A Kurdish Nurcu Group

A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Turkey: Shifting Identities
Author(s): Fulya Atacan

Source: Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Jul., 2001), pp. 111-144
Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern
Thrkey:Shifting Identities
FULYA ATACAN
Islamic movements have traditionally defended the idea of the broader

Islamic community (ummet) while rejecting various forms of nationalism.
However, since the formation of nation-states in the Middle East,
nationalism has become a latent or open component of Islamic discourse.
One form of this is official Islam, which is interpretedand supportedby the
state. Islamic movements which oppose the existing political system of their
own countries, on the other hand, have developed another form of this
discourse while rejecting nationalism on the grounds that it is based in
Westernideology and thus is alien to Islam. Such ideas have emerged even
while twentieth-century Islamic movements flourish in the context of
nation-states. Many examples of such movements offer evidence of the
significant role of the nation-state context in the formation of Islamic
ideology during the twentieth century. Nationalist versions of the Islamic
point of view can be found in the discourses of the Muslim Brotherhoodin
Egypt' and of various Islamic groups in Turkey (for example, some Nurcu
groups, the Suileymancis, and the so-called Turkish-Islamic Synthesis
movement).2The evolutionary development of Hamas (Islamic Resistance
Movement) from an Islamic movement to a nationalist-Islamicmovement
provides anotherinteresting example of shifting identities.3
Islam plays an importantrole in the lives of Kurdsand has always been
used as an ideological tool in Kurdishmobilization. Major Kurdishrevolts
during the 1920s in Turkey were primarily Islamic in nature with varying
degrees of Kurdishnationalistideology; that is, while the intellectual cadres
of these revolts were Kurdish nationalists, they used Islam as a mobilizing
force. The Kurdish nationalist movements of the 1960s and 1970s which
flourished among leftist groups were, however, shown no sympathy by the
anti-Communist Islamist Kurds. In 1984, the Marxist-Leninist Kurdish
LabourParty (PKK) starteda guerrilla war against the Turkish state in the
southeasternpart of Turkey,which intensified in the early 1990s.
Most Kurds are Sunni Muslims and strict adherents of the Uafi rite. In
the Ottoman Empire, the rulers of the Kurdish emirates established their
Middle EasternStudies, Vol.37, No.3, July 2001, pp.111-144
PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON
112 MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES
own medreses since the official mezhep (school of jurisprudence) of the

Empire was Hanefi. There were also schools attachedto some of the village
mosques and led by mollas who had a reputation for learning. These
medreses played a prominent role in the development of the Kurdish
language and literature. They functioned until the 1970s even though
medreses were officially closed down in 1924 in Turkey. Legal experts of
Islam, educated in state and independent Kurdishmedreses, have played a
significant role in the lives of Kurds. Sufi orders have also been active and
widespread among the Kurds. Although various Sufi orders were
represented, it seems that the Qadiriyya and Naqshbandiyya orders
dominated Sufi Islam in the region.4
Said Nursi (1876-1960), by product of the Kurdishmedrese system, is
not only the authorof the original and pious writings but also the originator
of Nurcu movement in Turkey. As will be discussed below, this religious
movement has fragmented and the ethnic origin of Nursi has become
controversial among the members of the movement. Med-Zehra is a split
from the Nurcu movement and it emphasizes Nursi's Kurdishbackground.
It openly criticizes Turkishnationalist interpretationof Nursi's writings. In
other words, Med-Zehrais not only an importantNurcu group in Turkeybut
also an importantrepresentativeof KurdishIslamic movements. This article
will analyze the Med-Zehragroup's interpretationof Islam as it is reflected
in theirjournal, Dava.5
First appearingin April-May 1989, Dava strongly emphasizes Med-Zehra's

dual Kurdishand Islamic identities. The group is highly critical of the main-
stream Nurcu movement for its neglect - or even denial - of the Kurdish
origins of Nursi, generally recognized as the Nurcu movement's founder.
Med-Zehra has tried to restore the balance by, among other things,
publishing uncensored versions of those works by Nursi that embrace a
Kurdish viewpoint. The Kurdish Nurcu group appears to have widespread
supportin the provinces of Bingol, Van, Diyarbakir,Mardin, lirnak, Siirt,
Batman, and Malatya (all in eastern and southeasternTurkey), as well as in
Ankara and Istanbul.
The group is frequently referred to as the Med-Zehra ecole or simply
Med-Zehra - an abbreviation for Medresetii'z Zehra, the name of the
university Nursi had dreamedof establishing in Van, in easternTurkey- by
the other Islamic groups. In the first issue of the journal, the group defined
itself with anothername, hizb-iil Kur'an or 'the party of the Quran'.6 At that
time, the group's leader, Ueyhanzade,7rejected the designation of Med-
Zehra as a 'school' in the following terms:8
A KURDISH ISLAMIST GROUP IN MODERN TURKEY 113
What we established is not a 'school'. Med-Zehra is a group of

believers who strive to be both faithful to the Quran and useful to
Islam. We believe in the unity of Islam (tevhid), and that by reading
the Risale-i Nur, following its method, and serving the mehdiyet
movement, we are useful to humanity ... This is a renewal (tecdid)
movement that will produce a new understandingof the Quran ...
This movement will make the Quran understandableto others and
promote it as a form of state in the political sense. The Med-Zehra,on
the other hand, was the name of a university planned to be built by
Bediuizzaman [another name for Said Nursi - FA] in Van; the
university's official language, Arabic, was to have been learnedby all
Muslims. The university would have permitted all races, including
Kurds and Turks, to be united within the consciousness of ummet.
Med-Zehra would have symbolized the realization of Islamic unity.
(This is why) we have established a publishing company and a trust
under the name of Med-Zehra.9
The name Dava derives from an anecdote about Nursi. At one point in his
life while on retreatin a cave near Van, he slipped and fell about five metres
to a lower level of the cave, fortunately without getting seriously hurt. As
he fell, he cried out 'Ah! My struggle [Davaml', suggesting that he cared
more about the cause for which he struggled than about his personal safety.
This devotion to Islam impressed the journal's founder and he made Nursi's
cause that of the journal. The journal defined this struggle as raising the flag
of Islam and making it dominantthroughoutthe world.'"
Among Dava's primary aims was that of promoting unity under the
bannerof tevhid in orderto overcome the artificialfragmentationof Islamic
groups in Turkey,which it considered to be a consequence of provocations
by external powers." Other goals included correcting what it viewed as
errors in thought encouraged by other Nurcu groups, and responding to
'unfair' criticisms of the Nurcu movement.
Said Nursi'2was born in 1873 to a Kurdishclerical family in the village of

