Documenti di Didattica
Documenti di Professioni
Documenti di Cultura
Centuries
Author(s): TANSEN SEN
Source: Asia Major, THIRD SERIES, Vol. 19, No. 1/2, CHINA AT THE CROSSROADS: A
FESTSCHRIFT IN HONOR OF VICTOR H. MAIR (2006), pp. 299-326
Published by: Academia Sinica
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TANSEN SEN
The
Yuan
Khanate
Cross-Cultural
Thirteenth
and India:
Diplomacy
and Fourteenth
in the
Centuries
INTRODUCTION
thirteenthand fourteenthcenturieswere a watershedin Asian
The and world history.The Mongol conquests of Asia and Eastern Europe,theformationofIslamic statesin southernAsia, and theexpansion
of commercealong the Indian Ocean and in the Mediterraneanregion
resultedin the formationof complex political, religious,and commercial networksthatlinked the Far East to Europe. Cross-culturalinteractions reached unprecedentedlevels in the earlier part of thisperiod
thatcontributedto thelaunchinglateron ofthegreatmaritimevoyages
(1371-1433) and Vasco da Gama (d. 1524).
by Zheng He
The mostsignificantdevelopmentin Eurasia duringthe thirteenth
centurywas undoubtedlythecreationby theMongols ofthelargestcontinuousland empire in the historyof the world.1"The result,"according to the editors of a recent work on the Mongols, "was the opening
up of Asia fromEast to West and back again, creatinggreat opportunities for cultural exchanges and interaction."2The accounts ofJohn
of Piano Carpini, William of Rubruck, Marco Polo, and Ibn Battta
all underscore the intensityas well as the complexityof cross-cultural
exchanges duringthe Mongol period.
I wouldliketothank
Thomas
Michael
AlanDiGaetano,
Alisen,
Brose,
HughClark,
Geng
H.Mair,
Victor
andthetwoanonymous
reviewers
forAsiaMajor
fortheir
comments
Yinzeng,
andsuggestions.
In thisarticle,
theuseofquestion
marks
"?"after
transliterations
indicates
that
a reconstruction
from
Chinese
toIndian
remains
doubtful.
languages
1SeeDavidMorgan,
7TieMongols
Blackwell
Publishers,
(Cambridge:
1990),p. 5.
2 Reuven
Amitai-Preiss
andDavidO. Morgan,
inReuven
Amitai-Preiss
and
"Introduction,"
DavidO. Morgan,
andItsLegacy
eds.,TheMongol
Brill,
(Leiden:
2000),p. [1].
Empire
299
TANSEN SEN
was also takingplace in southSignificantpolitical transformation
ern Asia during the thirteenthand fourteenthcenturies.At the same
time as Mongol troops marched into the Persian Gulf and destroyed
the 'Abbsid Caliphate in Baghdad, Islamic forces were penetrating
deeper into the Indian subcontinent.By the early-thirteenth
century,
the slave Qutb al-Dn Aybek (r. 1206-1210) had inheritedterritories
conquered by his Afghan master Muhmd of Ghazna (d. 1030) and
founded the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526).3 Another Afghan called
Muhammad Bakhtiyr(d. 1206) invaded parts of eastern India and
laid the foundationsforthe Bengal Sultanate (1368-1 576) .4 In the first
quarter of the fourteenthcentury,Muslim forces entered the Deccan
region and southernIndia, establishing,at first,various outposts and
then,in 1347, the Bhmanl Sultanate (1347-1527).5
Much before the establishmentof the above Islamic sultanates
in southernAsia, Muslim tradershad asserted theirdominance along
coastal India. They are knownto have settledon theMalabar and Coromandel coasts of southernIndia as early as the eighthand ninthcenturies.6By the thirteenthcentury,Muslim merchantsalso established
theirguilds in the Southeast Asian archipelago and directed much of
China's maritimetrade. In fact, the Muslim diaspora, consisting of
tradersfromdiverse ethnicbackground,played a crucial role in linking the marketsin China to those in the Mediterraneanregion. Thus,
by the time the Mongols amassed theirempire across Eurasian lands,
theircommercialnetwork,withsignificantcontributionbyJewishand
non-MuslimIndian and Southeast Asian merchants,had already unified the maritimeworld. Indeed, in the view ofJanetAbu-Lughod,the
thirteenthcenturywitnessed the emergence of a "world system"that
integratedthe major tradingports and inland marketsof Europe, Africa, and Asia into a single,large-scale and effectivelyorganized trading system.7
3 OntheDelhiSultanate,
APolitical
seePeter
7TieDelhiSultanate:
andMilitary
Jackson,
U.P.,1999).
(Cambridge:
Cambridge
History
4 Themostrecent
is SyedEjazHussain's
The
anddetailed
oftheBengal
Sultanate
study
andCoins(AD1205-1576)
Sultanate:
Politics,
(Delhi:Manohar,
2003).
Bengal
Economy
5 SeeK.A.Nilakanta
AHistory
India:From
Prehistoric
"Times
totheFallof
Sastri,
ofSouth
ofIslamic
U.P.,1975),
(Delhi:Oxford
Vijayanagar
pp.227-63.Ontheestablishment
empires
III: IndoinIndia,seeAndr
Al-Hind:
theMaking
Volume
World,
Wink,
oftheIndo-Islamic
Islamic
Centuries
Brill,
(Leiden:
I4th-i5th
2004),esp.chap.4.
Society,
6 SeeAndr
1: Early
MedAl-Hind:
TheMaking
Volume
World,
Wink,
oftheIndo-Islamic
NewDelhi:Oxford
ievalIndiaandtheExpansion
Centuries
(1990;rpt.,
ofIslam,yth-iith
U.P.,1999),esp.chaps.3 and4.
