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Introduction
The purposeof this paperis to surveycurrentdebatesandtrendsin developmentthinkingandto be
provocativeof debate. It offers my own insights
into some of the dramaticparadigmshifts of the
last two decades,andreflectsin partmy recentrethinkingof the potentialrelevanceto the Southor
ThirdWorld of concepts of postmodernismand
postcolonialism(see Simon, 1997a).
In one sense,at least,we currentlylive andwork
in an age whereanythinggoes: the certaintiesand
universalizingmodernizingethoswhichhavecharacterized mainstreamdevelopmentthought and
policy, and which persistedthroughoutthe Cold
War,havegivenway to a floweringof diverse,even
contradictorytheories and modes of analysis.
Whileby no meansequalor perceivedas of equivalent theoreticaland practicalvalue, virtuallyall
are at least toleratedin thatthey havebeen able to
finda particularniche.Thisapparentlypostmodern
erais commonlycharacterizedas transcendingthe
so-called 'impasse'in developmenttheorywhich
was identifiedby DavidBooth(1985) andothersin
the mid-1980s.The impasseis said to have arisen
as a resultof widespreaddisillusionmentwithconventional developmentand developmentfailure;
thecrisisandeventualeclipseof thevariousstrands
of socialismas alternativepaths;the growingeconomic diversity of countries within the Third
World;increasingconcernwith the need for environmentalsustainability;the increasingassertiveness of voices 'from below'; and the rise of the
postmodernchallenge to universalizingtheories
andconventionalpracticesof development(Schuurman,1993b).
Hopefully,this special issue will offer insights
not only into recenttheoreticaldevelopmentsand
of developmentandthe envireconceptualizations
ronmentbut, equally importantly,providean opportunityto examine their implicationsfor the
practiceof developmentin differentcontexts.The
importanceof this is twofold.First,thereundoubtedly remainssignificantscope for improvingthe
nature of interventionsmade by Northernand
Southerndevelopmentworkersandagencies,both
official and non-governmental.This means enhancing the effectiveness-in terms of specific
goals andobjectivesas well as theimplementation
and monitoring---ofboth directinterventionsand
indirectassistancethroughthe provisionof funds,
for example.It also meanschallengingtheconventionalpracticesandbeliefs which serve to perpetuate inequalityandthe lack of effective(em)power(ment)in the name of humanitarianassistance
and political feel-good factors. In this respect, I
stressthe scope for improvementamongSouthern
as well as Northerninstitutionsand workers,because thereis a widespreadand franklyunhelpful
implicationin the literaturethatmost if not all of
the problemscan be blamedon misguidedNortherntheoriesandpolicies.While the simplisticand
deterministicconstructionsof the dependencistas
havelong been discredited,this intellectuallegacy
remainsquitetangiblein post-or anti-development
and even some strandsof postmodernandpostcolonial writings.It has, of course, also been reinforced by the stronglynegative social impact of
structuraladjustmentandeconomicrecoveryprogrammesand the associated aid conditionalities
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DAVID SIMON
Meanings of Development
It is not my intention here to address or even compare the numerous and very different definitions or
conceptions of 'development' in the manner of a
textbook. These are too well known. For present
purposes, it is sufficient to remind ourselves thatat least for even vaguely reflective and reflexive
theoreticians and practitioners-definitions are
contextual and contingent upon the ideological,
epistemological or methodological orientation of
their purveyors. Many of these are evident from the
labels associated with the multiplicity of approaches to development proffered over the last fifty-odd
years by those concerned, for example, with 'reconstruction and development', 'economic development', 'modemrnization', 'redistribution with
growth', 'dependent development', 'interdepend184
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Bank,annual),confirmsthe generaltrendoverthe
last twentyto thirtyyears in statesof virtuallyall
ideological orientations.The principalexceptions
are those countries-many of them previously
seekingto implementsome formof radicalsocialist programme-where widespreador long civil
warshavedestroyedphysicalandsocialinfrastructureanddisruptedsocial programmes.These conflictswereoften spawnedorfannedby superpower
rivalryduringthe ColdWar;examplesincludeAngola, MozambiqueandSudan,El Salvador,Grenada andNicaragua,andAfghanistanandCambodia.