Nurs, near Bitlis in eastern Anatolia. At the age of nine he attendeda local
medrese, receiving his education from Sheikh AbdurrahmanTagi. He
studied at several medreses and received his diploma in 1888 when he was
fifteen. He then travelled widely and engaged in wide-ranging discussions
with members of the ulema (Islamic scholars). At thirty-twohe left Van and
came to Istanbul seeking support for his dream of establishing the
Medresetii'zZehra University in Van. He presenteda petition on this subject
to Sultan Abdulhamid 11 (1876-1909), in the course of the presentation
criticizing the Sultan's passivity as Caliph. This unusual behaviour caused
officials to question his mental health, and he was sent to the Topba?1
asylum for observation.
Nursi returnedto Istanbul in 1907 but was again disappointed with the
Ottomancapital. He then went to Thessaloniki, where he met with members
of the Union and Progress Party (Ittihadve TerrakiFlrkasl), and supported
them in their struggle against the Sultan's absolutist regime. He was in
Thessaloniki during the Young Turkrevolution of 1908.
After returningto Istanbul, he participatedin establishing the Muslim
Union Society (Ittihad-i Muhammedi Cemiyeti) and wrote articles in
Volkan,a newspaper published by Dervi? Vahdeti, a founder of the Muslim
Union. In a short time, the Society became the leading voice for those
opposing the Committee of Union and Progress. His connection with the
Society led to the accusation that he was involved in anti-Union and
Progress Party activities and part of the reactionaryIslamist uprising of 31
March 1909 - one in which the Muslim Union played an importantrole -
and he was arrested. However, he was acquitted and returned to Van in
1910. He travelled to Damascus in 1911, then returned to Istanbul to
participatein the Sultan's journey to the Balkan provinces of the Ottoman
Empire. He was also able to obtain funds for the founding of Medresetu'z
Zehra, but the project was postponed with the beginning of the Balkan War.
Nursi returnedto Van in 1913, but in 1915 was sent to Tripoli by the
Young Turks to support the Sanusiyya order in their resistance against the
Italian occupation. In August of that year he returnedto Turkey and joined
a local militia fighting against the Russians on the eastern front. He was
taken prisoner and lived through the Russian Revolution of 1917, but
managed to escape and returnto Turkey via Europe.
In 1922, Nursi met Mustafa Kemal, founder of the TurkishRepublic, in
Ankara.No doubt he was aware of the secular tendencies of Mustafa Kemal
and his colleagues, and in 1923 he circulateda declarationin parliamentthat
the political regime of the Turkish Republic should be based on Islamic
principles. He left Ankara later that year, and remained in Van until 1925,
when he was accused of having links with the revolt of Sheikh Said, an
Islamist and Kurdish nationalist. He was arrested and exiled to Barla, a
small town in Isparta,where he wrote his treatise, the Risale-i Nur (Treatise
of Light). He was arrested, imprisoned, and exiled several times between
1925 and 1950.
A new era for Nursi and his disciples opened with the Democrat Party
victory in the 1950 elections. In spite of accusations brought against Nursi
and his followers in various courtrooms,the Risale-i Nur was legally pub-
lished in the Latin alphabet for the first time in 1956. At the same time
the Democrat Party was making use of Islamic rhetoric during its election
campaign;however, it soon became clear that this rhetoricwould not be put
into practice. Nursi spent most of the rest of his life in Ispartaexperiencing
continued police harassment.
Said Nursi died on 23 March 1960, while on a journey to Urfa, and he
was buried there. After the military coup of 1960, which overthrew the
Democrat Party,his remains were disinterredand his bones were buried at
an unknown location in the mountains aroundIsparta.This was done in the
belief that his tomb might become a centre of attractionand a meeting point
for his followers.
Since the death of Said Nursi, the movement has experienced many internal
conflicts and splits. Leadershipand party politics were two main sources of
conflict during the 1960s. Leaders such as HuisrevAltinba?ak,'3Mehmet
Kayalar(1920-94),'4 and Hulusi Yahyagil(1895-1986) '5constituteda group
apartfrom the original Nurcu followers. Kayalarand Yahyagil were military
officers who, like Altinba?ak,were followers of Said Nursi. Although each
had his own interpretationof the Risale-i Nur, they shareda common stance
toward party politics. They were not against politics as a method of
changing the existing socio-political structureof Turkey;however, they did
not consider partypolitics to be a suitable vehicle for changing society as a
whole into an Islamic one. Ultimately, their beliefs led to a rejection of
Turkey's existing socio-political system. While sharing the conviction that
the Nurcu movement should be headed by a single leader, they were unable
to achieve this aim since each put forth personal claims regarding the
leadership of the largerNurcu movement.'6
A group called the Copyists, led by Husrev Altinba?ak (1899-1977),
was the first to split from the original Nurcu movement in 1962. 7 The
Copyists' (Yazicilar) name referredto the fact that they copied the original
text of the Risale-i Nur by hand, and Altinba?ak was considered by his
group to be the second 'Master' (Ustad-i sani) within this scribal tradition
associated with the Risale-i Nur. However, whereas Said Nursi had
permitted the publication of the Risale in the Latin alphabet while he was
alive, Altinba?ak insisted that it should be published only in the Arabic
script; indeed, he had disagreed with Said Nursi on this subject while Nursi
was alive. After Nursi's death, Altinba?akconsidered himself to be the sole
leader of the Nurcu movement; anyone who disputed his leadership was
considered to be a traitor and in opposition to the Risale-i Nur.'8 The
Copyists became fewer in numberover time and lost their importanceby the
end of the 1970s.'9
In the early 1970s, the main sources of conflict within the original - by
this time more or less 'mainstream' - Nurcu movement included
publication of a newspaper in the name of Nurcus,20party politics, and
financial disputes. During this period, the Nurcu movement can be

discussed in terms of two main positions comprising various factions. One
point of view defended publication of the newspaper, and many of its
adherents were openly involved in politics. The other main tendency
consisted in rejecting newspaperpublishing and political involvement. This
division was furtherwidened by financial controversies.2'
Among the fractions under these two main groupings which emerged
during the 1970s and 1980s, the following might be cited: the Yeni Asya
movement, under the leadership of Ziibeyir Guinduizalpand later Mehmet
Kutlular, supported the (centre right) Justice Party and True Path Party.
Med-Zehra, led by ~eyhanzade, argued that the Yeni Asya group had
distorted the meaning of the Risale-i Nur, and began publishing Dava in
1989. Med-Zehraproducedanothergroup that established the ZehraEgitim
Kultur Vakfi (Zehra Education and Cultural Foundation).22This group
supportednone of Turkey'spolitical parties,although it had some sympathy
for the (Islamist) Welfare Party. Another group called Kurdoglu or Emek,
led by Mehmet Kurdoglu, at first refused to supportany party.This group
at first withdrew from the community to concentratetheir attention on the
Risale; however, they supportedthe (centreright) MotherlandPartythrough
most of the 1980s and in recent years have been sympathetic to the
(Islamist) Welfare and Virtue Parties.
In a development having major consequences not only for the Nurcu
movement but also for Islamist movements and Turkish politics more
generally, in 1974, a group led by Fetullah Gulen left the Yeni Asya
movement, claiming that Yeni Asya was too busy with politics to serve the
people.23Interestingly,Guilen'sgroup has always been careful not to identify
itself with any Islamic group or political party.Thus, although he was once
a Nurcu member, Guilen has neither identified himself with the Nurcu
movement nor openly referred to the Risale-i Nur.24His group became
powerful after the 1980s, while his ideology evolved toward that of the
Turkish-Islamicsynthesis,25the official ideology of the military government
which followed the 1980 coup d'etat. In spite of an intellectual and spiritual
backgroundin the Nurcu movement, in his speeches Giilen never referred
to the movement's founderbut rathermade references to his own works and
ideas, in a sense placing himself at the centre of a movement whose
inspiration is more probably traceable to another source. His own ideas,
drawn from over 30 published works, shaped the group's ideology,
generating differences between his and the other Nurcu groups. Because of
these differences, some Nurcu groups deny that Guilenand his group have
anything to do with the larger Nurcu movement. In the meantime, since
Guilen has become powerful in the political life of Turkey today, other
Nurcu groups insist that his group does indeed represent the Nurcu
movement. Giilen's group is known for its private educational establish-