7 SeeJanet
L. Abu-Lughod,
TheWorld
A.D.1250-1**0
Before
European
Hegemony:
System
U.P.,1989).
(NewYork:Oxford
300
TANSEN SEN
frequentafterthe twelfthcentury.The YuanshiTjfe(HistoryoftheYuan
Dynasty)reportsthat withina period of three decades, between 1272
and 1296, the Yuan court dispatched about sixteen missions to India.
A majorityofthese missionsvisitedeitherKollam/Kaulam (Quilon) on
the southwesternMalabar coast of India or the Ma'bar kingdomon the
Coromandel coast in the southeast.10Almost duringthe same period,
eighteenembassies fromIndia are recordedto have arrivedat theYuan
court,a majorityfromKollam and Ma'bar (see table, below).
TableofEmbassies
between
IndiaandYuanChinaRecorded
inYuanshi
Exchanged
YUAN
COURT
TOINDIAN
KINGDOMS
1226?
1272
1274
1275
1279
1280
1281
1282
1283
1284
1285
1286
1287
1288
1289
1290
1291
1291?
1293
1294
1294?
1296
1297
1314
To Xindu(i.e.,India)
To Malabar(Baluobo)#
To Malabar#
To Kollam*
To Kollam*
To Ma'bar
To Kollam*
To Kollam*
To Ma'bar
To Malabar#
To Ma'bar
To Kollam
To Kollam
To Kollam
To Ma'bar
To Ma'bar
INDIAN
KINGDOMS
TOYUAN
COURT
FromIndia
FromMalabar
(Baluobo)
FromMalabar
(Baluobo)
FromMa'bar
FromMa'bar
FromKollam(twice)
Buddhist
monk
from
Ma'bar
FromMa'bar
FromMa'bar
FromKollam
FromMa'bar(twice)
FromMa'bar
FromMa'bar
FromMa'bar
FromKollam
FromMa'bar
FromMa'bar
# Missions
ofYiheimishi
* Missions
ofYangTingbi
10Thedestination
oftheother
in1272,isrecorded
as "Xindu"
f/ffP
mission,
dispatched
is,India).See Yuanshi
(that
1976)7,p.143.
Zhonghua,
(rpt.
Beijing:
302
J
^
eventuallyemerged
1
yKozhikode
' (Calicut)
TAN
JAVUR
victorious,
ques Nagapattinam
V
tions about his
%f Kochi
' ik MADURAI# /r~ _
style of governance and chalPeriyar/attinam
V Settur
TANSEN SEN
the Chaghadayid khanate in Central Asia, mounted the most serious
challenge to Qubilai. Militarycampaigns against Qaidu failed to yield
resultsand the CentralAsian regionremainedoutside Qubilai's sphere
of influence.12
The dispute among the Mongol khanates seems to have played a
significantrole in the formationof Qubilai's strategytowardstatesbeyond coastal China. First,Qubilai tried to continue his predecessors'
policy of expansion. This included the naval attackslaunched against
Japan (in 1274 and 1280) and SoutheastAsian states (against Champa
and Java in 1281 and 1293, respectively).Second, Qubilai attempted
to persuade the rulersof maritimestatesto submitto the Yuan khanate
and recognize him as the greatkhan of the Mongol empire. Third, because the alliance between Qaidu and the Chaghadayids blocked commercial and communicationroutesthroughCentral Asia, the maritime
route along the coastal regionsof Southeast and South Asia to the Persian Gulf proved to be the only conduit throughwhich Qubilai could
fosterinternationalcommerce and maintain contact with the Ilkhns
of Persia, his main ally in the Chinggisidcivil war.
Foreignkingdomsthatfailedto submitto Qubilai's demands were
oftenthreatenedwith militaryrepercussions. In 1277, for example,
Qubilai ordered his generals to invade the kingdomof Pagan BH,in
present-dayMyanmar (Burma), because the Pagan king not only refused to send tributarymissions to the Yuan court,but had also killed
threeMongol emissaries.Also, in 1281, afterrepeated demands by the
Yuan court that the king of Champa ftlc
(present-daysouthernVietnam) personally lead one of the tributarymissions to China, Qubilai
sent an armada of one hundred naval ships under the command of
against this SoutheastAsian kingdom.13Although
general Sget
both operationsended in militarysetbacksforthe Mongols, Pagan and
across
inDiscord:
Buddhism
asMeans
SCM(Harmony
Cultures)
(Beijing:
Beijing
ofIntegration
Daxuezhexuexi,
2006),pp.134-40.
12On thechallenges
civilwars,
seePeter
andtheresulting
toQubilaiKhan'saccession
"TheAccession
ofQubilai
Journal
oftheAnglo-MongolQa'an:A Re-examination,"
Jackson,
"From
toYanDynasty:
W.Dardess,
ianSociety
2.1(1975),
Mongol
Empire
pp.1-10;John
MS30(1972),
RuleinMongolia
andCentral
Forms
ofImperial
Asia,"
pp.117-65;
Changing
U. ofCalifornia
Khubilai
Khan:HisLifeandTimes
andMorris
P.,1988),
Rossabi,
(Berkeley:
Biran's
ofQaiduisMichal
QaiduandtheRiseoftheIndepen3 and4. A detailed
study
chaps.
Asia(Surrey:
Curzon
dent
StateinCentral
Press,
1997).
Mongol
13Onthese
inHerbert
"TheReign
ofKhubilai
twoepisodes,
seeMorris
Khan,"
Rossabi,
vol.6 ofThe
andBorder
States
andDenisTwitchett,
Franke
, 907-1368,
eds.,Alien
Regimes
U.P.,1994),pp.414-89,esp.pp.484(Cambridge:
Cambridge
Cambridge
History
ofChina
Khan
Khubilai
, pp.213-19.
