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Prominent in Tibetan accounts of the life of Maitri-pa is a tale of how he was expelled from the
monastic university of Vikramasila by Atisa (Dipamkarasrijiiana). The story does not appear in any
non-Tibetan source. Nor can any Indian or Nepalese basis be identified for the contention of some
Tibetan scholars that Atisa received the text of the Mahayana-uttaratantra-sastra and/or instructions
on it from Maitri-pa. The two tales are broadly contradictory, for they place the two Indian masters in
opposite relationships of authority. Their use by Tibetan historians on apparently sectarian grounds
calls into question the validity of Tibetan historical tradition as it bears upon the later period of
Buddhism in India. Neither purported event is central to the spiritual career of either figure, and I
present a study of them here so as to exclude them from a later study of the hagiography of Maitri-pa.
In a Nepalese Sanskrit manuscript (designated Sham Shere) that may be the earliest witness to the life
of Maitri-pa,1 there is no hint of either tale. The absence is not of course decisive, because the
manuscript is not a complete "life": it traces the lineage of Maitri-pa's philosophic doctrine, called
Amanasikara, concluding in the middle of his life after Maitri-pa's spiritual quest and instruction under
Sabaresvara.
According to the Sham Shere manuscript, Maitri-pa is born a brahman named Damodara2 in the
Middle Country (madhyadesa). As a brahmanical renunciate named Martabodha,3 he is converted and
taught general Mahayana ("the way of the perfections") by Naropa; then Ragavajra teaches him tantra
("the way of mantras"). He then studies the nirakara philosophic system under Ratnakarasanti. The
sites of these studies are not named. Going to Vikramasila, he studies under Jiianasrimitra (an adherent
to sakara). From Vikramasila he proceeds to Vikramapura and is ordained a bhik~u in the Sammatiya (!) school, his name becoming Maitrigupta - hence the Tibetans' designation Maitri-pa, from the
honorific Maitripada. Dream-visions (svapna-darsana) of Avalokitesvara inspire him to remove himself to KhasarpaI).a, then to travel south in search of the siddha SabareSvara. He receives the name
Advayavajra in a waking dream that constitutes tantric initiation (~eka). (The name Avadhuti-pa,
known from Sanskrit colophons and Tibetan historical tradition, is not attested by this text.) The
account concludes with the last instructions and disappearance of SabareSvara. In Tibetan accounts
Advayavajra then returns to the gr~at monasteries of the Middle Country to teach.
Maitri-pa is contemporary with Atisa - the dating of ca. 986-1065 made by Hadano (293-294) will
suffice for this discussion - and they inhabited the same milieu.
2
3
See bibliography s. v. Sham Shere. The ms. is available only in transliteration, as Levi and Tucci made copies by hand; it is
palm-leaf (Tucci 138), and the script seemed to be "du moyen age nepalais" (Levi 417). The better copyist was Tucci.
Padma-dkar-po gives the name Dharma (287.2). Cpo also n. 3 below.
Cpo Padma-dkar-po: his later buddhist name Dharmabodhi (287.5). Comparison with Sham Shere makes clear that Padmadkar-po preserves some names that the other histories do not, but in corrupted forms and inaccurate attributions. See
Taranatha's stricture upon the Doha-histories that are sources for Padma-dkar-po: "The late, blabbering histories (to rgyus) of
the Doha-preachers of old, are hollow" (rGya-gar 217.18, tr. 304-305).
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5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
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14
15
16
"Most ... benefit", but not the supreme siddhi of Mahamudra. More on Kamalarak~ita infra.
See n. 8 above.
From the point of view of the miscreant in this case, retreat from monastic and academic life is necessary for spiritual
development. But this is the subject of hagiography.
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These questions need to be addressed: whether such a conflict arose in India and, if so, who may
have been involved as expeller and expelled.
