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Margin becoming centre: for a worldcentred rethinking of masculinities


a

Raewyn Connell
a

University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia


Published online: 30 Aug 2014.

To cite this article: Raewyn Connell (2014) Margin becoming centre: for a world-centred rethinking
of masculinities, NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies, 9:4, 217-231
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NORMA: International Journal for Masculinity Studies, 2014


Vol. 9, No. 4, 217231, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18902138.2014.934078

Margin becoming centre: for a world-centred rethinking of


masculinities

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Raewyn Connell*
University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia
(Received 14 March 2014; accepted 19 May 2014)
Discussions of globalization and masculinity need to be reconsidered through a critical
examination of the global economy of knowledge. Scholarship in the South is
generally oriented to theories and methods developed in the global North. The
coloniality of knowledge has ironically made it difficult to appreciate the coloniality of
masculinity. There is a rich archive of accounts and analyses of masculinity from
around the global South, in a variety of genres. These provide an important foundation
for post-colonial thinking about masculinities. The formation of masculinities needs to
be considered on a historical terrain including worldwide processes of conquest and
social disruption, the building of colonial societies and a global economy, and postindependence globalization. A world-centred, rather than metropole-centred, domain
of knowledge is possible, requiring rethinking of familiar concepts and methods in
masculinity studies but opening new perspectives and new questions.
Keywords: masculinity; coloniality; post-colonial; gender studies; globalization;
southern theory; knowledge

Introduction
Thirty years ago the US black feminist writer bell hooks published a notable book called
Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. Hooks introduced her argument with memories
from her childhood in a poor black community in a Kentucky town. It was literally across
the railroad tracks from the richer white community, where many blacks worked as
maids, janitors or prostitutes but where they were not allowed to live. This situation,
hooks argued, gave the black people an understanding of the whole society, both margin
and centre, which was denied to the whites. We looked both from the outside in and
from the inside out (hooks, 1984, ix). Feminist theory, she observed, had mainly been
constructed from a position of social privilege, and needed the perspective of the margin
to gain this larger view.
It is well recognized that this problem exists on a world scale (Bulbeck, 1998). On
this scale, the margin on the other side of the tracks is not the minority, like the black or
Hispanic communities in the USA. It is where the large majority of the worlds people
live, where most of the worlds cultures have flourished, and where most economic
activity occurs. Yet the metropole the centre of the global economy dominates the
international arena of knowledge and theory as it has for the past two centuries.

*Email: raewyn.connell@sydney.edu.au
2014 The Nordic Association for Research on Men and Masculinities

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Language distinguishing global North from global South was popularized in the
1960s, as a counter to the Cold War division of East vs West, and is still valuable as a
counter to the homogenizing language of globalization (Dados & Connell, 2012). It
names a structure of relations between the centre of economic power, military power and
cultural authority in Western Europe and North America, and the rest of the world the
scene of imperial expansion over the last 500 years, resistance, and neo-colonial power
and influence. The global South is a scene of enormous diversity, including former
colonies of conquest (e.g. Mexico, India, Indonesia, Egypt), former settler colonies
(e.g. Australia), combinations of conquest and settlement (e.g. South Africa), and regions
not directly ruled but subject to military coercion and economic and cultural colonization
(e.g. Iran, China). The South includes dire poverty and considerable wealth, and it is
changing rapidly, even leading the North in social change (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2011).
What is common to these societies is the formative role of colonialism in their histories
and their contemporary position outside the global centre.
These features are, I will argue, of great importance for understanding masculinities.
Calls to rethink ideas about masculinity from post-colonial or global-South starting points
have been increasingly heard in recent scholarship (Jolly, 2008; Ratele, 2013a; Vieira de
Jesus, 2011). In this article I examine the global structuring of knowledge in this field, the
wealth of ideas about masculinities produced in the South, historical changes in relations
shaping masculinities, and a possible future for the field.
The global economy of knowledge and research on masculinities
As a research field a body of data, a workforce and a set of training institutions, a set of
research practices, a flow of research funds, a network of journals and books, conferences
and curricula studies of masculinity are an integral part of a much larger economy of
knowledge. In this larger economy, as the Beninese philosopher Paulin Hountondji
(1997) has shown, there is a broad division of labour on a world scale. The global
metropole is where most journals are located, most theory and methodology are
produced, and data are aggregated in libraries, museums, data banks and research
centres. Most of the material resources for scholarship, such as well-funded universities,
doctoral programmes, research funds, journals and conferences, are located here. The role
of the global periphery is by contrast to supply data, and later to apply science in
practical ways.
There is, then, a structural imbalance in the production of knowledge. Researchers in
the South routinely study the work of researchers in the North, but the reverse is not true.
Data from the colonized world can be readily inserted into this system, as we see in texts
such as the anthropologist David Gilmores Manhood in the Making (1990). But
concepts, methodologies and agendas from the South are not generally recognized.
This is the taken-for-granted situation in the academic world generally, and it is
exacerbated by the marketization of higher education. A homogenous system of
knowledge, framed by European and North American institutions and a globalized
academic culture, is assumed in the ranking systems journal rankings based on
citations, league tables for universities, etc. that have now become key tools of neoliberal management.
Studies of masculinity crystallized as a research field in the social sciences and
humanities during the 1980s, with two key developments: the emergence of much more
sophisticated empirical work, and conceptual analyses that went beyond the sex role