85;andRossabi,
304
TANSEN SEN
of militaryoperationswill only lead to the destructionof people's
lives. [It would be] betterto send embassies [to these kingdoms
and] discuss the calamities [ofwarfare]and benefits[ofsubmitting
peacefully].Attacking[thosewho] do not submit[peacefully]will
not impede [the plan]. The emperor accepted his opinion [and]
ordered Yuelayenu
Tiemie WM and others to proceed
these
as
[to
kingdoms] envoys. [As a result,]the kingdoms that
surrendered[peacefully]were more than twenty.18
It is not clear when Karandas made the above suggestion,but it
may have been in 1278-79, when the court was considering attacking Champa. Like Karandas, the Mongol general Sget, in 1278-79,
also recommended diplomacy over militaryconflict.As a result,in
the twelfthlunar month of Zhiyuan i7ti 16 (December 1279-January 1280), Sget, along withtwo otherYuan envoys,was sent to the
A'JIPp
king of Champa Shilizayaxinhebalamahadiewa
jL (SriJay Simhavarman Mahdeva?, also known as Indravarman
VI).19 This diplomatic mission to Champa was dispatched in the same
monththe Yuan court sent an embassy to Kollam led by Yang Tingbi
(see below forthe sequence of events thatled up to the dispatchingof
this mission by the Yuan court).
Yang had previouslydisplayed his militaryskills duringthe invasion ofkeytownsin southernChina underSget.20Upon reachingKollam in thethirdlunarmonthofZhiyuan17 (April-May,1280), he quickly
secured "conditionsof surrender"(jiangbiaoI^Hfe)fromthe rulerof the
kingdomcalled Binadi
(Pnlya?).21The Kollam ruleralso promised to send a tributarymission to the Yuan courtwithina year.22
18Tuanshi
ona Chinese
mission
toMa'barin1296
134,p. 3260,and19,p. 405,reports
from
that
included
a delegate
named
which
varies
thenameof
slightly
Yueleyenu
inKarandas's
that
noted
Thismeans
the
theMongol
envoy
Yuelayenu
biography.
Khan.Temr
tosendmissions
wasimplemented
Khaghan
(Chengzong
proposal
byQubilai
tohaveinitiated
the1296misr.1294-1307),
whosucceeded
$Ctk,
Qubilaiin1294,seems
twodifferent
sion.Thus,
andYueleyenu
wereprobably
Yuelayenu
people.
19See Tuanshi
210,p.4660.
20Tuanshi
andother
Yuanmission
toSouth
Asia,seeW.W.
210,p.4669.OnYangTingbi
andTradeofChinawith
theEastern
andthe
"Notes
ontheRelations
Rockhill,
Archipelago
PartI,"TP15(1914),
theFourteenth
CoastoftheIndian
Oceanduring
Century,
pp.419-47,
"Yuandai
guanxi
Quanzhou
yuNanYindu
esp.pp.429-38.SeealsoYangQinzhang
zhilu
inLianheguo
zuzhihaishang
sichou
xinzheng"
jiaokewen
taolun
huizuzhiweiyuanhui
kaocha
W
zonghe
Quanzhou
guojixueshu
sichou
zhilu
ed.,Zhongguo
yuhaishang
Ongeneral
renmin
chubanshe,
1991),
pp.195-207.
Fujian
(Quanzhou:
as a SeaPower,"
theSouthern
seeLo,"China
roleinthebattles
against
Songcourt,
Sget's
9 and10.
chaps.
21The"conditions
werewritten
in"Muslim
ofsurrender,"
wearetold,
script."
22Tuanshi
210,p.4669.
306
TANSEN SEN
mission to China. Before departingKollam in the fourthlunar month
(May-June, 1282), Yang met representativesof the Syrian Christian
and Muslim communitiessettledin theregion.The tworepresentatives,
perhaps belonging to local tradingdiasporas, sought Yang's permission to send annual tributarymissions to the Yuan court. He also met
a person fromthe kingdom of Sumuda SIMIS (Semenat?/Somnath,
in present-dayGujarat state),who, we are told, came especially to see
the Chinese envoybecause Kollam had officiallysubmittedto theYuan
court. On his way back to China, Yang Tingbi stopped at and secured
"submissions" fromthe kingdomsof Nawang KII (Nakur, presentday Nicobar Island?) and Sumatra.28
In the firstlunar monthof Zhiyuan 20 (January-February,
1283),
only a fewmonthsafterhis returnto China, Yang Tingbi was appointed
the commissioner of the Pacification Office and sent on a fourth
mission to Kollam. He was given imperial giftsthat included bows,
arrows,saddles, and a bridle.29Althoughthe details of Yang Tingbi's
visit to Kollam in 1283 are not given in the Yuan sources,30the outcome of his fourmissions to South Asian kingdoms is highlightedin
Tuanshi.An entryunder Zhiyuan 23 (1286-87) states that as a result
of Yang Tingbi's missions,ten kingdoms,includingMa'bar, Semenat,
Nakur, and Samudra, sent theirrepresentativesto submitto the Yuan
court.31
These submissionsindicate thatYang Tingbi had successfullyaccomplished the goal of persuading kingdomsin southernAsia to dispatch tributarymissions to the Yuan court and recognize Qubilai as
the great khan of the Mongol empire. However, the Yuan court may
have had other considerationsin sending these missions to southern
India. One was thatKollam and Ma'bar were perceived as two of the
most powerfulkingdomsin the local region. This is discerned froma
record in Tuanshithatstatesthat"among all foreignnations across the
seas, only Ma'bar and Kollam are capable of commanding[other]king28Tuanshi
andO. Franke,
Geschichte
deschin210,p.4670;Rockhill,
"Notes,"
pp.434-35,
esischen
Reiches:
EineDarstellung
seiner
seines
Wesens
undseiner
bis
Entstehung,
Entwicklung
vonWalter
deGruyter
& Co.,1930-1952) 4,pp.460-65,
zurneuesten
Zeit(Berlin:
Verlag
and5,pp.230-31.