A morerecentandworryingtrendtowardsfalling
school enrolments(especiallyat secondarylevel),
literacylevels and access to healthcare facilities
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DAVID SIMON
Development discredited4
Notwithstanding the above point, the way in which
often diverse programmes, agendas and even principles espoused by very different donor and recipient governments, non-governmental organizations and internationalfinancial institutions are dismissed by post- or anti-developmental critics using
the fashionable phrase, 'the development project'
(e.g. Pieterse, 1991; Esteva, 1992; Sachs, 1992;
Routledge, 1995), is unhelpful, as there neither was
nor is such a monolithic or singular construction,
even during the heyday of modernization in the
1960s and early 1970s. Arturo Escobar (1995) exemplifies this trend in a more sustained manner
than most, by globalizing the argument from his
penetrating and in-depth analysis of US 'development' interventions in parts of Latin America, especially through USAID. Given his post- or antidevelopment stance, this rather un-postmodern
universalizing represents a shortcoming which significantly reduces the power of his critique.5
186
4
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unpowerful groups, and therefore the potential value of postmodern, postcolonial and related visualizations. It is indeed ironic that the absolute or relative failure of many developmentalist states and
state-led development strategies is central to neoliberal and post- or anti-development approaches
alike. Hence, the rolling back of the (generally developmentalist) state, one of the central tenets of
current neoliberal development orthodoxy, is increasing the political and symbolic spaces for, and
hastening the evolution of, diverse NGO and CBO
initiatives in many countries,6 which some writers
see as constitutive of postmodernity (Bell, 1992;
Escobar, 1995). Simply to dismiss postmodernism
and related paradigms as irrelevant or esoteric
without any attempt at serious evaluation of or engagement with them is both methodologically and
practically unhelpful (see below).
The rapidly expanding literatures on globalization and 'flexible' post-Fordist production in the
world economy have been quite successful, albeit
unevenly, in examining the interconnectedness of
the divergent economic fortunes of different countries and regions across the globe (see recent reviews by Barff, 1995; Thrift, 1995; Whatmore,
1995). However, these latter perspectives are still
dominated unequivocally by Northern-centric
world views. Little consideration is given to possible alternativeperspectives focusing on local world
views and development strategies or ideologies
which rely rather less on external determinants
(e.g. Adedeji, 1993; Himmelstrand et al., 1994).
Many of the contributors to these two books
share Afro-centric world views, and are critical of
the inequities of the existing world order and the
colonial or neocolonial relations which have given
rise to the current crisis of sustainability. Yet their
perspectives would not be considered as 'postcolonial' by adherents of that paradigm. Indeed, the
diffuse literature on postcolonialism connects remarkably little with conventional developmental
agendas or-far more surprisingly-with postmodernism, despite the former's valuable focus on
restructuringinequitable colonial inheritances, and
the cultural politics of identity, especially recovering the 'lost' identities of groups subordinated and
marginalized by colonial practices, official histories and Northern feminist and environmentalist
discourses. This fragmentation of discourse, or
perhaps more accurately the politics of discourse
and labelling, will be returned to below.
In view of their very different points of departure
and agendas, it is somewhat ironic that the two
dominant occidental development paradigms of recent decades, namely modernization and political
economy/structuralism, have generally shared the
characteristics of being rather narrow, often economistic, top-down and overtly modernizing in application. They also share the characteristic of being overarching metatheories, firmly rooted in the
discourses of intellectual modernism, and therefore seeking to provide singular, universal explanations for poverty and underdevelopment and prescriptions for overcoming them.7 However, it is
worth reminding ourselves that modern development is not a totally uniform or smooth process,
and that modernization need not lead to global homogeneity, especially if undertaken with a degree
of politico-economic and cultural autonomy, as the
Japanese experience illustrates so powerfully.
The objectives of conventional developmentalism with respect to the South are generally articulated at three principal levels, although the particular discourses, agendas and processes of development may differ considerably both within and between them:
-
by the populations of poorer countries, expressed, for example, in voting patterns. This
can be illustrated by Peru's President Fujimori
winning widespread popular support in that
country's 1992 general and presidential elections by virtue of his relative success in
clamping down on Maoist guerrillas and his
promises of better living standards, despite
the undemocratic route by which he seized
power a few years previously. More generally,
the struggles by poor people to meet their basic needs and their aspirations for an improved quality of life are strongly influenced
by the demonstration effects of modernization
and the consumptive lifestyles of the middle
and upper classes. Different methods and
routes to achieve these goals may be adopted,
but active alienation, rejection and rebellion
are normally only last resorts.