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paradigm and emphasized power, multiplicity and hegemony. A useful marker is the
empirical work of two feminist researchers in Germany, Sigrid Metz-Gckel and Ursula
Mller, who published in Der Mann (1985) the first comprehensive quantitative survey of
gender relations with a focus on the situation of men.
Sociological, historical and psychological studies about patterns of masculinity built
up quickly, especially in the US but with active work also in Germany, Britain,
Scandinavia, and the rich settler-colonial countries Australia and New Zealand. In the
1990s the field began to acquire specialized journals (masculinities, 1993), took on ideas
from post-structuralism about the discursive construction of masculinities, and addressed
questions about masculinitys place in modernity. At the same time the research findings
and concepts were reaching applied fields such as health, social work, education and antiviolence programmes. (For a recent overview see Aboim, 2010.)
I have called this the ethnographic moment in masculinity research. Classic
ethnography was one of the research methods, used in studies of masculinity in schools,
gyms, workplaces and residential communities. Other researchers used life-history
interviewing, large-scale surveys, archives of documents, and mass media content. They
shared a focus on documenting specific patterns of masculinity revealed at a particular time
and place.
The rich ethnographic documentation proved that there was not one universal
masculinity, but rather multiple masculinities. The research also showed that masculinities
change historically. This was important in contesting the essentialism of pop psychology,
and particularly important for applied work on boys education, mens health, counselling
and violence prevention.
Within a very few years, studies of masculinity were transformed into a world-wide
field of knowledge with research from Brasil (Arilha, Unbehaum Ridenti, & Medrado,
1998) to the eastern Mediterranean (Ghoussoub & Sinclair-Webb, 2000). The most
sustained research and documentation programme on men and masculinities was
launched, not in the global metropole, but in Chile. This programme drew in researchers
from across Latin America, as well as making intensive studies of Chilean youth,
fatherhood, elite masculinities, and more (Olavarra, 2009; Valds & Olavarra, 1998).
There are now collections of research and applied studies of masculinity for practically
every continent or culture-area. In the last decade this includes volumes on African
masculinities (Ouzgane & Morrell, 2005), changing masculinities in India (Chopra,
2007), South-east Asia (Ford & Lyons, 2012), and more.
Most of this research has the same methodological character as the ethnographic
moment in masculinity studies in the metropole, as we see in such notable studies
as Taga Futoshis (Taga, Mitsumari, Masanori, & Yohei, 2011) life-history work on
changing salaryman masculinities in Japan, Robert Morrells (2001) classic history of
colonial masculinity in Natal, or Sayed Md Saikh Imtiazs (2012) detailed and moving
ethnography of young men, sexuality and AIDS in Bangladesh.
To recognize the shared methodological norms of the ethnographic moment is,
however, to pose a problem about the knowledge system in which such studies have been
achieved. Intellectual workers in the periphery are pushed towards a stance that
Hountondji (1997) calls extraversion. To function successfully as a scientist in postcolonial Africa, Hountondji points out, one must read the leading journals published in
the metropole, cite the metropoles leading theorists, learn the research techniques taught
there, and gain recognition in the metropole. Desirable career paths include advanced
training in the metropole, attending conferences in the metropole, and for the more

