Letter of Mithridates - 4.69 = 4.

67
[67] {69.M} Rex Mithridates regi Arsaci salutem.
Omnes, qui secundis rebus
suis ad belli societatem orantur, considerare debent, liceatne tum pacem agere,
dein, quod quaesitur, satisne pium, tutum, gloriosum an indecorum sit. 2 tibi si
perpetua pace frui licet, nisi hostes opportuni et scelestissumi, egregia fama, si
Romanos oppresseris, futura est, neque petere audeam societatem et frustra
mala mea cum bonis tuis misceri sperem. 3 atque ea, quae te morari posse
videntur, ira in Tigranem recentis belli et meae res parum prosperae, si vera
existumare voles, maxume hortabuntur. ille enim obnoxius qualem tu voles
societatem accipiet; 4 mihi fortuna multis rebus ereptis usum dedit bene
suadendi et, quod florentibus optabile est, ego non validissumus praebeo
exemplum, quo rectius tua conponas.
The king Mithridates Greeks the king Arsaces. All men who are asked to form a
military alliance in circumstances which favour them ought to consider whether it
then might be possible to keep peace, then, what is sought, whether it is
righteous, safe, honourable or dishonourable. If you were able to enjoy eteran
peace, if there no treacherous and most wicked enemies, , there would be no
glorious renown if you crushed the Romans, neither would you dare to seek an
alliance, and it would be vain for me to expect you to intermingle vainly my evils
with your blessings. But these things which could seem to make you delay, like
the anger against tigranes in the recent war and my lack of successful
circumstances, if you were willing to think it true, would urge you most strongly.
For tigranes is beholden to you and will accept an alliance such as you wish; as
for me, athough fortune has stolen many things from me she has given me
practice for giving good advice, and while I am not the strongest, I represent an
example by which you might arrange your own affairs more correctly, which is
desirably for the prosperous.

5 Namque Romanis cum nationibus, populis, regibus cunctis una et ea vetus

causa bellandi est: cupido profunda imperi et divitiarum. qua primo cum rege
Macedonum Philippo bellum sumpsere, dum a Carthaginiensibus premebantur,
amicitiam simulantes. 6 ei subvenientem Antiochum concessione Asiae per
dolum avortere; ac mox fracto Philippo Antiochus omni cis Taurum agro et decem
milibus talentorum spoliatus est. 7 Persen deinde, Philippi filium, post multa et
varia certamina apud Samothracas deos acceptum in fidem callidi et repertores
perfidiae, quia pacto vitam dederant, insomniis occidere. 8 Eumen, quoius
amicitiam gloriose ostentant, initio prodidere Antiocho pacis mercedem, post,
habitum custodiae agri captivi, sumptibus et contumeliis ex rege miserrumum
servorum effecere, simulatoque inpio testamento filium eius Aristonicum, quia
patrium regnum petiverat, hostium more per triumphum duxere; Asia ab ipsis
obsessa est. 9 postremo Bithyniam Nicomede mortuo diripuere, quom filius Nysa,
quam reginam appellaverat, genitus haud dubie esset.
For there is one long standing reason for the Romans making war with all
nations, peoples, and kings; a deepseated desire for power and riches. First
therefore they made war on Philip, king of Macedonia, feigning friendship so long
as they were being hard pressed by the Carthaginians. Through trickery, they
overthrew Antiochus as he was coming to help them with the surrender of Asia;
and soon after Philip was broken, Antiochus was stripped of every piece of land
this side of the Taurus and of ten thousand talents. Then Perseus, the son of
Philip, after having been accepted into a cunning pledge of protection many
varied struggles under the power of the gods of Samothrace, the devisors of

treachery, because they granted him life under this pact, they killed through
sleeplessness. Eumenes, whose friendship they boast ostentatiously, in the
beginning they betrayed to Antiochus as the price of peace, after, having made
him guardian of the captive land, transformed him through expenses and insults
from a king into the most wretched of slaves, and having forged an impious will,
his son aristonicus, because he sought the kingdom of his father, they led in
triumpj like an enemy; Asia was besieged by them. Finally, upon the death of
Nicomedes they seized on bithinya, although Nysa, whom Nicomedes had called
queen, indubitably had a son.
10 Nam quid ego me appellem? quem diiunctum undique regnis et tetrarchiis ab
imperio eorum, quia fama erat divitem neque serviturum esse, per Nicomedem
bello lacessiverunt, sceleris eorum haud ignarum et ea, quae adcidere, testatum
antea Cretensis, solos omnium liberos ea tempestate, et regem Ptolemaeum. 11
atque ego ultus iniurias Nicomedem Bithynia expuli Asiamque, spolium regis
Antiochi, recepi et Graeciae dempsi grave servitium. 12 incepta mea postremus
servorum Archelaus exercitu prodito inpedivit. illique, quos ignavia aut prava
calliditas, ut meis laboribus tuti essent, armis abstinuit, acerbissumas poenas
solvunt, Ptolemaeus pretio in dies bellum prolatans, Cretenses inpugnati semel
iam neque finem nisi excidio habitur[i].
For why should I mention myself? I who has been cut off their empire by
kingdoms and tetrarchies on all sides, because there was a rumour that I was
rich and would not be servile, they stung me to war through nicomedes, though I
was not ignorant of their crimes and had previously made known those things
which happened after to the Cretans, who alone of all were free in that
tempestuous time and to the king Ptolemy. And I having avenged injustices
drove nicomedes from bithinya, and I received Asia, the spoil taken from the king
Antiochus, and I delivered Greece from gruel servitude. Archelaus the worst of
slaves hindered my undertakings when he betrayed my army. And those whom
cowardice or distorted cunning kept from arms, as they were safe through my
efforts, underwent the harshest punishments, Ptolemy is deferring war through
the payment of money every day, the Cretans attacked once now will find no end
except through destruction.