29Tuanshi
20,p. 250.
30Tuanshi
that
a golden
waspresented
toWani,
theking
ofKollam.
20,p.251,reports
badge
Rockhill
hassuggested
theChinese
whopresented
thebadgemayhavebeenYang
diplomat
Rockhill
errs
inthepunctuation
oftheTuanshi
that
a title
of
However,
Tingbi.
passage,
stating
Son-in-Law"
wasalsoconferred
Rockhill,
"Notes,"
"Imperial
upontheKollam
king;
p. 338.
31Tuanshi
from
thesametenking210,p.4670.SeealsoTuanshi
14,p.292,where
envoys
domsarelisted
asarriving
intheninth
lunar
buttheroleofYangTingbi
inprompting
month,
these
missions
isnotmentioned.
38
TANSEN SEN
is
includingMuslims,Christiansandjews, at Kollam.37Also noteworthy
theworkoftheSouthernSong scholarZhou Qufei MS# ( 113 5 ?- 1189 ?)
called Lingwai daida
(Information
of WhatIs BeyondthePasses).
Zhou reportsthat Chinese and foreigntraderstravelingbetween the
Persian Gulf and China oftenchanged ships at Kollam.38
Preservingcommercialrelationswiththeseimportanttransitports
in southernIndia, therefore,
mayhave been equally pivotalfortheYuan
court. This is apparent fromthe events leading to Yang Tingbi's first
mission to Kollam. The missionwas dispatched shortlyafterQubilai's
armyhad overthrownthe SouthernSong dynastyand taken controlof
three importantcommercial ports in southernChina: Fuzhou, Quanzhou, and Guangzhou. The Mongols had already expressed theirsupport forlong-distanceand domestictrade when theyinvaded northern
China. The administrationofcommercialactivity,theyhad recognized,
AftertheMongol
generatedconsiderablerevenueforthegovernment.39
forcesoccupied the flourishingports of southernChina, local officials
called attentionto the potentialprofitsfrommaritimetrade. One such
officialwas Pu Shougeng vfMliJt,
the superintendentof maritimecommerce at Quanzhou.40
37SeeMouleandPelliot,
Marco
Poloi, p. 179[414].
38SeeZhouQufei,
daidajiaozhu
annot.
(BeiLingwai
YangWuquan
Thepassages
aretranslated
1999),
jing:Zhonghua,
7.2,pp.90-91;j 3,pp.126-27.
injitsuz
Kuwabara's
"OnP'uShou-keng:
AManoftheWestern
WhoWastheSuperintendent
Regions,
oftheTrading
inCh'iian-chou
towards
theEndoftheSungDynasty,
Ships'Office
together
with
a General
Sketch
oftheArabs
inChinaduring
theT'angandSungEras,"
MTB2 (1928),
pp.1-79;and7 (1935),
pp.1-104.SeeMB2 (1928),
p.65.
39Ontheencouragement
andadministration
offoreign
trade
includrulers,
bytheMongol
roleplayed
seeMorris
in
"TheMuslims
merchants,
Rossabi,
ingtheimportant
byMuslim
theEarly
inJohn
D. Langlois,
YanDynasty,"
Rule(Princeton:
Jr.,ed.,Chinaunder
Mongol
Princeton
"Merchant
Associations
U.P.,1981),
Endicott-West,
pp.257-95.SeealsoElizabeth
inYanChina:
TheOrtoy,"
AM3dser.2.2(1989),
Onthecollaboration
between
pp.127-54.
theYuancourt
andtheseafaring
seeK. Sat,"OntheForm
ofMaritime
Trade
merchants,
andCommerce
intheNearEastandtheFarEastfrom
theTenth
totheThirteenth
Centuries
oftheChristian
Biennial
AssociaEra,"inProceedings
oftheSecond
Conference
ofInternational
tionofHistorians
toYuanshi
94,p.202,Sat
ofAsia(Taipei:
n.p.,1962),
pp.335-37.Pointing
writes
theYuandynasty
"officials
ofthegovernment
office
offoreign
trade
(p.336)that
during
andcapitals
tothegovernment
tothe
rf^
[shibosi]
rI)entrusted
(shih-po-ssu
ships
belonging
merchants
whoapplied
fortheposition
ofthetrustee,
andtheprofits
weredivided
between
thegovernment
andthemerchant
inproportion
ofseventh
andthirty
percentfortheformer
"
forthelatter."
that
a similar
Henotes
form
ofcollaboration,
known
asaqir<jF
or muqratfa
,"
alsoexisted
intheNearEast.
40Kuwabara's
"P'uShou-keng"
wasthefirst
detailed
onPuShougeng
ina Western
study
Fora recent
ofPuShougeng's
roleinmaritime
trade
andpolitics
the
language.
analysis
during
transition
seeBillyK.L. So,Prosperity
inMari, Region
, andInstitutions
Song-Yuan
period,
time
China:
TheSouth
Fukien
Pattern
Mass.:Harvard
Asia
, 946-1368
(Cambridge,
University
B.
