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This, however, is only part of the story of modernity. Modern times are also marked by a
noticeable presence of democratic ideas. Democracy, epitomised by principles of equality and
participation in public affairs, determines social and personal aspects of citizens lives. We
will return to the issue of democracy at a later stage. For the time being it is important to note
that Giddens believes that the processes generating modern society are intricately linked to
the ideas of democracy and a new foundation of mutual trust. In fact, so Giddens argues, both
issues are two sides of the same coin, ideas that condition each other.
With the fundamental changes brought about by modernity, Giddens suggests that personal
relationships are de-institutionalised, borrowing this notion from Peter Berger (Berger 1980).
While trust was previously embedded firmly in communities that prescribed and sanctioned
certain traditions and practices, with the dissolution of these communities and their cooperative framework, personal relationships acquire an unprecedented freedom. But this
freedom is of a duplicate nature. The formation of identity that was previously predetermined
by communal forces largely outside of the individuals control, is now replaced with an area
of self-exploration.
Where large areas of a persons life are no longer set by pre-existing patterns and habits, the
individual is continually obliged to negotiate life-style options. Moreover - and this is crucialsuch choices are not just external or marginal aspects of the individuals attitudes, but define
who the individual is. In other words, life-style choices are constitutive of the reflexive
narrative of self. (Giddens, 1992, p.75)
This new gained freedom however also demands additional efforts of orientation and
commitment from individuals, something that, for many, diminishes the advantages of
liberation from parochialism. In a time of increased existential risks, human beings try to
enhance the sources of mutual trust and this process runs parallel to and is influenced by the
process of self-formation. Giddens writes:
The establishing of basic trust is the condition of the elaboration of self-identity just as much
as it is of the identity of other persons and of objects. (Giddens 1991, p.41-42)
Giddens now uses the concept of intimacy to describe the processes that allow people to
produce a stability in their interpersonal relationships. Intimacy, as Giddens understands it,
extends way beyond the realm of sexual interaction. It encompasses the spheres of family,
kinship and mutual friendship. All three fields were intensely affected by the rise of
modernity and the concomitant transformation of trust. Intimacy thus is a conceptual tool for
Giddens to explore the foundations of social stability that he believes have been put in place
following the disintegration of the personal, face-to-face connections amongst individuals. In
a passage clarifying the methodological approach he favours, Giddens writes:
The transformation of intimacy can be analysed in terms of the building of trust
mechanisms; and ... personal trust relations...are closely bound up with a situation in which
the construction of the self becomes a reflexive project. (Giddens 1990, p.114)
With some verve he declares that intimacy is the promise of democracy (Giddens 1992,
p.188) in the personal sphere. But why does intimacy feature this close link to democracy?
What is democratic in the nature of intimacy? We have already seen that Giddens attaches
much significance to the fact that modernity is tied up with the various ideas and maxims of
democracy. Modernity, so Giddens argues, has often come to be synonymous with the
development of individual freedom and equality. These ideas however are central to the
relationship is entered into for its own sake any pure relationship possesses a tension to
reconcile mutual trust and commitment with the knowledge that the relationship is voluntary
and can be terminated at any time (Jamieson 1999, p.479). Giddens argues that revealing to
the partner the whole range of sentiments, emotional inclinations and practical commitments
in our life, is tantamount to a voluntary expression of endorsement of the democratic
principles. Mutual disclosure is, as it were, a way of acknowledging equality and respect as
the fundamentals of the prospective relationship. He thereby rejects strongly those
sociologists who argue that the secret of a successful personal relationship is to retain a rest
of mystique, something that remains inevitably unknown to the partner. Giddens contends
that mutual disclosure must comprise the entirety of personal lives. The act of revelation is a
way of expressing binding aspiration of democratically ordered interaction. (Giddens 1992,
p.190). Mutual disclosure thus encapsulates the principles of democracy and the opportunities
of building trust in relationships through new forms of intimacy.
But is this a viable picture of modern relationships? Does the practice of mutual disclosure
that is critical to the notion of the pure relationship allow individuals to access a new type of
mutual trust? What motivates Giddens to place so much confidence in human beings that they
will not exploit the additional information about their partners in order to create new
inequalities and dependencies within the relationship?
Jamieson has articulated the most stringent criticism in an article that targets the viability of
Giddenss concept of the pure relationship from the empirical perspective (Jamieson
1999). He argues that two components should caution us to accept Giddenss conceptual take
on modern relationships. First, despite anecdotal evidence, inequalities persist and are hard to
eradicate. One of the reasons is that they cloak themselves in new ways that are difficult to
detect and grasp with conventional concepts. One may object that Giddenss concept of the
pure relationship addresses exactly this problem since it is certainly a novel formulation of
the problem of equality in personal relationships. However, Jamieson warns us that Giddenss
pure relationship is tied into an older discourse that has lost much of its credibility (Jamieson
1999, p.480). Jamieson argues that Giddenss notion of mutual disclosure feeds upon a
therapeutic language which has often worked against empowerment of women rather than in
their favour. In fact, it redirects our conceptual efforts into a track that individualises personal
problems (similar to the therapeutic effort) and therefore downplays the social dimensions of
interpersonal relationships. Giddens in fact sustains his sociological theory with a
psychological explanation, thus conceding territory to a questionable strategy of
individualised problem solving. Sociological explanations of the difficulties of relationships
gain little attention in Giddenss view of the matter, inadvertently playing into the hands of
those who have a vested interest in the continuation of conditions of inequality and unfair
distribution of resources between partners. The second reason why Jamieson believes
Giddenss theory of the pure relationship to be flawed has to do with the fact the Giddens
fails to recognise the importance of basic sentiments such as love and care that are often
catalysts as well as provide channels to problem solution in modern partnerships. Giddens in
a way is compelled to disregard these significant aspects of partnerships since they contradict
the thrust of the process of mutual disclosure. Love and care often revitalise commitment to
partners in spite of remaining secrets or uncertainties about the partners trustfulness
(Jamieson 1999, p.486).
Jamieson points to the prevalent optimism in Giddenss work and doubts whether this reflects
accurately social reality. Although evidence is often ambiguous and down to interpretation
some observations that can claim a high degree of objectivity, point into the opposite
direction. Jamieson refers briefly to an illuminating alternative view on the procedure of