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successful, getting jobs in the metropole. The theoretical hegemony of the North is
simply the normal functioning of this economy of knowledge.1
Through these mechanisms, imported intellectual frameworks are routinely prioritized
in scholarship across the global South. This creates a discontinuity in intellectual culture
that, ultimately, replays the discontinuity of colonization itself. Powerful accounts of
masculinity are among the casualties, as will be seen shortly.
However there are studies that have looked to pre-colonial history for concepts useful in
understanding contemporary masculinities. The work of Kam Louie (2002) on Chinese
cultural frameworks for representing masculinity, highlighting the wenwu (literary
martial) polarity and its transformations, is the outstanding example. There are also studies
that have taken research on masculinities conducted by the familiar methods, but have
embedded it in a different conceptual framework. Morrell and Swarts (2005) deployment
of the post-colonial critique of global inequalities is the outstanding example here.
In recent years the mainstream economy of knowledge has been increasingly contested
by scholars who pay attention, not just to cultural difference, but to world inequalities of
wealth and power, to the traumatic histories of colonialism and the neo-liberal globalization, and to their consequences in the realm of knowledge. This contestation includes
research on southern theory (Connell, 2007; Rosa, 2014), alternative traditions in social
science (Alatas, 2006), post-colonial sociology (Reuter & Villa, 2010), indigenous
knowledge (Odora Hoppers, 2002), de-colonial thought (Quijano, 2000), and more.
Northern social science has generally assumed that modernity was autonomously
produced in Europe and North America. An increasingly influential counter-argument
holds that modernity was global, though unequal, from the start (Domingues, 2008).
Colonial conquest and imperial rule were its incubators. The concept of the coloniality of
power developed by the Peruvian sociologist Anbal Quijano (2000) emphasizes the
continuity of global hierarchy in the post-colonial world. As Marina Blagojevic (2009)
points out, this hierarchy applies also to semiperipheral regions like Eastern Europe, and
shapes the available ways for imagining and researching gender issues.
So, rather than speaking of the globalization of gender, it is more accurate to speak of
the coloniality of gender. This term has recently been introduced by the philosopher
Mara Lugones (2007) as an adaptation of Quijanos idea. Lugones account is very
abstract, and seems to make an absolute opposition between the colonial and the
indigenous; she speaks of gender as a colonial imposition. This is too simplified; we
must also recognize the vigour of pre-colonial gender orders, the complex structure of
gender relations, and the turbulent history of colonial societies.
In colonization, native bodies were coerced to form plantation, pastoral and domestic
workforces; land was seized; new power structures were built around the colonial state.
These processes disrupted indigenous gender orders, often with great violence.
Nevertheless the creation of a colonial gender order was not the simple transplantation
of a European patriarchy. As Kopano Ratele (2013a) points out, social and cultural
traditions among the colonized, and their complex politics, have remained important for
the making of masculinities. As Ashis Nandy (1983) points out, colonial conquest
generates novel versions of masculinity both for the colonized and for the colonizer.
Robert Morrells (2001) history of British settler masculinity in colonial Natal traces the
institution-building, the harsh and insistent definitions of gender, and the continuing
violence against indigenous people, that was required. Mara Viveros (2007) notes the
way colonialism wove together gender relations and racial hierarchy with an intensity
absent from the global North.

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Colonial and neo-colonial societies also generated their own reform movements.
Projects of modernization often included education and employment for women,
requiring troubled reconstructions of masculinity (Mernissi, 1975/1985). This is the
background to the field of gender and development that has increasingly wrestled with
dilemmas about masculinity (Edstrm, Das, & Dolan, 2014).
To come to terms with these processes, a Northern-centred economy of knowledge is
not adequate. But what other resources are there? In fact, there are tremendous resources
that come from the intellectual production of the global South itself.