ments, located both in Turkey and in the Turkic republics of central Asia.26
After the military coup on 12 September 1980, the Nurcu movement
underwentanotherphase of fragmentation.In 1982, a group supportingthe
military coup and led by Mehmet Kirkinci split from the Yeni Asya group,
which had not supportedthe coup. Kirkinci's group believed that the coup
was necessary because it saved Turkey from social and political
disintegration.Kirkincidefined General Kenan Evren, leader of the military
coup, as commander of the faithful (ulu-l emr) and claimed that it was a
religious duty to obey Evren's rules. Thus the group is also called
'supportersof the [post-coup] revolutionarycouncil' (Konseyciler).27They
reject Med-Zehra'sclaims that the Risale-i Nur have been distorted.
In 1986, Muslim Guindtiz, who received a Nurcu education from
Mehmet Feyzi Pamukquand Hulusi Yahyagil, established the Aczimendi
Tarikatigroup, a Nurcu group in the form of a Sufi order.28The aim of the
Aczimendis was to bring about a state governed by Islamic law and headed
by a caliph.29Also, in 1990 and 1993 two other groups abandonedthe Yeni
Asya group; Yeni Asya's active support given to Siileyman Demirel
(President of the Republic from 1993 to 2000) and his party (True Path)
appearsto be the only issue of conflict.30
Med-Zehra refers to major conflicts in Islamic history to explain events

occurringsince the death of Said Nursi. For example, the first conflict in the
Islamic world emerged after the death of the ProphetMuhammadover the
election of the first caliph, and remains unresolved to this day. A second
major conflict was that which took place between Ali and Muawiya.
Interpretedwithin the historical context as a struggle between caliphate and
sultanate; the former represents an Islamic religious-based state system,
while the latteris seen as an arbitraryregime with its own raison d'etre. The
third conflict, between Hussein and Yezid, is understood as a contest
between religious and nationalist values. Hussein stands as the defender of
Islamic law for the Caliphate, while Yezid figures as the supporterof racist
Arab nationalism for his sultanate. Med-Zehra believes that if one views
Nurcu movement developments following the death of Said Nursi from the
perspective of these historical events, the meaning of the fragmentation
within the movement may be grasped by analogy.3
According to Dava,
The death of Said Nursi was announced to the world via radios and
newspapers. Thousands of Muslims rushed into Urfa for the funeral.
After the funeral, students of Nursi who were present in Urfa
consulted among themselves. During the meeting, Mehmet Kayalar,
Hiisrev Agabey (Altlnba?ak),and Feyzi Agabey (Pamukqu) 32 insisted

that both a leader and a leadership committee should be elected.
Othersreacted against this idea, saying that no caliph or leader figured
in the Risale-i Nur and that each should serve according to his or her
capacity. They argued that there should be no hierarchyin the group
and the movement should consist only of spiritual service.33
The decision reached at the meeting favoured the second group, that is,
those who rejected a hierarchical organization for the Nurcu movement.
This issue appears to have created a Gordian knot since, according to an
article in Dava, '... those who claimed thatthere should be no leaderor rank
in the Nurcu movement themselves became the leaders of different
groups'.3 No Nurcu group leaders left today are direct students of Said
Nursi. It seems that the decision not to form a hierarchical organization,
made after the death of Nursi, has provided many students of the Nur
movement with the inspiration to establish their own leadership and their
own groups. Med-Zehra,for its part,believes that a hierarchicalmovement
is better suited to Islam.
According to Dava, the Nurcu groups which distortedRisale-i Nur used
the oppressive measures of the post-1960 military coup government as an
excuse to justify their publication of the Risale in the Latin alphabet.More-
over, publicationefforts were undertakenbecause in the course of preparing
the text in the Latin alphabet 'they could easily make changes that were
impossible to make in the Arabic version'.3 Dava also claimed that certain
individuals with political ambitions and a nationalist approachhad tried to
dominate the Nur movement in 1969 and 1970. Med-Zehra held that the
Nurcu movement, with its political newspaper, its books and its journals,
had started to depart from the movement's original line of thought.
Referring to Islamic history, the Med-Zehra group believed that this event
was a crossroad, arguing that, 'The struggle has begun between the real
Nurcu movement, which is based on vahy (revelation of God) and tries to
establish the caliphate with all its institutions, and the pseudo Nurcu group,
which is based on the arbitraryrule of the sultanateand believes that every
principle can be sacrificed for the fatherland.'36
Since the death of Said Nursi many Nurcu groups have claimed his heritage.
As one of the major groups, Med-Zehra has had many differences of
opinion with these other groups. According to Med-Zehra, the school of
thought created by Nursi is an alternative to the existing regime, which is
afraid of the power of Nursi's movement and has used many strategies to
prevent its ideas from being realized. Those more closely associated with
the regime, according to Med-Zehra, have departed from the Islamic
perspective regarding social and political problems and have adopted a