by nation states, in terms of their political programmes and national development plans. For
example, the Zimbabwean government has
consistently sought to prevent and eliminate
squatting and informal urban settlement on
the grounds that it is demeaning and unworthy
of a progressive, modemrn(and until recently
also supposedly socialist) African state. Depending on the nature of the state and openness of the political system, regional and local
187
DAVID SIMON
state institutions may share or oppose the central state's agendas, but extreme measures
such as active rebellion and attempts at secession may be increasing in frequency as the
writ of ossified and corrupt highly centralized
states faces challenges from outlying and impoverished areas. The armed resistance by the
Sudan People's Liberation Army and other
Christian and animist groups to Islamicization
in southern Sudan by the government in Khartoum, the Zapatista rebellion in Mexico's Chiapas State, the insurgencies against Mobutu
Sese Seko's kleptocratic former dictatorship
in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of
Congo) and the Karen hill people's struggle
against the brutal military regime in Burma/
Myanmar are all cases in point.
by international financial institutions (IFIs)
and donor agencies, in terms of their overarching discourses, lending criteria and funding priorities. For instance, the World Bank
and other donor agencies have continued to
promote large-scale dam projects and other
infrastructuralprogrammes in order to maximize conventional economic benefits despite
the well-known social and environmental
costs and evidence that smaller schemes, built
with greater sensitivity to local people and
their environment, are often also economically more successful. In fairness, rather greater
attention has been devoted to the social and
environmental consequences of large schemes
in recent years, but-with one or two notable
exceptions-generally still predicated on the
assumption that construction should go ahead,
e.g. the Narmada River dams in India, the
Turkwel Gorge dam in Kenya's West Pokot
District and the Three Gorges Dam on the
Yangtse River in China.
More emphasis by donors and recipient governments on alternative delivery systems,8 processes
and project types emerged during the 1980s, not
least because of funding constraints and conditionalities, themselves linked to the new deity of economic efficiency and marketization. However,
such co-option often devalued more radical alternative antecedents, reducing them from agendas
for change and empowerment into little more than
shopping lists which are hawked to donors for implementation, commonly more in line with donors'
than recipients' priorities. This has been particularly graphically illustrated with respect to basic
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legitimacyhasbeen soughtandderived.Moreover,
thereis a deep-seatedtensionbetweenthe cutting
of socialexpendituresin line withdonorconditionalities (despitesome more recentpalliativepackages to addressthe social dimensionsof adjustment)andthepromotionof literate,healthyandactive participantsin expandingdemocraticstructuresandcivil society (e.g. Simonet al., 1995). In
effect, it also has to be realizedthat,particularlyin
theirearlier1980s formulationsbut also morerecently,conventionalanalysesof the debtcrisis and
the most effective solutionsamountedto blaming
the victimsof development,the vast majorityof
whom had little if any say in the policies adopted
banksandother
by theirstatesor the transnational
financial institutions and official donor bodies.
This is closely linked to 'Afropessimism'and its
equivalentsin otherregions.Similarly,SAPs and
conditionalitieshave been describedby theirprescribingdoctorsas harshmedicinerequiredto effect a systemic cure.Yet, like most conventional
Westernmedicine,they are directedat the symptoms ratherthan the underlyingcauses (Simon,
1995b).
In termsof theprevailingconventionaleconomic developmentwisdom,greatermarketorientation
would actuallyenhancethe prospectsfor attaining
modernityby achievingeconomicgrowth,whichis
widely regardedas being an essentialprerequisite
for subsequentredistributionandthe wider fulfilmentof basicneedsandpopularaspirations(Slater,
1993, 1995b).The one dimensionof equitywhich
has generallyreceivedincreasingattentionis that
of gender:genderawarenessis now accordedexplicit recognitionin most policy and programme
documents,albeitstill frequentlymerelyatthelevel of lip-serviceor superficialityin the 'womenin
development'mould. More thorough-goingintegrationof genderissuesin accordancewith 'gender
anddevelopment'approachesis still inadequatein
practice, despite the now increasinglyprominent
positionof variousfeministdiscoursesin developmentdebates,especiallyaroundindigenousrights
and identitiesas well as communityparticipation
andthe environment(Shiva,1988;Minh-ha,1989;
Moser, 1993; Nesmith and Radcliffe, 1993; Radcliffe andWestwood,1993;Bell, 1994;Marchand
andParpart,1995;Townsend,1995).