The global archive of accounts of masculinity


As historians like Mrinalini Sinha (1995) and Kirsty Reid (2007) have shown, debates
about gender questions arose in colonial society from early in the process of conquest.
Worldwide, there is a rich archive of intellectual responses to the experience of
colonialism and neo-liberal globalization, which includes varied discourses about men
and masculinities. In this section I sketch some of the genres of this archive. For readers
who are not familiar with this literature, I introduce a sample of notable works in these
genres, written before the ethnographic moment in masculinity research. These
intellectual resources are rarely cited in Northern masculinity studies, but they open
issues that are essential for a world-centred knowledge project in this field.
Creative literature
As in the North, some of the most striking analyses of masculinity in the colonial and
post-colonial world have come from novelists and playwrights. Imaginative work does
not directly report social experience. But it builds on social experience, it documents
cultural problems, and in some circumstances may be the most forceful way to present a
troubled reality. One thinks of the plays of Athol Fugard in apartheid-era South Africa.
In the dying days of Spanish imperialism, the colonial authorities in the Philippines
arranged the judicial murder of a young indigenous doctor, Jos Rizal, on charges of
treason. Rizals real crime was to have written two novels. The first and most famous,
Noli Me Tangere (1887/2006), was a melodramatic coming-of-age novel showing the
gradual disillusionment of a young middle-class man in the Philippines, who hopes to do
good in the world and uplift his society, but is frustrated by the power and corruption of
the colonial state and the equally colonial church.
Noli Me Tangere is a lively satirical picture of a decaying imperial elite. It is also a
picture of the struggle by the hero, Crisstomo Ibarra, to construct a coherent and liveable
masculinity in the turmoil of colonial rule and attempts at change and resistance. In the
sequel, El Filibusterismo (1891/2011) (the title means subversion or piracy), Rizal
shows the central character later in life, enmeshed in conspiracies and deception, himself
corrupted by wealth and the struggle for power. These novels sent shock waves through
Philippine colonial society, at least the literate part of it, and created a reputation for Rizal
as a dangerous radical. The authorities made a terrible mistake. The execution made Rizal
into a national hero and inspired a violent anti-colonial struggle.
More famous internationally is Things Fall Apart by Chinua Achebe. First published
in 1958 it is now regarded as a classic of post-colonial literature. The novel tells the story
of Okonkwo, a leading man in a Nigerian village who rises to wealth and prominence in
village society in the late nineteenth century. He performs to perfection all the

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requirements of production, politics, ritual and kinship that defined an honoured


masculinity in his society.
But the book also shows how this locally hegemonic masculinity came into crisis
under the impact of colonialism. When missionaries and colonial government arrive in
the region, new pressures and demands arise, and new authorities are constituted. A crisis
arises over resistance to the imposition of Christianity, a resistance that Okonkwo leads.
The devastating final part of the book traces the collapse of village culture and selfconfidence, and within it, the collapse of the masculinity project and social leadership that
Okonkwo had pursued. Achebe was, here, exploring a cultural dynamic that has only
been highlighted in social science much more recently.

Essays in cultural critique


Literary intellectuals have long included in their repertoire a genre of essays, and essaystyle books, that comment on the cultural situation in their society. Matthew Arnolds
Culture and Anarchy is a famous metropolitan example, and many works of this kind
have been written in the South.
The great Mexican poet Octavio Paz wrote such an essay on Mexican society and
culture in The Labyrinth of Solitude (1950/1990). Exploring his central theme of the
limits of the Mexican revolution, Paz had a lot to say about womens and mens
situations. The starkness of the gender divide in Mexican urban culture, the oppression of
women, and the rigidity of the dominant form of masculinity, were all among Pazs
themes. The Labyrinth was one of the starting-points for a long critical discussion of
machismo in Mexican life, and indeed in Latin American society more widely, which
has ranged across culture, history and psychoanalysis (e.g. Santamaria, 1985).
Another striking essay in cultural critique was produced by the Iranian novelist and
short story writer Al-e Ahmad. His Westoxication (1962/1982) was, in world terms, one
of the first attempts to analyse the culture of neo-colonial society. It includes a critique of
Orientalism, ethnographic observations on changing rural life, and discussions of religion,
technology and education. It is a chaotic text, witty and idiosyncratic, but across this
terrain builds up a picture of cultural change, the contest between Shiite Islam and
European modernity, and a strategic argument about social and cultural change.
In no sense a feminist, Al-e Ahmad nevertheless paints a brilliant satirical portrait of
the alienated masculinity of the middle classes produced by neo-colonial development.
He sums this masculinity up as a donkey in a lions suit and pictures it as rootless,
dependent and ineffectual. The new men, Al-e Ahmad argues, have a veneer of Western
education without having its depth. At the same time, they have lost their grounding in
local culture and specifically in religion. The essay genre seems well suited to teasing out
such cultural dislocations.