Europeanperspective, understoodas man-madeand thus contraryto Nursi's
ideas.37
Med-Zehrahas arguedthatpolitical partiesare a by-productof European
philosophy, and that involvement in everyday politics prevents one from
focusing on the real aim, which is to make Islam the dominant force in all
areas of life. The group's spokespersons furtherhold that Said Nursi made
a distinction between Islamic politics and human politics. The first is based
on vahy and the second on human thought. They believe that Nursi
considered human politics to be synonymous with Satan, whereas Islamic
politics are a partof Islam.38Islam cannot be separatedfrom politics because
Islam determines every aspect of one's life. Med-Zehrafurtherargued that
Nursi was against party politics both in the Ottoman Empire and in the
Turkish Republic, since 'Said observed that sincere Muslims working for
political parties accused each other of creating divisions after the Young
Turk revolution of 1908'.39 Nursi considered this development un-Islamic
because it created factions among Muslims, and as a result he was never
again directly involved in party politics.
During the 1950s Said Nursi expressed his political views in letters that
he sent to members of Parliament and the Prime Minister.40Although his
stated objective was to secure publication of the Risale-i Nur, he also stated
his support for some of the Democrat Party's actions. Although such
supportor criticism of politicians' actions could be considered as political
involvement, Med-Zehrasuggested that such guidance was just a partof his
responsibility as an Islamic scholar.They claimed that there were two main
themes in Nursi's letters: the first was that some aspects of the regime were
based on Turkish racism (Turkism), which contradicted fundamental
principles of the Quranand should be abandonedimmediately. The second
theme in his letters was that the political party structureintroducedby the
Europeans was contrary to Islamic principles and that, instead, the Quran
should be the model for political organization.4'
Med-Zehra has criticized other Nurcu groups, particularlyYeni Asya,
because of their active involvement in day-to-day politics. Yeni Asya, for
example, supportedthe Justice Party- for the most partthe governing party
between 1965 and 1980--and the True Path Party after 1983. Med-Zehra
claimed that Yeni Asya defended Western principles, including the
democratic parliamentarysystem. The group was, moreover, criticized for
pursuingshort-termmaterialinterestsand compromisingits Islamic identity.42
In general, Med-Zehraheld that Islamic communities should not participate
in politics, althoughsome individualsmay do so in orderto disseminateideas
from the Risale-i Nur and to help the development of Islam. That is, the
existing system may be used by some as a means to reach Islamic goals.43
Today, some Nurcu groups claim that Said Nursi was a defender of
democracy as far back as the Ottoman period.4' In contrast, Med-Zehra
insists thatNursi never used the word democracy in his writings. They argue
that he deliberately avoided this term because democratic rules created by
humans prevent the rules of God from being fully realized. They point out
that some Nurcu groups use the concept of democracy and meErutiyet
(constitutional monarchy) interchangeably. Although democracy is not
consistent with the laws of God, Med-Zehraclaims that meErutiyetis based
on consultation (mepveret)and includes an assembly (meclis), institutions
which fall within the frameworkof Islamic law. Thus when Nursi used the
concept of meErutiyet,it was a reference consistent with Islamic law.45
Discussing these nuances, Seyhanzade writes:
Some people assume that democracy allows people to live decently,
that it dominates the Turkish people's spirit and way of life.
Democratic Islamists, who claim that nothing can change this fact,
must understand that they cannot convince people with conscious
thought and reason that these ideas are true; they cannot persuade
anyone. Because Islam dominates our spirits, it is all-encompassing
and our only goal. As people who belong to the Mehdiyet School
[discussed below - FA], our first duty is to publish the truth.Our goal
should be to make Islamic law dominant and to establish Islamic
unity.46
According to Seyhanzade, anyone who accepts democracy as a governing
system should be considered a non-believer.This is because democracy was
created as a reaction to the Quran,Islamic law, and vahy. The main aim of
a democracy is to give the right of governing to human beings. Acceptance
of this kind of government is un-Islamic.47Seyhanzade lists various reasons
why some Nurcus have cooperated with the current political regime in
Turkey.These include fear of Turkishnational weakness, attachmentto the
past, and personal frailties. Such Nurcu members in fact support and
empower the political parties, and in doing so, have abandonedIslamic law
as a primarygoal. They claim that they are not in a position to revolt against
a head of state and that their approachis in conformity with the Hanefi law,
which traditionally supports the concept of obedience to the state on the
basis that 'any orderis betterthan disorder'. Seyhanzadearguesthat this un-
Islamic approachactually drives people away from Islam and the Quran.48
Taking a slightly different approach, ~eyhanzade claims that every
movement in the world has a plan and a programme.If a movement does
not have power and yet attempts to use force, it will lose its case. Citing
Said Nursi, ~eyhanzade points out, 'We can neither accept nor reject the
current regime. Rejection requires power that we do not yet have. Thus
Islamic scholars agree that if conditions are not ripe, that is, if one does not
have power, action cannot be taken. If one acts from a powerless position,
a major suppression of Muslims may result, which could block future
development of the Islamic movement.'49Thus, Med-Zehra insists that the
duty of Nur students is to create conditions favouring the hegemony of
Islamic Law. In orderto do so, according to Said Nursi, they must belong to
the 'partyof the Quran' (hizb-ul Kur'an) that is, 'on the side of Allah' in the
broad sense.
The right to publish and disseminate Said Nursi's works is anotherdisputed

issue. In his lifetime, Nursi determined who could publish the Risale and
how the income should be spent.50IbrahimHulusi Yahyagil (1895-1986),
M. Feyzi Pamukqu (1912-90), Huisrev Altinbasak (1899-1977), Tahiri
Mutlu (1900-1977), and Rafet Barutqu (1886-1975) were among Said
Nursi's first students and were referredto as the has talebeleri (original, as
in first, true students) of Nursi. They were educated by Nursi and were with
him at the beginning of the Nurcu movement. Pamukqu,Altinba?ak,Mutlu,
and Barutqu were arrested, tried, and sentenced in the 1930s and 1940s
along with Nursi.5' They were considered by Nurcu members to be the
spiritual inheritors of the Risale-i Nur. Mehmet Kayalar, Mustafa Acet,
Bayram Yuiksel,HiisnuiBayram, Abdullah Yegin, Mustafa Sungur, Ahmet
Aytimur,and Said Ozdemir were also in Nursi's service. Some members of
this second group were appointed by Nursi to supervise publication of the
Risale-i Nur. It has become an established custom (orj) within the Nurcu
movement that permission to publish the Risale must be first obtained from
a member of this group.52Also, Nursi had stipulatedthat twenty per cent of
the income generatedthroughpublicationmust be allocated to a scholarship
fund for Nur students.53Thus, in order to publish the Risale in their
publishing house, Med-Zehra had to obtain permission from a member of
this group. Because they believed that the Risale-i Nur had been distorted,
it was very importantfor Med-Zehrato publish its own version.
In the 1970s there were two Nurcu publishing houses. One of them,
Sozler Yayinevi, was headed by Mustafa Sungur54for a time, before being
replaced by Mehmet Firinci. Said Ozdemir manages the other publishing
house, Ihlas Nur Ne?riyat, in Ankara.Although both the original publishers
were members of the second group in the service of Nursi, Ueyhanzade
claims to have agreed with AbduilkadirBadilli,55who is also a Kurd, that
both publishing houses distorted the Risale and pursued political activities
to the detrimentof service to the Nurcu community.
In 1979, the Envar Ne?riyat publishing house was established with the
approval of Husnu Bayram (among the second group of Nursi's direct
students), but in the name of AbdulkadirBadilli. Although Badilli was one