Post- everything
Thecurrenttheoretical'turns'arecharacterized
by
the prefix'post-'in relationto mostperiodsor par-
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DAVID SIMON
of the terms 'postmodem' and 'postcolonial'. I discuss a threefold distinction between the postmodern as period or epoch, as mode of expression or
aesthetic form, and as analytical method or problematic (ways of seeing), which is very helpful in
disentangling the range of usages. I argue that it is
the last of these three which has most potential in
relation to the South. I then suggest the application
of this same threefold categorization to the literature on postcolonialism; although it is somewhat
more difficult to separate them, it is again the postcolonial problematic which appears to have the
most utility. I shall now briefly explain why.
Postmodern perspectives
What distinguishes the present period is that the expression of conventional developmental ideals and
the methods of implementing them no longer enjoy
universal acceptance and legitimacy within targeted countries and areas. Increasingly, individuals
and groups of people at a local level are either seeking the attainmentof their aspirationsfor better living standardsoutside the realm of the state, or they
have rejected the dominant developmental discourse(s) and are pursuing alternativeagendas with
very different aims and objectives. In the former
case, they are still seeking the basic needs and other
fruits of modernization but have despaired of the
ability of the state and official development agencies to deliver on their promises, and have thus taken their own initiatives. In the latter scenario, they
have rejected the basic premises and trajectories of
the modem developmental state. Hence, urban and
other 'new' social movements have arisen in a wide
variety of contexts and countries in response to a
vacuum or, more generally, as alternativemodes of
organization and with very different agendas from
discredited official local government or community structures (Walker, 1988; Schuurman and Van
Naerssen, 1989; Routledge, 1993; Bell, 1994; Edwards and Hulme, 1995; Hudock, 1995). Sometimes the political, social and environmental dimensions of protest and action have been linked
(Schuurman and Van Naerssen, 1989; Schuurman,
1993a; Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996). A dramatic
recent example, which integrates development and
environmental concerns, is the citizens' rebellion
in the Mexican town of Tepotzlain in late 1996,
when the mayor and town council were expelled
and a virtual unilateral declaration of independence was proclaimed over the mayor's efforts to
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ment comprising a golf course, other sports facilities, a hotel and condominium of 800 homes in the
name of 'development', while ignoring popular development demands. In addition, the golf course
would have exacerbated the local water shortage
and put valuable land beyond the reach of most residents:
In Tepotzlan, however, where cars must
squeeze into cobbled streets meant for donkeys ... the local residents were not buying the
golf club's passport to modem life. Petitions
demanding the cancellation of the golf club
turned into street protests, and then into demonstrations outside the town hall. When Morales [the mayor] still refused to meet his angry constituents, a group stormed into his offices and held six officials hostage. The rebellion had begun. ... "It began as an
environmental protest,"says Rodriguez [the
protest leader], ... "but with the jailing of four
comrades over the past year, and two deaths in
clashes, and all the arrest warrants hanging
over our heads, it has become much more
complicated. We cannot give up the fight
now."... "A unique and extraordinaryphenomenon is taking place in Tepotzlin,"Adolfo
Aguilar Zinser, an opposition congressman
and longtime resident, wrote in the daily La
Reforma. "We, the residents of Tepotzlin, are
discovering that no government is better than
bad government. Without a PRI government,
without municipal police, without the presence of any federal law enforcement agency,
we enjoy a far higher level of security than in
the rest of the state of Morelos."
Not everyone shares Aguilar Zinser's rosetinted views. Some residents say the town has
become more polarised, while many are tired
of the endless appeals for money to keep the
rebel government afloat. Relatives of ousted
officials who remained in Tepotzlin have suffered discrimination and abuse (Crawford,
1996).
This example illustrates well how the politics of local protest, induced by popular rejection of conventional development agendas which are perceived to
be imposed in a top-down manner by unresponsive
elected officials and developers, can, if the sentiments are deeply enough felt and the authorities
sufficiently inflexible, progress to more direct action in defence of space, place and popular aspiraGeografiska Annaler
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tions.Theoutcomewas apparentlyunforeseenand
unimaginedby any of the protagonists,but the
stakeswereraisedandtheresultwas openrebellion
andthe usurpationof the local stateby the protesters andtheirsupporters.No doubttherewereother
local complexities, and the article says nothing
aboutthe socio-economicprofileof the activistsor
communityat large.However,the writof the hithertoomnipresentPRI no longerrunsin Tepotzlin.