Psychosocial analysis
Genres fade into each other, and cultural critique often leads into psychological
speculation; but another quality is added by a professional knowledge of clinical
psychology. Frantz Fanon became world-famous for his final book, The Wretched of the
Earth (1961/1967), the most influential analysis ever written of colonialism and anticolonial struggle. Well before that came Black Skin, White Masks (1952/1967), based on

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his experience as a young psychiatrist and war veteran. Its publication went almost
unnoticed at the time.
Black Skin, White Masks is a brilliant, bitter and troubling analysis of racism both in
metropolitan France and in the French colonial empire, especially Martinique. Fanon
analyses the psychodynamics both of white and black consciousness. Almost incidentally,
the book is also an analysis of white and black masculinities, and their relationship within
colonialism and racist culture. Women are present in the book, but only in terms of their
sexual relationships with black and white men, or as objects of sexual fantasy.
Fanon is clear that colonialism is a system of violence and economic exploitation. The
psychological consequences are not a matter of discourse but arise from material
relations. Within that structure, black masculinity is marked by divided emotions, and a
massive alienation from original experience. This alienation is produced as black men
struggle to find a place and recognition in a culture that defines them as biologically
inferior and makes them objects of anxiety or fear.
A generation later, the theme of transformation of masculinities was picked up by the
Indian psychologist Ashis Nandy in another remarkable book, The Intimate Enemy: Loss
and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism (1983). Like Fanon he tried to combine cultural
and psychological analysis, within a realistic view of imperialism.
Focusing on India under the British Raj, Nandy developed an analysis of the
dynamics of masculinity among both the colonized and the colonizers, and argued that
these dynamics are powerfully linked. The colonizer and the colonized become in a sense
dependent on each other. With notable case studies of Rudyard Kipling and Sri
Aurobindo, Nandy shows how colonialism produces stressed and distorted masculinities,
preoccupied with relations of power and mythologized gender hierarchies.
Such psychosocial analyses take us into the realm of emotion, which as Kopano
Ratele (2013b) has recently argued, is vital for understanding issues of violence,
vulnerability and masculinity in a post-colonial context. As he notes, young black men in
urban South Africa have much to fear from the violence of the state to the violence of
other men, and the structural violence of poverty and exclusion. The same was surely true
for the whole history of colonialism.
Social analysis of gender
Critiques of gender hierarchy emerged in the colonial world at much the same time as
feminism in the metropole, including such sophisticated work as He-Yin Shens analyses
of mens power, womens labour and patriarchal culture in late Qing China (Liu, Karl, &
Ko, 2013). Feminist critique too could generate analyses of masculinity.
For instance, Fatima Mernissis Beyond the Veil (1975/1985) is well known as a
feminist text on the situation of women in Arabic-speaking society. What is less
recognized is that it also presented a pioneering critical analysis of masculinity. Mernissi
observes that Muslim family rules designed to control womens sexuality also constructs
the umma, the universal body of believers, as a band of brothers.
Using a combination of survey research, individual interviews and letters to a popular
advisor on radio, Mernissi argues that great uncertainty and unhappiness about sexuality
and gender relations has developed among younger men in post-colonial Morocco, and she
gives some detail about how this happens. At a micro-level, gender difficulty is inherent in
the practices through which boys are raised and taught about sexuality. At a macro-level,
incorporation into the capitalist world economy has destroyed the assumption that men can

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always support women economically, and eroded the spatial segregation of the sexes. From
this comes trouble around notions of family honour, one consequence of which is renewed
aggressive attempts to control women.
None of the texts just mentioned is much cited in the anglophone literature on men
and masculinities. Taken together, they highlight the effects of colonization, the
consequences of racial hierarchies, and the cultural and psychological correlates of
global economic dependence. If we take such concerns, not as marginal but as central to
the analysis of masculinity, a major change in the field of study becomes possible.
The historical terrain of masculinity formation
To speak of Southern or post-colonial perspectives on masculinities is not to offer a static
alternative to a static Northern perspective. It is, rather, to enter a fuller and more complex
history. In this section I discuss the terrain of this history, with some emphasis on its
economic dimension.
A great deal of metropolitan discussion involves a linear vision of historical
succession. There is a past, often associated with a vague idea of traditional masculinity;
and there is a present, associated with modern masculinities. There is also a literature
that contrasts modernist with postmodernist perspectives on masculinity; this also
involves an idea of succession within the metropolitan container.
From the point of view of the colonized, conquest and colonization do not represent an
intelligible succession of stages; rather, a profound disjuncture. This is the point
dramatized in Achebes Things Fall Apart. Once the coloniality of gender is recognized,
we can no longer be satisfied with linear successions of time in thinking about
masculinity. Kopano Rateles (2013a) exploration of the politics of tradition makes this
point very strongly. The appeal to tradition can be a new way to bolster the power of elite
heterosexual men, and it can reproduce colonial-era structures of racial and ethnic
division. Yet tradition is multiple, not simple, and informs the lives of those outside the
power centres as well including gay men who also use and value traditions.
The process of conquest and settlement was itself a site for the creation of
masculinities. Jock Phillips (1987) pioneering research on the British colonizers in
Aotearoa New Zealand showed that because the material conditions of colonization
fostered rough and disorderly masculinities, the colonial state had to put energy into
domesticating men to create an orderly agrarian settler community. But the frontier story
of tough, combative masculinity, perpetually renewed in a violent code of football, was
exploited for imperial purposes as the white settlers were recruited as shock troops for
British wars. The frontier could be a factor in post-colonial nationalism elsewhere. Olga
Njera-Ramrez (1994) gives the example of the hypermasculine figure of the charro or
cowboy in the history of the Mexican state part of the creation of the gender order that
Paz addressed in the Labyrinth.
The construction of masculinities was also involved in resistance to colonialism.
Rizals stories were prophetic here. As Vrushali Patil (2009) shows, a rhetoric of resistant
masculinity was a leading feature of United Nations debates about decolonization; and it
can also be found in more radical texts from Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko. A fine
ethnography by Julie Peteet (1994) shows how resistance to Israeli occupation has been
interwoven with the making of masculinities for boys of the Palestinian population.
Thembisa Waetjen (2004) traces the interconnected making of masculinities and
nationhood in South Africa during the years of struggle against the apartheid regime.