Center,
2000),chap.5 andappendix
31O
TANSEN SEN
Tingbi's close association withSget duringthe invasion of Southern
Song territoriesmay have played a major role in his selection.47
Because of Yang Tingbi's missions,it seems, the rulersof Ma'bar
and Kollam began sending regular tributarymissions to China. The
Syrian Christian and Muslim trading communities in coastal India
also may have dispatched theirown representativesto the Yuan court.
The purpose of these tributarymissions was to enter into the trading activityin coastal China. In fact,a bilingual inscriptionfound in
Quanzhou indicates thattradersfromsouthernIndia had began to returnto coastal China shortlyafterYang Tingbi's firstmission.Written
in Tamil and Chinese, the inscriptionbears the date April 1281 and
notes of the installationof an idol of Siva in a Brahmanical temple at
the Chinese port for the "welfare"of the Yuan ruler.48The accounts
of Marco Polo and Ibn Battta,and the Chinese work Daoyi zhi lileS
(BriefRecordoftheIslandBarbarians)also demonstratethatcommercial relationsbetween India and China expanded rapidlyover the
next few decades.49 While Marco Polo and Ibn Battta,forexample,
reportof tradingships traversingbetween Indian and Chinese ports,
the authorof Daoyi zhi le>suggeststhe presence
Wang Dayuan
of merchantsin the coastal regions of India.50 The benefitto the Yuan
courtforpropagatingmaritimetrade is reflectedin the taxes collected
frommerchants,which increased from4,500 ingots of silver in 1271
to 450,000 ingotsby 1286.51
Thus, Yang Tingbi had not only succeeded in establishingdiplomatic and tributaryrelations between southernIndia and China and
advancing the political goals of Qubilai Khan, his missions seem to
have also invigorated the trading contacts between the two regions
and maritimecommerce across the Indian Ocean. As discussed in the
47Kuwabara,
"P'uShou-keng"
2),p.82.
(part
48SeeT.N.Subramaniam,
inMediaeval
inR.Nagaswamy,
"ATamilColony
China,"
ed.,
andEpigraphical
ReforArchaeological,
Historical
South
IndianStudies
(Madras:
Society
search,
, pp.227-31.
1978),pp.1-52;andSen,Buddhism
49SeeSen,Buddhism
ofChinese
Maritime
Net"TheFormation
, pp.228-31,andidem,
andSocialHistory
works
toSouthern
Asia,1200-1450
"Journal
oftheEconomic
oftheOrient
seeY.Subbarayalu,
evidence
from
theIndian
coast,
49.4(2006),
pp.421-53.Forarcheological
inHimanshu
Prabha
ofTamilnadu
andKeralaCoasts,"
"Chinese
Ceramics
RayandJeanandArchaeology:
Maritime
Contacts
intheIndianOcean
Salles,
eds.,Tradition
Franois
Early
Infact,
trade
between
Chinaandsouthern
(NewDelhi:Manohar,
1996),
private
pp.109-14.
wasforced
tobanthetrade
that
theYuancourt
Indiaseems
tohavegrown
tosuchanextent
wasissued
inthesecond
inSouth
inluxury
India.Theprohibition
year
kingdoms
goodswith
oftheYuanzhen
(1296);seeTuanshi
94,pp.2402-3.
reign
period
50SeeSen,"Formation
Maritime
Buddhism
ofChinese
Networks,"
,p.232.
p.426;andidem,
51SeeRossabi,
"TheMuslims,"
p. 279.
312
TANSEN SEN
When [they]heard thatCelestial (thatis, Yuan) envoys had come
[to Ma'bar], the people were told to portraytheirkingdom(thatis,
Ma'bar) as poor and lowly. These are all lies. All the gold, pearls
and precious objects of the Muslim kingdomsare produced in this
country.Moreover, Muslim [merchants]all come here to trade.
It is known that various kingdoms [in this region] are willing to
submit [to the Yuan court].53If [the presentruler of] Ma'bar surrenders,my envoys, carryingletters[fromme], will go and summon these kingdoms.They can all be persuaded to submit[to the
Yuan court]."54
In otherwords, the person who secretlycommunicatedwiththe Yuan
embassywantedQubilai to protecthimfromone (or more) oftheco-rulersofMa'bar in exchangefortheacknowledgementofsubmissionsfrom,
and possibly tradingrightsin, kingdomslocated in southernIndia.
When Yang Tingbi returnedto China, he musthave conveyed this
requestto the Yuan court.We findthatthe Yuan court,in the eleventh
lunar monthof Zhiyuan 18 (December 1281-January,1282), sent Liu
on a diplomaticmissionto theMa'bar kingdom.55TuanMengyan
shi, however,offersno insightsabout the purpose or resultsof thismission. Nor does it furnishany detail about whathappened to the person
seeking aid fromthe Yuan court or the nature of the political discord
withinthe Ma'bar kingdom.But,two fifteenth-century
Korean sources
and a funeraryinscriptionpreservedin the fourteenth-century
Chinese
workZhong'anji
Middle
[Collection
Hut)permit
of[Records
fromthe]
us to speculate on the identityof and the events leading to the Yuan
court's decision to grantasylum to a native of Ma'bar.
The Korean works KorysaiSMfe(Historyof theKory[Kingdom]
)
and Tongguk
Mirror
( Comprehensive
onggam
fortheEasternKingI, completed in 145 1 and 1485, respectively,have identicalrecords
dom)
about a "prince" fromMa'bar called P'aehali (Ch. Bohali)
53Theremaybe sometruth
totheimportance
ofMa'barininternational
commerce
rehere.Waf,
about
thekingdom,
states:
"Thecuriosities
ofChinandMchn,
ported
writing
andthebeautiful
ofHindandSind,ladenonlargeships(which
products
theycalljunks),
likemountains
with
thewings
ofthewinds
onthesurface
ofthewater,
arealways
arsailing
there.