of Nursi's students, he did not belong to either group of close followers and
was not approvedas a publisherof the Risale.56Ueyhanzadestartedto work
with Badilli in the publishing house. According to ~eyhanzade, Envar
NeEriyatlost its viability after three years because it lacked funding and
because Husnu Bayram wanted to control publication of the Risale.57It
became impossible for 5eyhanzade to continue in Envar Ne?riyat.58
~eyhanzade then went to Mustafa Acet (1924-90), a member of the second
group who had Nursi's approvalto publish the Risale-i Nur. Acet provided
5eyhanzade with an original text corrected by Nursi himself, and gave his
approval for publication of the Risale. In 1982 *eyhanzade established
Tenvir Ne,riyat and startedto publish the works of Said Nursi.
Dava published the original letter of Mustafa Acet in which he clearly
stated that he had given 5eyhanzade the right to publish the Risale. In his
will, Mustafa Acet enjoined the group to follow moral and spiritual
principles found in the Quranin all details of publishing activities, as Nursi
had wished. He explained how exacting Said Nursi had been in the
preparation of the text and how fervently he looked forward to its
publication. Acet furthercriticized some publishers for using the Risale for
their own political purposes, or for trying to prevent others from publishing
the text.59While Acet gave 5eyhanzade approval to publish the Risale, he
insisted on certain conditions: Ueyhanzadewas to publish the Risale in their
original form, and to donate one fifth of the profit towards meeting the daily
needs of students who devoted their lives to the service of Nur. In addition,
the publishing staff was to keep meticulous records and be able to answer
all questions concerning financial matters.' In this way, Med-Zehrahas had
its own publishing house, the Tenvir Nesriyat, since 1982, and has
published its own version of the Risale based on original copies.
Med-Zehra insisted that some Nurcu communities had distorted the
Risale-i Nur in variouseditions over time,6'generally among those printedin
the Latin alphabet.62One of the allegedly distorted versions had been
published by Hizmet Vakfi, a foundation led by Mustafa Sungur and Said
Ozdemir, both of whom had Nursi's approval to publish the Risale. In
response to Med-Zehra's allegation, and also inspired by financial
considerationsconnected to sales rights, Hizmet Vakfi had taken Med-Zehra
to the sharia court, claiming that they did not have the legal right to publish
the Risale-i Nur Although both sides accepted litigation in the sharia court,
the action was later moved to a civil court.63While sharia courts were
abolished in 1924 in Turkey,some individuals chose to use them on a non-
official basis. Sharia courtsare generally formedby trusted,learnedMuslims
in order to try specific cases if both sides chose to resort to such a court,
although they have no legal binding force. If one of the two parties is not
satisfied with the decision, he or she may take the case to a legal, secular
court.For its part,the Hizmet Vakficounter-claimedthatTenvirNe?riyathad
distortedthe Risale-i Nur in such a way as to propagateKurdishseparatism.
In the end, the Hizmet Vakfi lost its cases in both the sharia and civil courts.'
Med-Zehrainsists that some Nurcu groups have removed certain words
such as Kurdand Kurdistanfrom the original text, replacing them with such
words as 'peasant', 'people from the east', and 'tribe'. They also claim that
certain paragraphs,most of which were concerned with the political regime
of Turkey,have been removed from the original text.65
Another subject of dispute between Med-Zehra and other Nur groups
was the question of mehdiyet. Originally a Shia concept and rejected by
many Sunni scholars, the mehdi traditionhas always been popular among
the Sunni faithful. The mehdi is generally conceived as a descendant of the
Prophet or one sent by God as a foreordainedleader to restore the rule of
God and establish justice on earth. A controversy arose over whether or not
Said Nursi may be considered such a leader. This issue is closely related to
the ethnic origins of Said Nursi, since a Kurd could not be a biological
descendent of the Prophet.Some Nurcu groups appearedboth to accept and
ignore the fact that Nursi was Kurdish. This was possible because his
principal cause was that of Islam, thus making his ethnic origins irrelevant
to his status. Other groups, however, denied his Kurdish origin, claiming
that he was Turkish or Arabic. Some groups did in fact believe that Said
Nursi was the mehdi and thus was a seyyid - a descendant of the Prophet66
- while others denied this possibility. As will be mentioned below, Med-
Zehra'sposition was that Said Nursi did not consider mehdiyetas a personal
cause but as a community cause and as a process. Concerning the issue of
being seyyid, Med-Zehraclaimed that Said Nursi posited two groups within
the ehl-i beyt (people of the House); the first group traces its biological
genealogy back to the Prophet's family line, whereas the second group
consisted of the Prophet'sspiritualheirs who closely followed the Prophet's
teachings. The critical assertion is made that biological heirs to the Prophet
who did not show respect to Sunnet (the practice of the Prophet), such as
King Hussein of Jordan, could not be counted among the ehl-i beyt.
Departing from this distinction, Med-Zehra shows that Said Nursi clearly
indicates in his books that he was not a biological heir to the Prophet.
Consequently he was not an Arab. Med-Zehra holds that the belief in
Nursi's being seyyid was a consequence of the need to settle the issue of
Nursi's ethnic origins. According to Dava, 'Those people who could not
accept that Nursi was a Kurd first turned him into a Turk, but when faced
with resistance to this idea, they nominatedhim as seyyid and mehdi'.67
Nursi's ethnic origin became an important subject among Islamist
groups in Turkeyby the end of 1980s and throughthe 1990s. These groups,
which emphasize ethnicity (whether Kurd or Turk), are greatly concerned

with a redefinition of their identity. It could even be suggested that the new
impetus in Kurdish and Turkish nationalism, which have mutually
reinforced nationalist interpretationsof Islam, was accelerated by these
disagreementsover Nursi's ethnic identity.
According to *eyhanzade, the Risale-i Nur informs a school of thought that

will re-establish the asr-i saadet (era of felicity) based on vahy (revelation
of God); The Quran is undoubtedly the last word of God, intended to
organize both the society of man and the life of the individual and to
determineevery aspect of life, from the heartof an individual and extending
to the rulings of state. In this context, Med-Zehra viewed the Risale-i Nur
as not only the name for Said Nursi's collected works, but also as the school
of thought and the movement that constitutes the Islamic world view.68Asr-
1 saadet refers to the beginning of Islamic history when the prophet
Muhammad and the four rightly guided caliphs ruled the Islamic
community; this period represents the ideal example of Islamic society.
According to many Islamists, including Med-Zehra,it should be the aim of
Muslims to establish an Islamic society similar to that of the asr-1 saadet.
Med-Zehrabelieves that the asr-i saadet will ultimatelymaterialize,and its
spokespersonsidentify the process by which this will happen as mehdiyet.
Mehdi, usually defined as the 'foreordainedleader', in this case refers to a
process. Med-Zehra's leader, ~eyhanzade, states that the subject of mehdi
has been widely discussed ever since the end of asr-1 saadet. Although the
status of mehdi has been claimed by or attributedto numerous individuals
over time, it is generally agreed that the mehdi has not yet arrived.
Ueyhanzadepoints out that Said Nursi discussed this subject from a unique
perspective, positing that 'mehdiyetis not a personalcause but a community
cause' which was to be headed by a spiritualpersonality.69
According to Ueyhanzade,the mehdi 'process' has three tasks. The first
is to explain and disseminate correct belief as set forth in the Risale-i Nur;
this task thus constitutes the avant-gardeof mehdi and is more important
than the following two tasks. The second task is to establish and practise
Islamic law, and the thirdis to establish an Islamic union. These three tasks
can be viewed as three steps. The first is to improve one's piety and
consciousness at the individual level. The second is to establish an Islamic
state based on the Quran in each nation, based on its people's will and
strengths. As a third step of mehdiyet, Islamic unity is to be established in
the form of a federation. Each Islamic country would have its own
administrative body and an assembly that would allow it to form a
federation of Islamic republics. The nations would have a common
assembly at the federal level that would elect a leader for the entire
federation. This person could be called the caliph, or head of state.70Med-
Zehra believes that, according to Islamic practice, it is not appropriatefor a
person or a community to achieve all three of these steps at the same time.7'
Ueyhanzadeclaims that Said Nursi, as the individual who achieved the
first step of mehdiyet, worked for Islamic unity (ittihad-i Islam) in the
world. The concept of Islamic unity actually has a very broad meaning. At
the individual level, Islamic unity means that Muslims must support one
another and create a close community. This is a requirementin accordance
with the rule of the Quran. At the societal level, solidarity among various
Islamic groups and communities must be achieved under the bannerof the
Quran,following the beliefs of the ProphetMuhammad.72
According to Ueyhanzade,Islam does not rule out a republican system;
such a system allows each Islamic republic to representa nation or an ethnic
group.73Islamic republics, as representatives of Islamic communities,
should be based on the Quran and consultation. In this sense, Islam
approves of the republican system while making it necessary for Turkish
Muslims to have a wider vision of the Islamic republic. In this sense, the
concept of 'misak-i milli', which refers to the current borders of the
Republic of Turkey and consequently to the territorialintegrity of Turkey,
falls short of the idea of an Islamic republic and should not be permitted.74
Med-Zehra believes that every ethnic group should have its own state and
these states, in turn, should form an Islamic federation. This approach
would ultimately lead to some changes in the existing bordersof Turkeyby
establishing a KurdishIslamic Republic.
Additionally,~eyhanzade is aware that mezhebs (school offiqh, or juris-
prudence)may create problems with respect to a universalist view of Islam.
Sunni Muslims accept four mezheps (Hanefi, ~afi, Hanbeli and Maliki) as
legitimate; Shiis and Kharijieshave their own mezheps. Each Muslim must
choose which mezhep he will follow, although Muslims generally belong to
the mezheps prevalent in their regions. Considering some historically deep-
rooted conflicts among mezheps, it seems that Med-Zehratries to overcome
this problem by letting the members of each mezheppractice its own system
of fiqh, that is, that the mezhep of every country or group in the Islamic
federation must be free to follow its own practise. Implementationof this
view would increase the value of the federation.75
The aim of Med-Zehra is to make sharia the dominant law of Islamic
societies, with the Risale-i Nur as a school of thought being the best guide
to achieve this goal. Med-Zehra is also in favour of establishing the
caliphate with the understanding of God as the sole maker of laws.
Ueyhanzadeuses the concept of tevhid (unity) to draw these issues together;
presenting the example of the Prophet who controlled every level of the
state administrationby assuming the functions of head of the Islamic state