There is reason to doubt that this conflict, s.o highly dramatized by Tibetan sources, was played to
any great extent in India precisely because. it was so important in contemporary Tibet. Atisa was invited
to Tibet in order to reform a Buddhism allegedly corrupted by tantric rituals including sexual intercourse and murder (sbyor sgrol)Y In his Lamp for the Path (lam sgron) composed for the Tibetan king
Byari-chub-'od, Atisa explains that practices requiring uncelibacy are not for monks. is A corresponding work add~essed to the Indian king Nayapala (tr. Chattopadhyaya 520-524) shows no such reformist concern. Even in the Lamp, Atisa is not adamant: the line that follows (and concludes the work)
declares. "For someone who knows reality, there is no transgression" (ed. 654, cpo tr. 177), and it is
clear from the biographies that tantra was central to his own practice in India. 19
Furthermore, there are sources that insist that Atisa taught more in Tibet than some of his disciples
cared to admit. The Blue Annals says (232.6-233.3, tr. 261):
When Elder Brother came to Tibet, 'Brom-ston-pa [rGyal-ba'i-'byuri-gnas, A.D. 1005-1064] acted as his
administrator (bdag ner), and he [Atisa] was intimate only with him. During his residence at bSam-yas, he
bestowed upon 'Brom, at mChims-phu, many means for tantric practice, as well as profound instruction on
Doha and other [texts]. 'Brom made it his highest pri~rity to dissociate from Elder Brother those of coarse
behavior who practiced the tantras literally, so he said that he had never heard the profound [doctrines]. Even
the venerable Mid-Ia [Milarepa, A.D. 1040-1123] decried this on the occasion of his meeting with Dvags-po
lHa-rje [sGam-po-pa, A.D. 1070-1153] ... 20
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
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Templeman 12J: "Tibetans snap their fingers at the pledges by yelping like dogs. 24 Who are the accomplished
ones versus the ordinary practitioners?" That is to say, the lies of Tibetan fools should be considered as
dramatization (16.5-7).
The inclusion by Taranatha of "the expulsion of Maitri-pa" does not necessarily indicate that it is
attested by contemporary tradition in India: he also identifies his sources (at the end of the bKa'-babs)
as the accounts of older Tibetan teachers "when they are credible".25 What Taranatha doubts in the
story is the role of Atisa. He says (15.6-7):
The disciplinarian at that time is said (skad) to have been Elder Brother. He purportedly (zer) came to Tibet as
purification of its [the deed's J karmic obstacle ...
According to Taranatha, Maitri-pa is spied first by a novice, then by the disciplinarian and others; the
community expels him.
To review the other versions on this point: In the Atisa biographies, Maitri-pa is spied by an elder
monk and expelled by the community led by Atisa; the story of the expulsion of Kamalarak~ita gives
no indication of the individuals who were responsible. The Life of Marpa reluctantly accepts Atisa's
role in the expulsion. 26 According to dPa' -bo-gcug-Iag, he is seen by Atisa as steward (ial ta) and
expelled by the community; the chapter on the bKa' -gdams-pa follows the Atisa biographies. Padmadkar po: He is seen by Atisa as disciplinarian (dge bskos), who is instrumental in the expulsion. Sumpa-mkhan po: He is expelled by Atisa as disciplinarian.
Tibetan historical tradition aims less often at preserving data than at portraying important figures
and their interactions. An expulsion first imputed to Maitri-pa would not later be imputed to a lesserknown Kamalarak~ita, but the reverse. So we may have in these accounts an incident deriving from the
life of Kamalarak~ita assigned to that of Maitri-pa and then, as the latter drops from prominence, to
Na-ro-pa.
The origins of "the expulsion of Maitri-pa" seem to lie in the biographies of Atisa. The later
historians - dPa' -bo and Padma - who treat the incident under the two headings, base both versions
upon the account given by the biographies, adding additional justifications to that of the bKa' -brgyud
chapter. The biographies of Atisa do not indicate at what point in the life of Maitri-pa this may have
occurred. (And the dates of Maitri-pa will not be determined with sufficient certainty to allow deduction of the answer from the dates of Atisa himself.) Generally, the assumption is made that the forced
departure is tied to his quest for SabareSvara and spiritual instruction. This discredits the departure on
quest, otherwise understood to be motivated by dream-vision. In addition, it disagrees with evidence of
the Sham Shere manuscript that Maitri-pa's stay at Vikramasila precedes a longer stay at Vikramapura,
after which he departs south through Bengal. Padma-dkar-po locates the expulsion incident, and also
the controversy with Ratnakarasanti, at a time that follows his studies with Sabaresvara and return to
the Middle Country (296.5-297.4); the expulsion prompts him to establish a hermitage with his
disciples. 27 This could explain why the incident, if it did occur, is not mentioned by Sham Shere: the
manuscript does not cover the post-Sabara period except to relate the guru's last instructions: to
publish the philosophy (of Amanasikara) and to practice the siidhana of Vajrayogini. Implementation
of these two injunctions could explain the controversy with Ratnakarasanti, his former teacher, as well
as illicit activity with a female yogin in his cell.