Thewealth
oftheIslesofthePersian
inparticular,
Gulf
andinpartthebeauty
riving
andadornment
ofother
'IrkandKhursn
from
as faras RmandEurope,
are
countries,
derived
from
which
issosituated
astobethekeyofHind."SeeElliot
andDowson,
Ma'bar,
History
ofIndia3,p. 32.
54 Tuanshi
translation
ofthispassage
hasnumerous
errors.
210,pp.4669-70.Rockhill's
SeeRockhill,
anddetailed
examination
ofthis
"Notes,"
pp.432-33.Foranother
rendering
"YuanandEarly
seePtak,
passage,
Ming,"
pp.140-43.
55Tuanshi
11,p. 236.
3*4
TANSEN SEN
the funeraryinscriptionof Ab 'All in the second lunar monthof Dade
4 (February-March,1300). Liu reportsthatAb 'Al died at the Yuan
capital Dadu (that is, present-dayBeijing) in the tenthlunar month
of the previous year at the age of forty-ninesui. Ab 'All's body was
subsequentlysent to Quanzhou forburial. Following the usual format
of epitaph writing,Liu provides a briefbiographical sketch,which he
says was based on the documentsat the Ministryof Rites thathe had
"carefullyexamined."
Ab 'Al, according to the funeraryinscription,was formerly
called Sayidi
probably a transliterationof the Arabic name
His
was
Ma' JS
Sayyid.59
family
originallyfromthe cityof Helahedi 1=f
and
later
to
migrated "Xiyang" jS# (literally,
(Qalhat/Qara-qada)60
"WesternOceans"). There, the familywas engaged in commerce,and
his father,also named Ab 'Al, received imperialfavorfromthe ruler
and his fourbrothers.Because of his service to these fivebrothers,Ab
'Al, we are told, was termed"the sixthbrother."Afterthe death of his
father,the youngerAb 'All (hereafterreferredto as Sayyid) inherited
the familybusiness. Liu Minzhong reportsthat when Sayyid came to
know that the Yuan court had pacified China, he sent his envoys to
presenttributeof native products.
In Zhiyuan 28 (1291), Qubilai sent envoys Aliba
and Bietiemuer
an
to
letter
and
invite
Temr)
(Beg
Imperial
carry
to
China.
the
invitation
from
the
Chinese
ruler,
Upon receiving
Sayyid
Sayyid,according to the funeraryinscription,was so moved thathe renounced his wife,slaves, property,and familybusiness and traveledto
China along withfivehundredtributecarriers.ImpressedwithSayyid's
acts of devotion,theYuan rulerrewardedhimwithgifts,includingsilk,
and a wife surnamed Cui (thatis, Kor.: Ch'ae). Sayyid was also given
various titlesand an officialpost in the Fujian prefecture.A son and
two daughterssurvivedhim.
AlthoughLiu Minzhongdoes notexplicitlyconfirmthatSayyid
was a native ofMa'bar, Chen Gaohua has persuasivelyargued that"Xi59IntheSKQSedn.ofZJiong'an
asSatishi
ltti;.
ji, thenameistranscribed
60TheSKQSedn.hasHalahada
LiuYingsheng
identities
thecityasas Qalhat,
Bp
that
ispresent-day
seeLiu,"Cong'Buali,'"
Amman;
p. 91.A placecalledHelaheta
inYuanshi
inSeptember
battle
tookplacebetween
22,p. 477,where,
1301a major
appears
theYuanforces
andQaidu.According
toPaulPelliot,
Helaheta/Halahata
intheTuanshi
could
stand
for
inthevicinity
located
somewhere
("Black
Rock"),
Mongolian
*Qara-qata,
*Qara-qada
inCentral
ofQayaliq
Asiaandunder
thedomain
ofQaidu.Ifthesiteofthebattle
andSayyid's
hometown
wereindeed
then
oneandthesame,
there
couldbea simple
forQubiexplanation
lai'sinterest
intheMa'bari
resident:
theYuanruler
wanted
toacquire
information
strategic
abouttheCentral
Asiancity
noteappears
inhisKotesonMarco
occupied
byQaidu.Pellios
Polo(Paris:
Nationale,
i, pp.128-29.Seealso,Biran,
, p. 53.
Qaidu
1959-63)
Imprimerie
3l6
TANSEN SEN
Sayyid's father(that is, the elder Ab 'Al), for example, is reported
to have gained the designation"sixthbrother"of the five co-rulersof
Ma'bar. Additionally,Tuanshirecordsthatin Ma'bar, Yang Tingbi was
secretlyinformedabout the plans of the five sultans to launch a militaryoffensiveagainst Kollam. K. A. Nilakanta Sastri explains that"the
systemofjoint-rulersor co-regentsthatthusprevailed in the latterpart
of the thirteenthcenturyin the Pndya (sic) empiremusthave been the
result of the great extension of the empire duringthis period and an
imitationof the practice of sending out princes of the royal familyas
viceroyswhich had prevailed in the Chola empire."66
Evidence fromIndia also validates the accounts of the migration
of Muslims fromthe Persian Gulf region to southern India. Due to
environmentalreasons, natives of Yaman and Hadramaut, as Andrew
D.W. Forbes has demonstrated,migratedto various regions of the Indian Ocean, including to southernIndia in the thirteenthcentury.67
The tombs of some of these emigrantshave been discovered at Indian
ports,includingKayal. Among the entombed at Kayal are people who
bear the name Sayyid, commonly associated with the Halrammerchants. It is possible thatthe person who defectedto China belonged
to the same group of Halrammigrantswho had settled in southern
India duringthe thirteenthcentury.68
Chen Gaohua explains thatbecause Sayyid's father,the elder Ab
'All, was called "the sixth brother"of the five rulers of the South Indian kingdom,the youngerAb 'Al (thatis, Sayyid) styledhimselfas
"the prince of Ma'bar" (hence the designation of "prince" in the Korean sources).69According to Thomas Alisen, however,the use of the
title"prince" in the Korean sources "mightsuggestthatthisperson was
the head of the merchantsin Ma'bar, that is, malikal-tujjr, literally,
'prince of traders,'a titleoftenbestowed on the leader of the commercial communityin a given townor region."70At some point,beforehis
meetingwiththe Yuan envoy Yang Tingbi in 1281, one of the Ma'bar
66Ibid.,p. 160.