as well as that of messenger of God and military commander.76
Like other radical groups, Med-Zehrainsists that simple belief in Islam
does not make one a Muslim. If one believes in God, prays five times a day
and fasts, but does not supportthe goals of the Islamic state, he or she can
be a believer but is nonetheless not a Muslim. If one wants to make Islam
the dominant force - even if he or she does not pray five times each day -
he or she may be a non-believer, but is a Muslim. Ueyhanzadeexplains that
Said Nursi clearly defined these states of belief.77
Med-Zehra argues that Said Nursi was in favour of an Islamic unity in

which each nation or ethnic group would be able to maintain its own
language, customs, and culture. Islam would provide a frameworkin which
every group of people would be able to preserve their own identity.
Med-Zehraholds that Said Nursi was well aware of his Kurdishidentity
and was very much concerned with the problems of the Kurds in the
Ottoman Empire. At that time religious sciences were taught in the native
tongue and Arabic, while in the new secular schools teaching positive
sciences, Turkishwas the teaching language. Nursi's writings on this issue
include a letter to Abdiilhamid 11 (1876-1909), subsequently published in
the newspaperDogu ve Kiirdistan(The East and Kurdistan),underthe title,
'Once again Kurds are in need'.78 In the letter, Nursi indicated that Kurds,
like other peoples of the Empire, need education and other kinds of
assistance from the government: 'Even though it is pleasant to see the
opening of new schools in towns and villages with help from the
government, only the children who know Turkish can benefit from them.
Kurdish children learn only religious sciences, which are thought in the
medreses to be the source of progress. Teachers in the new schools do not
know the local language and the children therefore do not receive an
education in other subjects. This situation lays the grounds for brutality,
chaos, and Western intervention ... and leads to suspicion among the
people'.7 In order to solve this problem, Nursi proposed the establishment
of secondary schools in three different regions of Kurdistanin which both
theology and sciences would be taught.80
According to Nursi, language was an importantdeterminantof human
fate (Insanda kaderin sikkesi lisandir). Thus he wanted to establish a
university,Medreset-iilZehra, to improve the level of educationprovided to
the Kurdish people. At this university, three languages were to be used.
Arabic was obligatory (vacip), Kurdishwas permissible (caiz), and Turkish
was necessary (lazim). He said that Kurds had three advantages: the first
was Islam, for which thousands of Muslims died (~ehid); the second was
humanity, which had to be proven before the masses; the third was
nationality, which was inherent. He also said that the Kurds had three
enemies: poverty, illiteracy, and animosity. In order to overcome these
enemies three weapons could be used. First were justice and education;
second were unity and love of nation; and third was self-achievement
without help from the powerful.8'
Nursi apparentlyhad good reason for personal interest in education and
language issues, since Med-Zehra cited the memories of individuals
connected with Said Nursi who claimed that Nursi could not read and write
proper Turkish during his youth, and only became literate in Turkish after
the age of 30. Thus although he was educated in Kurdish and Arabic as a
youth, he produced his masterworkin Turkish.82
Med-Zehra has also published passages from the Risale-i Nur (Nursi's
complete works) which reveal his approach to nationalism. In these
writings, Nursi states that the West has fomented nationalistic feelings in
order to divide the Muslims. However, he made a distinction between
negative and positive forms of nationalism. Negative forms of nationalism
harmpeople by benefiting from the destructionof others. They have created
many problems for Muslims historically (Ummayad, French, and other
nationalisms), and remain a great danger for the Muslim world today. In
contrast, positive nationalism emanates from the needs of a society, and
carries the potential to improve the solidarity and strength of the Muslim
brotherhood. Thus, positive nationalism could work to serve and defend
Islam.83
Said Nursi warnedagainst the separationof Islam from the Turkishstate,
recalling the basic fact that Turksare Muslims: 'Turkishpeople can have no
other religion than Islam. Islam is an integral and inseparable part of the
Turkishnation. If Turksseparatetheir nation from their religion they will be
ruined.'84He also criticized Turkish nationalists who defended ethnic
nationalism, censuring those who believed that all Turkish citizens must
speak Turkish; he pointed out that he had nothing in common with this
group. He asked how one could offer Turkish to the millions of Kurdish
people who had not forgotten their own language or nationality for
thousands of years, who were citizens of Turkey, and who had supplied
support and manpower to the Ottoman and Turkish regimes' jihads
throughout their long history. Nursi believed that forcing the Turkish
language on the Kurds was either arbitraryor a kind of brutality,and that
one should not obey such unjust measures.85
It has been widely arguedby some Nurcu groups that Med-Zehrahas put
too much emphasis on Kurdishness and Kurdish identity, and that their
interpretationof Nursi was racist, which is antitheticalto Nursi's thought.