Whetherthe standoffwill persistand whetherthe
residentswill be ableto organizeanalternativesystem of local administrationremains to be seen.
However,this examplehighlightsthe importance
of contingencyandlocalityin the analysisof events
andmovementsfor change,evenin this age of globalizedcommunicationsandglocalizedconsciousnesses andidentities.
A very differentexampleis providedby the response of headmanSebastianKamangwaof the
4000-strongShitemocommunityliving in an isolateddistrictof OkavangoRegionin north-eastern
Namibia,to the recentopeningthereof a primary
health care clinic by the country's Minister of
Health.At a time whenconventionalandtraditional (bio)medicalsystems are increasinglycoming
togetherin complementarysyntheses (which are
Simon, 1997a)in variarguablypostmodemrn-see
ous partsof sub-Saharan
Africaandbeyond,he reportedlyproclaimedcategoricallythat
In the past malariacaused a lot of suffering
andfightingbecausepeoplethoughtit was the
resultof witchcraft,butnow we haveseenthat
the clinics can solve these problems. Some
people are still tryingto cause troubleby demandingthat traditionalhealers be revered,
but I am adamantthat we cannothave traditional healers working alongside modem
health services (TheNamibian,6 June 1997:
8).
Suchan overtlymoderniststancemightseem rather outdatedor evenquaint,yet theheadmanclearly
perceiveshimself as progressive.This exemplifies
my earlierpointsaboutsocialconditioning-modernor otherwise-and thepowerfuldemonstration
effect,albeitsubstantiallytimelagged,of perceived
successfulmodeminnovationsin otherwiseapparentlyconservativeruralcommunities.It also raises
severalquestionsaboutrepresentationand legitimacy within local communities;in other words,
how representativeis the headman'sstanceof his
people's perceptions, and will their practices
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DAVID SIMON
countries of the South as well as a way to help rethink North-South relations (e.g. Slater, 1992a,
1992b, 1995a, 1997). This will be evident to anyone who has encountered the jarring contrasts on
stepping out of an ultra- or postmodern urbanshopping precinct into untarredstreets lined with shanties and beggars, or who has encountered the paradoxes of contemporary tourist landscapes superimposed on poor rural communities in the Caribbean, Latin America, Africa or the Asia-Pacific
regions. Indeed, it may well be that this condition
is far more widespread and characteristic of the
South than the North. It is also not necessarily a
very new or recent phenomenon-having roots at
least as far back as the late colonial period in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean Basin and Pacific Islandsbut rathera different way of seeing and interpreting
the quite long-standing phenomena of Southern
dislocation, unemployment and poverty previously
regarded as representing incomplete modernization and the iniquities of colonialism. Moreover,
many of the contrasts, contradictions and fragmentations of meanings and practice within the South
are at least as much the result of deliberate or wilful
actions as is the case with postmodern showpieces
of urban design and other forms of expression in
the North.
Postcolonialism-a Eurocentricconstruct?
Dani Nabudere, the veteran radical Ugandan lawyer, social scientist and politician, takes issue with
the entire notion of postcolonialism (personal communication, 14 January 1996). He regards this as
too Eurocentric, implying the previous hegemony
of colonial institutions, social structures and identities as so eloquently elaborated by Blaut (1993)
and Corbridge (1993a). Consequently the experience of colonialism is the defining point of reference. However, in many parts of the former colonial world, including sub-Saharan Africa, indigenous values, social structures and identities survived-admittedly to differing extents and with
differing degrees of engagement with or transformation by colonial impositions. Hence, in his view,
the task of evolving and promoting new, peoplecentred and indigenously generated African alternatives to the colonial and the modern should be
more accurately termed 'post-traditional'.
A fascinating example is provided by the landmark investiture of Sinqobile Mabhena, a young
female trainee primary school teacher, as chief of
the 100,000 Nswazi people in Zimbabwe in DeGeografiska Annaler - 79 B (1997)
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boycotted by several chiefs and political figures and the attendance of 800 was smaller
than the 2,000 that had been anticipated. "I remain opposed to this because it is against our
culture,"said Welshman Mabhena, governor
of the neighbouring Matabeleland North
province, who did not attend the investiture.