The connection of Maitri-pa with the cult of Vajrayogini, especially under his name Avadhuti-pa,
has been pointed out by Hadano (287-288, 295). The association is borne out by the Sham Shere
manuscript, in that it discusses - side-by-side - the lineages of Vajrayogini and Amanasikara. The
story of the expulsion may point to an attempt by academics to reject the practice. In another story told
by Taranatha (bKa' -babs tr. Templeman 70-72), the teacher Abhayakaragupta (ca. 1100) thrice refuses
24
25
26
27
A reference to the pledge (samaya) not to denigrate the guru, see e. g. Beyer 405 n. 1.
The BA is obviously held in high regard by Taranatha, see e. g. Templeman tr. 35- 36.
Life 260.4-6, tr. 77-78, Bacot 34.
Hadano draws a similar conclusion (292-293).
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to take siddhi from Vajrayogini (as a brahman, a monk, and a tantric), and for that reason fails to attain
liberation ("highest siddhi") in that lifetime. On the other hand, the story may illustrate prolepsis; even
Atisa is supposed to have accepted the blessing (byin rlabs) of Vajrayogini from a female yogin, one of
his twelve gurus (Eimer 012).
The biographies of Atisa have no clear conception of who the "Maitri-pa" expelled from Vikramasila
may have been. They do not tie "Maitri-pa" to one of his other names, nor even show an awareness of
the full name "Maitrigupta". The extended (rgyas paY version addresses the question at one point and
identifies the expulsed as ':-Prabhu (mila' bdag) Maitri-pa. But this title must derive from the histories:
according to dPa' -bo (371.10-13) it is given by a king for victory over Ratnakarasanti. At Blue Annals
746.2 (tr. 842) the title Victor (rgyal ba, "jina) is given; the Life of Marpa entitles him ':-jinaputra
(293.1). The rGyas-pa version may even be intended to clarify this last. Discussing "SuvarI).advipa
Dharmakirti, teacher of Atisa, it has this interpolation (Eimer 055):
[He] was also called Maitri-pa, because of his great lovingkindness (byams pa, ':-maitri). There have been three
Maitri-pas: ':-Prabhu Maitri-pa, whom Elder Brother expelled from Vikrama (!), the ':-jinaputra Maitri-pa or
reverend Maitreya, and this "Suvarn~dvipa, who acted out of maitri.
The confusion of "Maitreya" and "Maitri" was undoubtedly initiated by Tibetans, though probably
not by the translator Nag-cho, the source of the biographies. Hadano discusses a list of three Maitripas in which Maitreya is replaced by ':-Kalacakra[-pada], also known as Nepalese (bal po) Maitri (291),28
but that priority of that list cannot yet be established.
This Dharmakirti, concerning whom the Atisa texts give some biographical information further on,
is clearly not Maitri-palAdvayavajra. In searching further for Maitri-pa, designated perhaps by another
name, we come in the next passage to a teacher of Atisa named Jiianasri-maitri, presumably an error for
Jiianasri-mitra (Eimer 056 & n. 9). The error could be taken as repetition or conflation; the latter would
suggest that Maitri-pa was intended by some version. The name Jiianasri-maitri, however, is unlikely.
The next possibility is Kamalarak~ita, also a teacher of Atisa. Following the account of his expulsion,
the biographies explain that this teacher is also his student, in that Atisa converted him from Cittamatra-alikara (= nirakara) to the Madhyamika. Kamalarak~ita changed his view consequent to the
obtainment of Mahamudra, for which he had prepared with the practice of mantra (Eimer 111).
Rejection of nirakara as well as sakara does correspond to the mature thought of Maitri-pa (see for
example Tattvadasaka, v. 2). Likewise, the integration of siitric with tantric practices is regarded as
characteristic of his Mahamudra schooI,29 There is no other evidence, however, for an identification of
Maitri-pa with Kamalarak~ita.30
, The biographies give the following summary of Atisa's teachers, in four sets (Eimer 012-013, in
paraphrase) :
There were (1) twelve source (mula) gurus, including Bodhibhadra, Jetari, and Dharmarak~ita; (2)
three gurus who possessed higher knowledge eabhijiia), being Duhura-nag-po, Guptavajra, and "a
disciple of N a-ro-pa known as ':-Abhijiia" [of Bengal, see BA 360 - 361]; (3) two who had attained
Mahamudra, the highest siddhi, being A vadhiitipa and Kamalarak~ita - both of whom he attended in
person; and (4) ':-guru Suvamadvipa.