Although the Med-Zehra group consists mainly of Kurds and its leading
cadre is Kurdish,it has a considerable number of Turkishfollowers.86This
unbalanced ethnic mix may have been used to justify the accusations of
racism. This criticism has been made ever since Dava first appeared.87
Ueyhanzade'sreply to accusations of racism requires an understanding
of Islam and nation. He argues that, according to the Quran, God created
people of different nations and ethnic groups not for the purpose of fighting
with each other,but to meet, understand,and help one another.Thereforeno
nation or ethnic group should be viewed as superiorto another.If one denies
the existence of different nations or ethic groups and their languages, then
he or she denies the word of God. Attributing a sacred meaning to any
particularethnic group puts one in danger of recreatingthe cahlilliye (pre-
Islamic ignorance) period. Ueyhanzadeexplains that his group defends the
concept of ummet,ratherthan that of nationalism. He also emphasizes that
Islam has been their main guide in solving this problem.88
A contributorto Dava, Mustafa Unal, points out that Said Nursi was
accused of being a Kurdish nationalist, although racism was forbidden in
the Quranand hadis. Said Nursi could never accept what was forbiddenby
Islamic law, had stated clearly that he belongs to Islamic ummetand was not
a Kurdish nationalist. Unal also shared the opinion that Europeans incited
nationalism in the Islamic world in order to divide it.89Ueyhanzadealso
wrote on the issue of Nursi's Kurdishness, pointing out that when Nursi
talked about Kurdistan,he referredto it as a geographical place during the
reign of AbduilhamidII. This region had been independent since Ayyubid
times, and while Selim I was engaged in his eastern campaign in 1514, he
had made an agreementthat gave the Kurdsa special status. Over the course
of history, however, this agreement was occasionally broken. But
Ueyhanzade emphasized that in order to understandfully the concept of
Kurdistan,it must be considered from the Islamic perspective.90
eyhanzade believed that even when Nursi was young, he had a special
interest in the Kurdish problem and wanted to improve education in
Kurdistan.He offered solutions to the Kurdish problems of backwardness
and poverty, as mentioned above. His main concern was the actions of rulers
that had the effect of keeping Kurds illiterate and poor, as well as their
attempts to destroy Kurdish culture through assimilation. He opposed the
denigration of Kurds since Islamic law states that all ethnic groups are
equal, and defended Muslim brotherhoodon the basis of absolute equality
and justice. Nursi believed that the main reason behind separatism and
conflict was the failure to believe in equality, as well as in the special
privileges held by some groups. He believed that as long as such ideas
prevail, one could not speak of Muslim brotherhoodand unity. *eyhanzade
himself argues that people in disadvantagedgroups are now awakening and

that they will increasingly react against this inequality.He believes that true
brotherhoodand unity can only be achieved when each nation and group has
cultural and administrativeautonomy, as well as the same rights within the
frameworkof Islamic law; otherwise conflicts will continue.9'
Med-Zehraunderscoresthe similarities between Sheikh Said, a Naqshbandi

sheikh who led the Kurdish revolt of 1925 in Turkey, and Said Nursi. The
group considers both individuals as true representatives of Islam within
their own distinctive contexts. While Med-Zehra was not associated with
the Naqshbandi order, nor did it discern any particular significance in
Sheikh Said's Naqshbandi origins, it did place importance on the ethnic
origins of the two Saids, as well as on both their struggles against the
Turkish state.
Med-Zehra holds that although the Sheikh Said revolt took place in
Kurdish areas and under the leadership of a Kurdishalim (scholar), it was
purely an Islamic revolt.92Seyhanzade analyzed this case both through
written documentationand by speaking with people who had participatedin
the revolt. He came to the conclusion that it was not a nationalistrevolt, but
that had it been successful, it would have brought about the independence
of a nation.
Dava has published many interviews with members of Sheikh Said's
family.93Med-Zehra believed that the two men shared similar ideas and
opinions, besides belonging to the same land, the same nation, and being
nourished by the same culture (Kurdish territory,ethnicity, and culture).
Moreover, they both lived as believers in God and fighters for Islam
(mucahid). With the abolition of the caliphate on 4 March 1924 and the
establishment of the Turkish Republic's taguti (false god) regime, Sheikh
Said was convinced that an Islamic revolt had to materialize immediately;
he lost his life (~ehadet)in this jihad.
Said Nursi was able to benefit from Sheikh Said's experiences. Joining
his observations of Said's life and struggle to his own familiarity with the
sciences, philosophy and politics of his time, he analyzed events from a
perspective different from that of Sheikh Said. Med-Zehra'sposition is that
both Saids carried out their duties appropriately,albeit in their own ways.
Both had dual identities as Muslim and Kurd, identities that the current
political system of Turkeyconsiders as inimical to the state and appropriate
targets for all methods of aggression. These methods include attempts to
attractfollowers away from the two Saids and to prevent the development
of opposition to the regime. Ultimately, however, Med-Zehra is confident
that true followers of the two Saids will be successful.94
Med-Zehra'sunderstandingis that Sheikh Said's revolt was one against

injustice, unfairness and oppression; and that his beliefs made it impossible
for him to keep silent about the un-Islamic character of the Turkish
Republic. But even as he met with others and planned his actions, the
Turkish state provoked the revolt before the movement was ready to take
action, thereby rendering Sheikh Said's revolt unsuccessful.95Med-Zehra
supportsthis claim as follows: duringa meeting in 1960 between Said Nursi
and the sons of Sheikh Said in an Ankara hotel,96Nursi said that he
discussed the uprising plans with Sheikh Said in Erzurum.When the revolt
started before the planned date, Said Nursi was in Van and was not
informed. Following a sudden raid at his residence in Van, he was exiled to
the western part of Turkey.97
Med-Zehraexplains that the Sheikh Said revolt was primarilyIslamic in
nature.According to their understanding,the existing regime failed to grasp
the universalism of Islam and actually saw the revolt as anti-Islamic in
nature. Med-Zehra pointed out that the liberation of one nation was
considered by some Islamic groups as anti-Islamic, even if that nation
publicly stated its supportfor the principle of Islam.98
Said Nursi is said to have characterizedSheikh Said and his followers as
'... the real Eehits who died for Islam. I have avenged them with my pen'.99
Opinions are divided over the degree and natureof Said Nursi's involve-
ment in the Sheikh Said rebellion. Some Nurcus have arguedthat Said Nursi
would not have participatedin the revolt, out of a loyalty to the Turkish
state, expressed in such statementsas, 'We cannot fight this noble (Turkish)
nation with our swords'." Anotherthesis is that Said Nursi plainly opposed
the revolt, and even wrote a letter to Sheikh Said in an attemptto stop him.
Indeed, in response to a request for help with the revolt, Nursi had written
that, 'We cannot use our swords against the army of a nation that has carried
the banner of Islam for centuries and has produced many saints'."'
Notwithstanding these statements, Med-Zehra disputes the claims of Said
Nursi's opposition to the revolt, pointing out that although he did not take
an active part in it, he was interrogatedin connection with it and exiled.'02
For example, discussing these claims in Dava, Mustafa Unal writes that
Nursi was not involved in the revolt because at the beginning he was not
informed about it. Only after learning of it was Nursi sent into exile on the
suspicion that he may have been involved.'03
Unal also discussed Nursi's alleged refusal to fight against the Turkish
republican army. He cited from Nursi's book, Mudafalar, to explain the
historical context of the author's statement, 'We cannot fight with our
swords against this noble [Turkish]nation'. According to Unal, 'Justbefore
WorldWarI, certainreligious individuals reportedto Nursi that some of the
[Turkish army] officers were disbelievers, therefore these individuals had
decided to rise up against these officers in Bitlis. But Nursi indicated that
such non-belief was the concern and responsibility of the offending officers
and that the rest of the army could not be held responsible for them. He said
that there might be thousands of saints in this army (who did deserve to be
respected according to Islam) and he therefore would not participatein it.'
Unal insists that these sentences were used in reference to the Ottoman(pre-
First World War) army rather than the Turkish republican army,'" and
concludes that revolt against the Turkish republican army is legitimate in
the frameworkof Nursi's ideas.
Med-Zehra'sapproachcombines a historical perspective with a great sensi-

