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Zuckmayer writes that, “in 1914, we still believed that a war would bring about the true
blossoming of the nation. Instead, everything withered.” Why was there such optimism,
and why did it wither away?
During the political battles of the early 20th century, many European nations believed a
few quick skirmishes could be enough to trounce segments of their populations which
contradicted nationalist sensibilities. This brief war method had been used successfully
throughout the nineteenth century, and it was thought to remain a reliable resource during the
first years of the 20th century. In fact, by analyzing a cross-section of those countries which first
entered WWI (unlike those which entered later as a result of the ‘alliance domino effect’), one
understands how much nationalism fueled the flame of war. For instance, Austria-Hungary went
to war in the Balkans because it hoped to destroy subversive Serbian sub-populations in that
region, thereby strengthening its own nation-state.2 Similarly, Germany viewed World War I as
a chance to permanently weaken its enemy, France, in order to ensure that Germany would not
face a two-front war in the event that Russia ever attacked from the East; the German Kaiser
believed world war would permanently strengthen Germany’s geographic and geopolitical
situation. After all, how bad could a war be if it were quick, decisive, and “over by Christmas,”
As a result of this hope for blossoming nationalism, “mass decisions” were made within
each WWI-fighting nation, and myriad young boys, like Germany’s Zuckmayer, flocked to
1
Kishlansky, “Civilization in the West: Volume II Since 1555,” p. 802.
2
Ibid., p. 805.
3
Ibid., p. 802.
1
volunteer for the front lines in order to free nations from threats to their existence.4 With leaders
like Germany’s Kaiser claiming the state no longer recognized political parties, only Germans,
the nationalist fervor reached a fever pitch all across Europe.5 Unlike the war of 1870, which
had brought unity to Germany, “the war of 1914 would bring her justice and freedom… [and
would unite Europe] culturally and politically under the aegis of the Germany spirit.”6 In the
beginning, every warring nation strongly believed that it was only acting against the enemy in
Despite the initial optimism about blossoming of nations and nationalism, WWI was
stationary and long-lasting, unlike anything military strategists had planned for. A race to the
sea resulted in fixed positions and trench warfare. “Ten million men were killed in the bizarre
and deadly combination of old and new warfare8 Ironically, technological advancement with
weapons like mustard gas was often followed by the invention of antidotes like gas masks,
thereby perpetuating a continued stalemate.9 “The war that Europe experienced differed from all
matched on both sides, introduced a war of attrition, defensive and prolonged.”10 Unlike the six-
to-eight week wars of the nineteenth century, which often had low mortality rates, World War I
marked the first time that entire populations worked together (and masses of soldiers died
As history’s first “total war,” WWI involved not only armies but entire peoples. As the
war stretched onward, stoppages, strikes, and hording food during requisitioning became quite
4
Zuckmayer,“A Part of Myself: 1914-1918 I Had a Comrade” (HBJ, Inc., 1966), p. 148.
5
Ibid., p. 149.
6
Ibid., p. 149.
7
Ibid., p. 153.
8
Kishlansky, p. 806-807.
9
Ibid., p. 808.
10
Ibid., p. 814.
11
Ibid., p. 815.
2
common.12 Because it was a “total war,” government leaders knew that unrest at home
weakened their barely surviving nations, and as a result, these leaders cracked down on any war
opposition; censorship and propaganda became commonplace.13 Toward the end of the war,
soldiers like poet Wilfred Owen bitterly mocked the wastefulness of war and doubted the old
Latin proverb that “It is sweet and honorable to die for one’s country.”14 Corpses covered
battlefields, and soldiers like Zuckmayer returned home shell shocked, remembering stories of
their young comrades dying from bullet wounds to the head. As soon as the masses understood
that this “total war” was going to last for years and result in the massacre of generations of
youths, the jingoistic propaganda which had previously bolstered the nationalist war cries lost its
allure. In the trenches (and soon thereafter, in the European cities and towns), hatred for the
‘enemy’ subsided. “For all [Europeans], the enemy [became] the war.”15
12
Ibid., p. 816.
13
Ibid., p. 817.
14
Wilfred Owen, “Dulce et Decorum Est” (1918), from Wilfred Owen: The Complete Poems and Fragments, ed. Jon
Stallworthy (London: Chatto and Windus, 1963 and 1983).
15
Zuckmayer, p. 161.