"An Ndebele chief must always be a man."
George Moyo, chairman of the Vukani
Mahlabezulu Cultural Society, also opposes
the investiture of Ms Mabhena. "Our ancestors did not approve of a female chief. It is going to destroy our culture. In our culture women were only advisors at home, that's all,"he
said. "There are many chiefs who are not going to accept this. The Nswazi people are going to have trouble because of this."
Ms Mabhena's grandmother, Gogo Flora
Masuku, is outspokenly in favour. "I am very,
very happy to see a female chief. Women must
stand up for their rights and advance their position. Women fought to end Rhodesia. We
now have female cabinet ministers and airplane pilots. Why not chiefs? Is the queen of
Britain a man? Is Margaret Thatcher a man?
Women can be leaders."
Here we have a rich tapestry of cross-cutting continuity and change, of old, new and hybrid identities, of reason and reaction, of gender and power relations, of the preservation versus transcendence of
categories, and of how and by whom they are negotiated, defined and safeguarded. These issues are
all chronologically and analytically postcolonial.
Moreover, we have here a timespan and a problematic which simultaneously engages the indigenous,
precolonial 'traditions'; the colonial institutions
and laws which subordinated indigenous practice
into a category of 'customary law' and its upholders, embodied in the office of chief, into clients of
the colonial state; and the ongoing struggles and
challenges of the postcolonial epoch, one critical
dimension of which is the relationship between the
state and indigenous institutions. We are given the
broadly accurate impression of a powerful government which nevertheless treads warily with regard
to custom and chiefly powers: it sought a mediatory
rather than a prescriptive role, yet ulitmately reaffirmed its statutory and effective primacy over the
customary realm by despatching no lesser a representative than the Minister of Local Government to
install the new chief. The ironies are considerable,
ranging from the quintessentially colonial name of
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DAVID SIMON
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the old format and approach (albeit within a redesigned jacket), merely adding a postscript chapter,
updating some data or case studies, and rearranging some parts of the text at a time when a fresh approach is really called for. Perhaps the most relevant recent exemplar of this category is the second
edition of BjmrnHettne's Development Theory and
the Three Worlds, which appeared in 1995. The
publishers' blurb on the cover implies far greater
revisions than the minor ones actually undertaken.
Most conspicuous, moreover, is the paucity of new
literature added to the bibliography and the absence of any mention of, let alone engagement
with, poststructural and postmodern perspectives.
Of the more empirically focused but conceptually
informed books, the second edition of A Geography of the Third Worldby Dickenson et al. (1996)
illustrates just what can be achieved by substantial
rewriting and reorganization.
Among the plethora of recent books on development, Paul Streeten (1995) and Marshall Wolfe
(1996) have written retrospective accounts from
the perspective of their own careers, highlighting
the challenges of changing times and paradigms.
Both express regret that more has not been
achieved in the field of poverty alleviation but also
point out some of the contemporary challenges, especially the necessity of having states which are
capable of decisive action and development intervention when appropriate.In other words, they decrie the current obsession with minimizing the interventionist role of the state. Under the circumstances, it is not very surprising that they do not discuss poststructural perspectives. While not a
valedictory survey prior to retirement, Colin Leys's
(1996) The Rise and Fall of Development Theory
has some similarities with the former two books, in
as much as it is a collection of papers and chapters
in the broad subject area, written at various stages
over a number of years, although several are original to the book. There is much excellent material
in an accessible prose style suitable for both teaching and research, but Leys does not address the recent theoretical 'turns'. The same is true of Ozay
Mehmet (1995), whose slim volume is a ratherdisappointing critique of Eurocentrism in economic
development theories but ultimately addresses
only a few of the mainstream contenders. Arturo
Escobar's (1995) Encountering Development, one
of the most widely distributed and read of the recent texts, is written as a detailed and elegant critique of conventional development(alism) from an
anti-development position. However, his devastatGeografiska Annaler
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more remarkable. There therefore remains an urgent need for more up-to-date development studies
texts; the hype from publishers surrounding the
value of the plethora of recent books is clearly exaggerated.
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Geografiska
Annaler.
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