf.
Sophocles Philoctetes 1041; Euripides Hercules Furens 740.
8 / 11
1/22/2015
[55] Contrast Frnkel 1955 who maintains that Khronos in Pindar is always associated with the future, a remark that he credits to Pindars primitive
notion of time; likewise Vivante 1971, 1972. A more balanced discussion is offered by Accame 1961.
[56] Hubbard 1985:69. ubbard makes a somewhat similar observation ad 6869, even though from a different point of view. Nemean 1 offers an
apposite comparandum. At the beginning of the poem (4647) Khronos is depicted as a force that rushes forwards bringing things to a telos. By the
end of the ode this moving Khronos is turned into the immovable Khronos of the gods; see Segal 1974. On Pindars attempt to portray himself as a
master of time see Pavlou 2011.
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About Maria Pavlou

Maria Pavlou (PhD Bristol University, UK) is currently a postdoctoral researcher at the Open University of Cyprus, working on the
project "Our Heroic Debate with the Eumenides: Greek Tragedy and the Poetics of Identity in Modern Greek Poetry and Theatre"
under the leadership of Dr. Vayos Liapis (http://eumenides.ouc.ac.cy). Her main research interests lie in archaic lyric poetry, the
representation of time and space in literature, the reception of Greek tragedy in Modern Greek poetry and theatre, and new
educational technologies/digital classics. She has published on Apollonius Rhodius, Thucydides, Bacchylides and especially
Pindar (http://ouc.academia.edu/MariaPavlou). While at the CHS, Maria will be working on her monograph entitled Pindaric
Chronotopicity. The monograph seeks to survey the way(s) in which Pindar represents and constructs time and space in his
Epinicians, as well as the impact of this constructed chronotope upon the audience.
View all posts by Maria Pavlou
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The mountain sat upon the plain

Thereupon, Zeus valiant son gathered the entire army

Khronos, approaching from afar, has shamed his indebtedness:

ime. Moving forwards it clearly revealed

I have praised the lovely son of Archestratos,

washes over a rolling pebble.[51]

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