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But the course of events is not straightforward. Waetjens story centres on the highly
ambiguous politics of Zulu nationalism. Thokozani Xaba (2001) tells a tragic story of the
young lions involved in the armed resistance to apartheid, who after the triumph of
19901994 find it difficult to re-integrate into South African society. Their education
and their relationships with women disrupted, their struggle masculinity of little use in
a peacetime economy, many turned to peer groups or gangs for survival. A significant
proportion of those engaged in violent crime, and in response were targeted by police and
by vigilante violence.
In the wake of conquest, the creation of a worldwide capitalist economy became a
continuing basis of masculinity formation. Colonialism transformed societies with very
different kinds of economy, ranging from subsistence agriculture, pastoralism and hunter
gatherer economies to established urban economies. The remarkable historical ethnography of the South African gold mines by Dunbar Moodie and Vivienne Ndatshe (1994)
shows one path of transformation, in which distinctive patterns of masculinity were
created among the black workforce. Moodie and Ndatshe further show how masculinities
changed as the economics and politics of the mining industry altered. With the growth of
unions, rising wages, and decline of the rural economy, there was a marked shift towards
a breadwinner model and a more essentialist, heterosexually-defined masculinity.
The breadwinner/housewife division only gradually emerged, even in the global
North (Rose, 1992), but did become a leading feature of gender ideology and circulated
globally. It was intriguingly institutionalized in the settler colony of Australia through the
Harvester Judgment of 1907, in which an industrial court judge established the support
of a family a wife and two or three children as the basis for fixing a national basic
wage. The male worker was socially defined as a husband. Women did not have wives,
and the male judges and union leaders assumed that women did not support families.
When they got around to fixing a female basic wage, in 1919, it was set at 54% of a
mans wage a famous statistic in Australian history (Kingston, 1977).
In other parts of the colonial world the breadwinner model did not have economic
growth and union power to back it. Margrethe Silberschmidts (2004) research in East
Africa shows one consequence. Low wage rates in the colonial and post-colonial
economies made the breadwinner function difficult or impossible for most men to
perform. In other parts of the periphery, the development strategy of state-based import
replacement industrialization created a masculinized industrial workforce. But this
development strategy, widespread in the periphery from the 1940s to the 1970s, was
vulnerable. The rise of neo-liberalism radically disrupted it. Mara Viveros (2001) points
to the gender consequences of recent neo-liberal restructuring in Latin America, with
mass unemployment undermining working-class mens position in family relations as
well as in the economy.
In other ways too, post-independence development strategies troubled masculinities.
Women were active in independence struggles, and the male elites of most post-colonial
states agreed to include girls and women in the expansion of education systems
(Unterhalter, 2007). A tremendous worldwide growth of womens literacy and workforce
readiness has followed, with continuing implications for men. Indeed Mernissi (1975/
1985, 172) concluded wryly that in Morocco the state had become the main threat to
mens supremacy. Re-negotiations of domestic authority are a pervasive feature of postcolonial gender relations. Recent research on masculinities and gender-based violence has
been documenting the multiple paths these negotiations have followed (Fulu et al., 2013).