13 Equidem quom mihi ob ipsorum interna mala dilata proelia magis quam
pacem datam intellegerem, abnuente Tigrane, qui mea dicta sero probat, te
remoto procul, omnibus aliis obnoxiis, rursus tamen bellum coepi, Marcumque
Cottam, Romanum ducem, apud Calchedona terra fudi, mari exui classe
pulcherruma. 14 apud Cyzicum magno cum exercitu in obsidio moranti
frumentum defuit, nullo circum adnitente; simul hiems mari prohibebat. ita sine
vi hostium regredi conatus in patrium regnum naufragiis apud Parium et
Heracleam militum optumos cum classibus amisi. 15 restituto deinde apud
Caberam exercitu et variis inter me atque Lucullum proeliis inopia rursus ambos
incessit. illi suberat regnum Ariobarzanis bello intactum, ego vastis circum
omnibus locis in Armeniam concessi. secutique Romani non me, sed morem
suom omnia regna subvortundi, quia multitudinem artis locis pugna prohibuere,
inprudentiam Tigranis pro victoria ostentant.
For my part, since I realised that on account of civil dissentions of their own,
conflicts are merely delayed rather than peace granted, with the refusal of
tigranes, who lately approves of my words, although you were far awat, with all
others having submitted, I yet began war again, I routed Marcus cotta the Roman
general at calchedon on land, and I destroyed most lovely fleet on the sea. At

cyzicum, with a great army in the delay of a siege provisions failed me, with no
one around aiding me; at the same time winter kept me from the sea. So having
tried without the compulsion of the enemy to return into my native kingdom I
lost the best of my soldiers along with my fleets in shipwrecks at Paris and
heracleia. Then at cabera with my army restored and in varying battles between
me and Lucullus, again scarcity attacked us both. He had at hand the kingdom of
ariobarzanis untouched by war, and I withdrew into Armenia since all the places
around had been destroyed. The Romans then followed, not me, but rather their
custom of overthrowing all monarchies, because they kept a huge force from
battle in narrow defiles, and they boasted of the imprudence of tigranes as if for
a victory.
16 Nunc quaeso considera, nobis oppressis utrum firmiorem te ad resistundum
an finem belli futurum putes? scio equidem tibi magnas opes virorum, armorum
et auri esse; et ea re a nobis ad societatem, ab illis ad praedam peteris. ceterum
consilium est, Tigranis regno integro, meis militibus [belli prudentibus], procul ab
domo parvo labore per nostra corpora bellum conficere, quom neque vincere
neque vinci sine tuo periculo possumus. 17 an ignoras Romanos, postquam ad
occidentem pergentibus finem Oceanus fecit, arma huc convortisse? neque
quicquam a principio nisi raptum habere, domum, coniuges, agros imperium?
convenas olim sine patria, parentibus, peste conditos orbis terrarum; quibus non
humana ulla neque divina obstant, quin socios, amicos, procul iuxta sitos, inopes
potentisque trahant, excindant, omniaque non serva et maxume regna hostilia
ducant?
Now I pray you consider, whether you think that you are stronger if we are
crushed for resisting or that there will be an end to war? For my part, I know that
you have great numbers of men, weapons and of gold; and it is for this reason
you are sought by me for an alliance, by the Romans for plunder. Yet this is my
advice, while the kingdom of tigranes remains whole, with my soldiers, who are
trained in war, with little effort far from home through the expense of our bodies
to finish a war which we can neither win to be conquered without danger to you.
Did you not know, that after the ocean had made an end to their westward
proceeding, they turned their weapons to here? Nor that they have nothing from
the beginning except what they have stolen, a home, wives and territory, their
empire? That once vagabonds without a homeland, parents, created as a plague
of the whole world; no law human or divine stood in their way from dragging off
and destroying allies, friends, those far off and those near, the weak and the
powerful, and they consider every monarch which is not servile to be extremely
hostile?

18 namque pauci libertatem, pars magna iustos dominos volunt, nos suspecti
sumus aemuli et in tempore vindices adfuturi. 19 tu vero, quoi Seleucea,
maxuma urbium, regnumque Persidis inclutis divitiis est, quid ab illis nisi dolum
in praesens et postea bellum expectas? 20 Romani arma in omnis habent,
acerruma in eos, quibus victis spolia maxuma sunt; audendo et fallundo et bella
ex bellis serundo magni facti. 21 per hunc morem extinguent omnia aut occident;
quod haud difficile est, si tu Mesopotamia, nos Armenia circumgredimur
exercitum sine frumento, sine auxiliis, fortuna aut nostris vitiis adhuc incolumem.
22 teque illa fama sequetur auxilio profectum magnis regibus latrones gentium
oppressisse. 23 quod uti facias, moneo hortorque, neu malis pernicie nostra
tuam prolatare quam societate victor fieri!

For few man desire freedom, the majority desire just masters, we are suspected
of being rivals and future avengers. You indeed, who has seleucea, the greatest
of cities, and the kingdom of persis famed for its riches, what do you expect from
the Romans except trickery in the present and war in the future? The Romans
weapons against all men, most bitter against those who have the greatest spoils
when conquered; by daring and by trickery and by sowing war after war they
have become great. Through this custom they destroy or kill everything; this is
not difficult, if you in Mesopotamia and we in Armenia surround their army
without provision, without aid, it is by good fortune or by our mistakes that they
are so far unharmed. And glory will follow you, who rendered aid to great kings,
that you crushed the plunderers of nations. I urge and advise you to do this, and
not to prefer to put off your own for a time through our ruin that to become a
victor through our alliance.