This statement may be the primary source, but since the list of twelve (in set one) is not complete,
two alternative traditions are inserted:
(a) Great Zul-phu-pa reports that there were twelve gurus who had attained realization (':-siddhi), two
gurus who had seen the truths, and one guru who was blessed by a low-caste yogin; and
(b) There were six, plus an additional six gurus" endowed with both transmission and comprehension
[of sacred texts]". The primary six comprise three male yogins - guru Avadhiiti-pa, the yogin of
28
2' See for example the system ascribed to Mar-pa and Mi-la at BA 632, tr. 724.
30
Nor with Yamari-yogin or PailJ.c;\apatika, the other names of Kamalarak~ita; see Eimer, index s. v. PailJ.c;\apatika & refs., Ruegg
at MCB 20 (1981): 217-219.
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':-Yamari, and pombhi-pa - and three female yo gins (not named but described). The additional six
include "three who possessed ':-abhijiia", and three other female yogins, including the one mentioned above who bestowed the blessing of Vajrayogini.
Among those who might be Maitri-pa, Jetari/Jiianasrimitra and Kamalarak~ita/Yamari-yogin have
already been discussed. The yogic name Avadhuti-pa is also applied to Maitri-pa, as well as to others. 3 !
The biographies know two teachers with that name, which they designate "elder" and "younger". The
elder ordained Atisa a layman; the younger ordained him a monk (Eimer 024). In neither of these
passages, nor in those of the histories where only the named "Avadhuti-pa" is used, does it appear that
Maitri-pa is intended.32 The author of works attributed to "Avadhuti-pa" in the bsTan-'gyur will be
difficult to identify. Sarikrtyayana's identification of Maitri-pa as teacher of Atisa (fA 225 [1934]: 226)
on the basis of the name "Avadhuti-pa" must also be considered problematic.
On the other hand, there is no doubt that Nag-cho Chul-khrims-rgyal-ba, interpreter and translator
of Atisa, studied Amanasikara under VajrapaQ.i, a disciple of Maitri-pa. 33
In its chapter on Atisa, the BA refers to his translation, in conjunction with Nag-cho, of the commentary ("by Asariga") at Yer-pa - posterior to his stay at mChims-phu (231.4-5, tr. 259). The biographies of Atisa do not mention it among works translated at the home of rNog (Eimer 339). They do
name the Uttaratantra (along with the Dharmadharmata-vibhaga, T 4023) among a set of works
translated with Nag-cho at Sol-nag Thari-po-che (Eimer 311).37 The parallel passage by dPa'-bo-gcuglag (305.13-14) says only that he taught "the latter three texts of ':-Maitreya" [of which the Uttaratan-
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32
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36
37
Maitri-pa is named "Avadhuti-pa" in Tibetan and Sanskrit sources: see Hadano 287-289, 295; Sadhanamala lxii, xci, 426;
Finot inJA 225 (1934): 5 n. 3 (a ms. believed to have been brought to China in A.D. 1057); colophons to Adv. works no. 1,3,
7, etc.; Life of Marpa 293.5, tr. 117; Bu-ston 1037: 1-2. According to Padma-dkar-po, Sabaresvara gave him the name
':-Advayavajra-avadhutipa (294.2). On "Avadhuti-pa" as a general designation for those who practice Yogatantra, see Hadano
287; also Eimer 1: 422; at Taranatha, bKa'-babs 63: 1 it is even applied to a brahmanical yogin. But many buddhist names
could be considered "generic", e. g. Kamalarak~ita.
In the histories, for example: Taranatha, bKa'-babs 85.2 etc. refers to the elder; Sum-pa-mkhan-po 119.1-2 to the younger;
BA tr. 390-391 to "Avadhuti-pa or PaiI;lQapatika the elder" who practices Vajrayogini but apparently is not Maitri-pa. The
name "Avadhuti-pa" at Atisa, Lamp tr. 173ff. is incorrect; it should be bhik~u PaiI;lQapatika.
See BA tr. 857, and their collaborative translations of works by Maitri-pa in the bsTan-'gyur.
Lit./o bo chen po r/e lha gag; "Elder Brother "Ekadeva". The epithet is also used by dPa'-bo-gcug-lag (370.12) in connection
with Atisa's function as monastic steward (ial-ta).