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Empire rested on a structural division between colonizers and colonized. It created,


with enormous energy, mechanisms for concentrating income and wealth in the hands of
the colonizers forced labour, tribute, unequal exchange, enclave economies, loans to
colonial governments, and many more. Colonized elites, or emerging elites, laid claim to
a share and the resulting class divisions have grown and become systemic in the postcolonial era. It is not too much to say that empire created global poverty, in the modern
sense of exclusion from a dynamic of accumulation.
Mass poverty requires fresh thinking about the embodiment of gender. An important
paper by Helen Meekosha (2011) points out that colonization involved large-scale injury,
colonial society created health disasters for the colonized, and the large majority of the
worlds disabled people currently live in poor communities in the global South. There is
an interesting Northern literature on disability and masculinity (Gerschick & Miller,
1995). This issue has to be analysed on a much larger scale in a post-colonial context.
In the final analysis, all the economic mechanisms of empire and globalization
depended on the seizing and commodification of land. This is a central process in
colonization, with enormous consequences for the colonized and their gender relations.
This is transcendently clear in Australia, where in indigenous society, kinship and
descent, gender divisions of labour, womens and mens ritual and art, all involved and
still involve relations with the land (Yunupingu, 1997). It is also clear in other parts of
the colonial world (Stauffer, 2004).
The connection between gender and land is central to the work of Bina Agarwal on
agriculture and forestry in India. In A Field of Ones Own: Gender and Land Rights in
South Asia (1994), one of the great classics of modern gender analysis, Agarwal shows
how relations with the land are woven through gender divisions of labour, household
bargaining, local political processes, patriarchal norms and their contestation, womens
networks and activism, state strategies, changing technologies, and environmental
change. Her work has mainly been interpreted as being about womens rights. But her
theoretical framework is about gender relations, and she gives vivid pictures of the lives,
strategies and fears of men in Indian village society.
There is a risk of painting too orderly a picture of what has happened in post-colonial
conditions. The education of women, the political impotence of many post-colonial
governments, unpredictable economic change, dictatorships and neo-colonial interventions, all created pressures and dilemmas for men. There are many signs, as Mai
Ghoussoub (2000) argues, of a chaotic quest for a definition of modern masculinity.
That seems to be true far beyond the Arabic Middle East.
The coloniality of gender concerns not only the old form of imperialism, but also new
forms of dependency and global power. The international economy has less need of the
plantation workforces of the past. But gendered exploitation flourishes in the factories of
the south China miracle, the maquilas of the Mexican borderlands, the huge expatriate
workforce of the oil industry in the Persian Gulf states, or among the baomu, migrant
domestic workers, of neo-liberal China (Yan, 2008). Transnational corporations operate
through relations between a masculinized managerial elite and gender-divided local
workforces (Elias, 2008).
The consequences of neo-liberal globalization for men are much less studied than the
consequences for women. But they can be severe, as shown by Kalissa Alexeyeffs
(2008) research in the small Pacific state of Cook Islands. Economic dependence and
debt, followed by the imposition of a severe structural adjustment programme by aid
agencies in 19951996, resulted in massive unemployment, extensive labour emigration,

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exploitation and injury of impoverished young men, and attempts to construct a new
entrepreneurial masculinity among those more privileged.
At the same time, the integration of the world economy by transnational corporations,
international trade and global finance, has created new elites that are heavily
masculinized. We are still at an early stage of research on the masculinities produced in
these arenas, which partly offshore and so less embedded in local gender orders. It is
already clear, however, that elite levels of power, mobile and high-technology as they are,
involve power-oriented, not egalitarian, masculinities (Connell, 2010; Tienari, Sderberg,
Holgersson, & Vaara, 2005).
We cannot expect to find a unified global model of gender relations. There are some
transnational arenas, like transnational management and electronic media, where
standardized practices and common imagery can be found. But there is also immense
diversity of culture, historical experience, and economic trajectory across the postcolonial world. What we require is not a single new model of masculinity but, as authors
like Vieira de Jesus (2011) argue, a new approach to understanding the making of
masculinities. And we are now in a position to have it.
Conclusion: neo-colonial realities and the future of masculinity studies
This article has argued for a world-centred, rather than metropole-centred, approach to the
study of masculinities and mens gender practices. That this goes against the grain of the
mainstream economy of knowledge is clear; and metropolitan hegemony is currently
being reinforced by neo-liberal ideology and managerial practice in contemporary
universities.
Yet we now have clearly stated alternatives, in general epistemologies and
methodologies arising from post-colonial critique and diverse traditions of knowledge.
We have approaches to gender that prioritize the global South. To follow this path is not
to discard the achievements of the last 30 years of research about masculinities. These
achievements are an important basis for new knowledge formation. But they do not
provide a permanent solution to problems in the field. We also need to work from new
starting points, even if they are in places far from Harvard.
For instance, the Pacific islands one of the worlds least populated regions, little
noticed in the global North. Margaret Jollys essay Moving Masculinities: Memories and
Bodies Across Oceania (2008) brings together the results of recent research in this region
in an important statement of post-colonial perspectives on masculinity. Among her
themes are the importance and contestation of colonialist discourses, the international
power relations impacting on masculinities, the hybridity of hegemonies, and above all
the historically dynamic character of masculinity formation and enactment.
These issues are seen in another region little represented in masculinity research,
Eastern Europe. A powerful paper by Marina Blagojevic (2013) places recent problems of
masculinity in the context of de-development of the post-communist societies under neoliberal globalization. The differing trajectories for men and women in the reconstruction,
the specific forms of hegemonic masculinity with the rise of misogyny and anti-feminism,
the experience of a drastic loss of power by significant groups of men, and the widening
division between those who can and those who cannot connect to the transnational
economy, are themes with relevance beyond this region.
Post-colonial studies of masculinity pick up the familiar finding that there are multiple
masculinities, but deal with multiplicity on a new order of magnitude. Questions of