67Andrew
D. W.Forbes,
"Southern
Arabia
andtheIslamicisation
oftheCentral
Indian
OceanArchipelagoes,"
21 (1981),pp.55-92.SeealsoAndr
Al-Hind:
The
Wink,
Archipel
II: 7TieSlaveKings
World
andtheIslamic
11th, Volume
Making
oftheIndo-Islamic
Conquest,
Brill,
(Leiden:
13thCenturies
1997),
pp.276-77.
68Onthemigrations
ofHalram
seeRobert
Bertram
"TheHalram
merchants,
Serjeant,
inDenysLombard
andJeanAubin,
andBusinessmen
inthe
Network,"
eds.,AsianMerchants
IndianOcean
andtheChina
Sea(NewDelhi:Oxford
U.P.,2000),pp.145-53.
69SeeChen,"Yindu,"
"YuanandEarly
pp.70-73;andPtak,
Ming,"
pp.142-43.
70Emailcommunication,
December
24,2005.
3l8
TANSEN SEN
the Yuan courtand India duringthe fourteenthcenturyare to be found
in the work of the Moroccan travelerIbn Battta.
IBN BATTTA'S DIPLOMATIC MISSION TO CHINA
Ibn Batttareached the banks of the Indus River in Septemberof
SS) threeyears afterhe had departed Mecca.74 From 1334 to 1341,
Ibn Batttaheld an officialpost and led an affluentlife at the courtof
Muhammad b. Tughluq (r. 1324-1 351), the ruler of the Delhi Sultanate in northernIndia. In 1341, because of his involvementin political strifewithinthe Sultanate, Ibn Batttaresigned fromhis post and
decided to returnto his homeland. However, soon afterMuhammad
had consented to Ibn Ba{tta's request to leave India, the sultan recalled him and ordered thathe, as an ambassador of the Delhi Sultanate, accompany fifteenmembers of the Yuan court's embassy to the
Sultanate on theirreturntripto China.75 Ibn Battta'saccount of this
mission to China provides valuable informationabout the diplomatic
and commercial relationsbetween the Delhi Sultanate and China, the
Yuan court's continuedinterestin maintainingtradingties withIndia,
and the magnitude of maritimeexchanges between India and China
duringthe fourteenthcentury.
Ibn BatttareportsthattheYuan embassy,whichseems to have
arrivedin Delhi in 1340,76 broughtwithit a bountyof gifts,including
slave girls,velvet cloth, musk, a jeweled robe, embroidered quivers,
and swords. When the Yuan ruler also sought permission to rebuild
a Buddhist temple in the Himalayas,77 Muhammad refused to grant
permission,but decided to respond withan embassy of his own to the
74Fora complete
translation
ofIbnBattta's
seeH. A.R.Gibb[andC. F.Beckingwork,
A.D.1325-1354.
Translated
with
Revisions
andNotes
ham],TheTravels
ofIbnBattuta,
from
theArabic
Text
Edited
andB.R.Sanguinetti
TheHakluyt
(London:
byC.Defrmery
Society,
Fora shorter
ofIbnBattta's
narrative
seeRossE. Dunn'sThe
Adventures
travels,
1958-1994).
AMuslim
Traveler
U. ofCalifornia
P.,1986).
ofIbnBattuta:
ofthe14thCentury
(Berkeley:
75Gibb,Travels
76SeeDunn,
Adventures
, p. 213.
3,p. 767.
ofIbnBattuta
77Gibb,Travels
believes
that
theYuanembassy
4,p.773.AzizAhmad
ofIbnBattuta
sought
torebuild
intheQarchl
thistemple
where
Mohammad's
toconforces,
region
attempting
Khursn
and
Transoxiana
andwestern
Central
Asiarespectively),
is,Afghanistan
(that
quer
weredefeated
Infact,
Ahmad
seems
tosuggest
thatMohammad's
bylocalhillmen.
military
intotheHimalayan
because
ofitsproximity
totheChinese
instiborder,
expedition
region,
theYuanmission
totheDelhiSultanate;
seeAhmad
Pressure
inanAlien
Aziz,"Mongol
gated
toPiyal-Dln
inMuhammad's
Land,"CAJb
BaranI,
(1961),
pp.182-93.Indeed,
according
tention
wasto"bring
under
thedominion
ofIslmthismountain,
which
liesbetween
theterritories
ofHindandthose
ofChina,
sothat
thepassage
forhorses
andsoldiers
andthemarch
ofthearmy
andTransoxiana]
berendered
andDowson,
[toKhursn
might
easy";seeElliot
ofthemilitary
launched
History
ofIndia3,pp.241-42.Fora detailed
study
expeditions
by
Muhammad
b.Tughluq,
theidentification
oftheQarchll
anda discussion
including
region
320
TANSEN SEN
of Bengal to China.80 This itinerary,instead of a shortertripthrough
CentralAsia, may have been selected because ofthepolitical instability
in Central Asia afterthe death of the Chaghadayid rulerTarmashirin
(r. 1326-1334).81 It is also possible thatthe Yuan delegation had taken
a similar sea-land route throughCalicut and Cambay to the court of
Muhammad and wanted to returnthe same way it came.