These constitute three related sections of the bsTan-'gyur; see Hadano 297.
On this lost translation see Hadano 298 & n. 42.
This Than-po-che is located in the Yar Valley, whereas Yer-pa is north of Lhasa; see Wylie, Geography 169 n. 507, 83 & 159
n.402-403.
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tra should be considered the last; see Ruegg 1969: 39 & n.]. Then again, the Yons-grags version of the
biographies (Eimer 380, n. 3) names the Uttaratantra among a set of works by Maitreya/Asanga that
were translated by Atisa and Nag-cho, some editions say at sNe Plain;38 dPa'-bo mentions "the texts of
Maitreya" (313.9).
Whether he translated the text (and commentary) or not, there can be little doubt that Atisa taught
the Uttaratantra in Tibet. The next question is whence he received it. The biographies do not mention
it among the lineages that came to him in India. (An intercpolation by the rGyas-pa says that the lineage'
of Maitreya ca~e from Kusulu the elder, Eimer 057.) According to 'Gos, the Uttaratantra had
disappeared for several centuries until Maitri-pa discovered it in a shrine.
In context of "the five texts of Maitreya", the BA says (308.4-6, tr. 347):
According to the history (10 rgyus) of the school of bCan [Kha-bo-che, b. 1021], the 'fMahayana-uttaratantra
and the *Dharmadharmata-vibhaga (T 4024-4025, 4023) were unknown to others 39 when the venerable
Maitri-pa saw a ray of light coming from the chink of a shrine (mchod rten, "stupa) and removed the two texts.
He then entreated Reverend 'fMaitreya (ma pham pa, 'fajita), who came through a gap in the clouds and
formally transmitted the two texts to him. Maitri-pa taught them to pandit Anandakirti, who went to Kashmir40
dressed as a beggar. Sajjana perceived Anandakirti to be remarkable, served him, and received instruction in the
. two texts. He copied the books and gave them to the scholar Jiianasri and others ... [Sajjana taught them to
bCan, and himself translated them with locava Blo-Idan-ses-rab, A.D. 1059-1109.]
Atisa is not part of the lineage of bean, but he is mentioned at the close of the chapter as having made,
in collaboration with Nag-cho, the first translation (of texts and commentary) in Tibet. In another
place (BA 242.7-243.3, tr. 271-272), the superiority of the Blo-Idan-ses-rab translation is acknowledged by the descendents of Atisa.
What importance the Uttaratantra may have to Maitri-pa's philosophy has yet to be established. The
work is not cited in the commentary by Sahajavajra to the Tattvadasaka (Adv. no. 20), Maitri-pa's
major statement of Amanasikara. 'Gos mentions it prominently (as cited above) in the chapter on
Mahamudra, and 'Gos holds the transmission of the TD itself (BA tr. 866), so the question should be
left open.
History by lineage, as the Tibetans inherited the genre from India,41 is unlikely to establish the
relationship of Atisa to Maitri-pa with clarity and objectivity, because it is inherently sectarian. The
histories often weave attributions that cannot be unravelled even by scholars of the century succeeding.
Any accurate description, therefore, must depend upon evidence internal to their works. The teachings
'Of Atisa are not important to the writings of Maitri-pa, unless like Kamalarakljita the latter was
converted by Elder Brother to Madhyamika. On the other hand, there is some reason to believe that
the works of Atisa, and his teachings, may contain influences not acknowledged by his bKa' -gdams-pa
heirs, and Maitri-pa may be among them. Although Atisa did not translate any works by Maitri-pa, his
disciple Nag-cho devoted considerable time and effort to doing so.
sNe-than on the east bank of the sKyid River, south of Lhasa; see Wylie, Geography 76, 147 n. 298.
'Gos later points out that Haribhadra does not cite the Uttaratantra in the Abhisamayalar'nkaraloka, although he utilizes
others among the five texts of Maitreya. See BA .308.4-310.3, tr. 347-349; also Ruegg 1969: 39 n. 1, Le Traite du
Tathagatagarbha de Bu ston Rin chen grub (Paris: EFEO, 1973): 20 n. 5.
40 This account, and what is known of the life of Maitri-pa, make it unlikely that the shrine was in Kashmir, as Ruegg suggests
(1969: 38).
41. See the remarks by Hoffmann in the Journal of Asian History 4: 2 (1979): 170.
38
39
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