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R. Connell

hegemony remain important, as the vigorous body of South African research on


masculinity shows (Shefer, Ratele, Strebel, Shabalala, & Buikema, 2007). But forms of
masculinity have to be re-thought in contexts of informal settlement, mass poverty, or
social violence; as Ratele (2013b) notes, the same masculinities may be simultaneously
hegemonic and subordinated. Hegemony itself has to be re-thought in contexts where, as
Nina Laurie (2005) argues for Andean gender politics in the neo-liberal era, we cannot
presuppose a consolidated gender order.
Building beyond the ethnographic moment in masculinity research, research agendas
in the South are now addressing the dynamics of masculinity in situations of social crisis.
Research related to the HIV/AIDS epidemic in southern Africa (Epstein, Morrell,
Moletsane, & Unterhalter, 2004; Morrell, Epstein, Unterhalter, Bhana, & Moletsane,
2009) is currently our richest example of this, but not the only one. There are growing
bodies of global-South research on masculinities and gender-based violence in families
and communities (e.g. Duvvury, Nayak, & Allendorf, 2002; Zingoni, 1998). As already
mentioned, we are learning about masculinities in social conflict, civil war, and
reconciliation; and in contexts of economic restructuring.
The possibilities for transformation in the field of masculinity studies are clear. Yet we
cannot forget the real bases of metropolitan hegemony in knowledge: the enormous
economic disparities on a world scale, and the established centrality of global-North
knowledge institutions. To realize the possibilities that now exist, we need new practices
of knowledge formation and circulation, that can work inclusively on a world scale.
There is hard and complex work to be done.
Acknowledgements
This article began as a keynote address to the Nordic Conference on Men and Masculinities in
Reykjavik, June 2014. I am grateful to organizers and participants in this conference.

Note
1. My own experience shows a variant of the pattern. I come from a settler-colonial country in the
global periphery that is culturally and economically dependent, though comparatively rich
(Connell, 2013). The research that gave rise to the concept of hegemonic masculinity was done
under the eucalyptus trees in Australian cities and originally published in Australia. The idea
only gained attention, however, when it was published some years later in metropolitan journals
and in the US and British editions of my books, and was then taken up in metropolitan debates.
Many readers simply assumed that I was American. There is some excuse for them, as Gender &
Power especially is strongly extraverted, in Hountondjis sense.

Notes on contributor
Raewyn Connell is Professor Emerita at the University of Sydney, a Fellow of the Academy of
Social Sciences in Australia, and one of Australias leading social scientists. Her most recent books
are Confronting Equality (2011), about social science and politics; Gender: In World Perspective
(with Rebecca Pearse, 2014); and Southern Theory (2007), about social thought on a world scale.
Her other books include Masculinities, Schools & Social Justice, Ruling Class Ruling Culture,
Gender & Power, and Making the Difference. Her work has been translated into 18 languages. She
has taught at universities in Australia, Canada and the USA, in departments of sociology, political
science, and education. A long-term participant in the labour movement and peace movement,
Raewyn has tried to make social science relevant to social justice. Details at website: www.
raewynconnell.net

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