Unfortunatelyfor Ibn Battta and members of the northIndian embassy to the Yuan court,the land-and-seajourney was beset by
mishaps and misfortunes.Before the mission reached Cambay, Hindu
insurgentskilled many of its members,including the eunuch Kfr.
Ibn Batttahimselfwas robbed and taken captive. Afterhe managed
to escape, Ibn Batttarejoined the depleted mission and reached Calicut throughCambay withoutfurtherincident.But,the nightbeforeIbn
Batttawas to set sail fromCalicut, a severe stormstruckthe coastal
town and destroyedthe ship carryingthe sultan's giftsand slaves to
the Yuan ruler. Only Ibn Battta,who was onshore praying,and two
otherIndian officialssurvivedthe disaster.The Yuan envoys,who had
leftthe port beforethe storm,althoughbuffetedby the turbulentseas,
were able to reach Kollam. Despite losing all the giftsand presents
intended forToghon Temr, Ibn Batttawas determinedto complete
his joiirney to the Yuan court. Sometime in mid-1346, six years after
he had departed Delhi, Ibn Battta eventually reached the Chinese
coastal port of Quanzhou.
Although Ibn Battta reports that he traveled to Dadu, the
Mongol capital, modern scholars have judged his account of thejourney fromQuanzhou to the capital as apocryphal. It seems thathe had
not only failed to gain audience withthe Yuan ruler,but also decided
to leave aftera very shortstay. He began his returnvoyage to India
sometimein eitherDecember 1346 orJanuary 1347.82
Ibn Battta's journey, even thougha failed mission,provides important informationabout diplomatic exchanges between northern
India and China. His travelogue not only atteststo the court-to-court
80Ibid.,p. 214.
81Ontherelations
between
theDelhiSultanate
andtheChaghataids
thereign
of
during
Muhammad
b.Tughluq,
seeJackson,
DelhiSultanate
, pp.231-37.Dunngivesthefollowing
fortheindirect
route
taken
toCambay:
"Thelandward
itinerexplanation
bytheentourage
DelhitoCamby
washardly
themost
direct
asDaulatabad
route
aryfrom
possible,
laysome
oftheport.
Sultan
Muhammad
hisenvoys
official
busi240milessoutheast
mayhavegiven
nessinDaulatabad
thattheRihlafailstomention,
orperhaps
heinstructed
thecaravan
to
makeanappearance
there
asa symbolic
show
ofDelhi'scontinuing
intheDeccan";
authority
seeAdventures
, p. 214.
82Ibid.,p. 266.
322
TANSEN SEN
nese; Muslim tradersfromdifferent
partsofAsia visitedand exchanged
at
the
in
coastal
India
and
China and the intermediaryregoods
ports
and
the
Hindu
in
southern
India and the Mongol court
gion;
kingdoms
in China encouraged and gave state support to long-distance trade
and traders.Indeed, Ibn Battta'sjourney fromthe Delhi Sultanate to
China demonstratesthe complex, multiethnic,and intense nature of
trade and commerce between India and China in the firsthalf of the
fourteenthcentury.
CONCLUSION
The Yuan missions to Indian courtsmarked a discernable change
in the nature of the diplomatic exchanges between India and China,
especially in regard to the motives thatled to the sending of emissaries fromChina to the Indian courts.The key reasons forthisshiftwere
Qubilai's strategytowardmaritimestatesand the tremendousupsurge
in cross-continentalcommerce in the twelfthand thirteenthcenturies.
Beforethetwelfthcentury,veryfew,ifany,Chinese embassiesweresent
to India withthe objective of promotingcommerciallinksbetween the
two regions.By the thirteenthcentury,not only had China emergedas
one of the mostlucrativemarketsin the world,the rulersin China also
recognized the economic benefitsof facilitatingand regulatingforeign
trade at itsbordersand in the coastal towns.As a result,the Song court,
forinstance,oftendispatched diplomatic envoys overseas to promote
tradingrelations and induce foreigntradersto China.
Afterthe Mongols occupied the flourishingportsof coastal China,
they continued the previous policy of fosteringmaritimetrade. And
similarto the precedingSong dynasty,the Yuan courtsentspecial missions to foreignkingdomsto exact tributeand to entice seafaringtraders to Chinese ports. The missions of Yang Tingbi to southernIndia
demonstratethe Yuan court's intentionto secure access to the important transitpoint in Indian Ocean both for political and commercial
reasons. Indeed, this seems to be the firsttime in Chinese historythat
court officialswere sent beyond the Bay of Bengal to demand submissions, forgediplomaticalliances and promoteinternationaltrade,illustratingthecomplexityofcross-culturaldiplomacyduringthethirteenth
and fourteenthcenturies.
The Chinggisid civil war that centered on Qaidu in Central
Asia seems to have forced Qubilai to explore the maritimeroutes for
militaryexpansion, political alliances, and commercialprofit.To prove
his mettleas the heir to the greatkhans and demonstratehis trueMon324
TANSEN SEN
trade withChina. Indeed, the solicitationof tributarymissionsand the
promotionof maritimetrade,which were the main objectives of Yang
Tingbi's missions,could have been the basis of Zheng He's voyages to
southernAsia.89 In short,the Yuan missions not only conferredofficial supportto Chinese mercantileactivitybetween China and coastal
India, but also laid the foundationsforthe grand maritimeexpeditions
of Zheng He to southernAsia and beyond.
89Fordetails,
seeSen,"Formation
ofChinese
Maritime
Networks."
326