tivity regardingthe fate of the Kurds in the context of the Middle East. For
example, a contributorto Dava, Osman Resulan, wrote that the Kurdshave
always been manipulated by imperialist powers for their own purposes:
'The Kurds,who live in their own land like foreigners, have put their hopes
and efforts into every small opportunityfor improving their situation. But
the Europeanunbelievers and Asian sowers of discord have always used the
Kurdsfor their own ends.' Thus, duringthe First WorldWarthe Kurdswere
hopeful about possibilities held out by the 'Wilson Principles'. Yet at the
end of the War,they were left without help in applying these principles to
their own case. Promises of administrative autonomy and even of
'independence' written into the treaty document of Sevres in 1920 were
forgotten, and the Kurds were left in isolation to fight for themselves. The
Sheikh Said revolt of 1925, the struggle of Sheikh Mahmudin Suleymaniye
in the 1930s, the establishmentof the MahabadKurdishRepublic in Iranin
1946, and the revolt of Molla Mustafa Barzani in Iraq in 1961 are all
examples of the Kurds' struggle for autonomy and freedom. However, after
each revolt the Kurds faced exile, forced settlement, killings and
genocide. 105
According to Resulan, the Empire was a mosaic of different races and
ethnic groups during the Ottoman period, yet everyone was a member of a
single empire. Kurdscould speak their language and live according to their
traditions,and the term Kurdistanwas used in official language to designate
the region most densely populated by Kurds. With the break-up of the
Ottoman Empire, the Kurds were one of many groups within the Empire
whose fates were influenced by European interventions. Turkish
nationalism also played a major role in the process of the Empire's
dissolution. Actions taken in the name of Turkish nationalism not only
pushed forwardthe division of the Empire, but also stimulated nationalism
among other groups as well. In this context, Kurdish intellectuals asserted
what they believed to be their natural rights. While Lebanon, Jordan,
Kuwait and many other states gained their independence,the Kurdishnation

- with a populationof 20 million - was denied this benefit. Resulan believes
this was the result of three key problems. First, Europeans wanted the
freedom to use the Kurds against their neighbouringcountries and thus did
not want them to have an independentstate. Second, the Kurdsdid not have
an elite that could bring about nationalconsciousness. Third, Kurdishsocial
structurewas organized on the basis of tribes, easily allowing intertribal
conflicts and animosities to be provoked.'06
Resulan claims that the Kurds have these same problems in the 1990s,
and lists three possible solutions. The first two, independent statehood and
recognition of culturalrights, are dismissed either as too difficult to achieve
or for being only partial solutions. The third option is to form some sort of
federation among the countries in which the Kurds live. This may be the
best solution and the easiest to implement since the states in which Kurds
currently live are neighbours and have common borders. Further, this
solution would supportIslamic unity throughthe formationof a federation,
a concept that is consistent with Islamic principles.'07However Resulan
does not make clear whetherhe is describing a federationwithin the existing
states (Turkey,Iraq,Iran,and Syria) or an independentfederatedstate of all
Kurds.
Med-Zehra states that while the Kurdish problem today is ultimately a

problem of Islamic ummet, its historical roots are largely traceable to
Turkish republican history. Problems began during the Ottoman Empire,
since althoughthe OttomanEmpire was not founded on the basis of race, it
was not founded on the basis of justice and equality either;thus it permitted
repression of the Kurds.'08However, these problems worsened during the
Republican period because of the underlying element of racism within the
Turkishrepublic.
Med-Zehranotes that, after the Arabs, the Kurdswere the first nation to
have accepted Islam. As they were favoured with the institution of Islam,
the Kurds, in return,have served Islam with their scholars and soldiers. As
mentioned above, Med-Zehra used Islamic history to explain the Kurds'
currentsituation as an extension of the power struggle between Hussein and
Yazid in which the Kurds participatedon the side of Hussein." According
to Med-Zehra,Hussein representsthe defender of Islamic law on the side of
the caliphate, while Yezid supportedracist Arab nationalism. As a parallel
to that struggle, Med-Zehra sees the Kurds as the defenders of Islam
fighting against racist Turkishnationalists today.
Med-Zehra holds that, in a true Islamic order, every nation or ethnic
group should have the right to speak and be educated in its own language.
Every nation should be able to follow its own traditions on the condition
that they do not conflict with Islamic principles. No nation should have
special privileges, and each should have its own rulers. Citing Said Nursi,
Med-Zehra claims that religion is the common tie unifying nations which
should otherwise exist as unique and independententities."0
Another contributorto Dava, Osman Serwan, claims that the Ottomans
not only fought against Christians, but also against Muslims, and that all
were viewed as jihad by the Ottomanadministration.In their conflicts with
other Muslims, the Ottomans even invaded their countries. Although
Serwan now considers this to have been a crime, the Ottomans thought of
themselves as protectorsof the Muslim masses. He also points out that the
Ottomans founded universities only in Istanbul, Bursa, and Konya; further,
they did not build medreses or factories in other parts of the Empire, and
roads and caravanseraisbuilt by the Ottomansmostly functioned to transfer
wealth from other lands. Ottoman rulers turned conquered peoples into
slaves and forced many to become warriors.In the long history of the region
none of the earlier regimes betrayed the Muslim community in such a
fashion, and Serwan maintains that this mentality continued into the
republican period in Turkey. For example, Kurds fought against Turkey's
enemy in the name of Islam during the Independence War,yet, because of
their Islamic beliefs, many of these same Kurds were opposed to the
reforms of Mustafa Kemal, and thousands were killed as a result. Serwan
points out, however, that Kemal was not the only person to have killed
Kurds in recent times."' This article by Serwan created considerable
reaction against Med-Zehraand its journal among some Islamic groups, to
which Seyhanzade (as editor and assumed author of unsigned editorials)
respondedby critiquingwhat he called the nationalistic spirit of the article's
critics. His editorial stated Med-Zehra's position that the Ottoman system
was not perfect, that it made mistakes as did all other Islamic regimes since
the end of the asr-i saadet period, duringthe establishmentof the Ummayad
dynasty."2
Between 1992 and 1995, Turkey witnessed an intensification of the
armedstrugglebetween the PKK and the Turkisharmy.The army was given
full authorityin combating the PKK from 1993. Although Med-Zehrahas
always been aware of its Kurdish identity, 1992 appears to have been a
turning point; since then, Med-Zehra has put more emphasis on its
distinctive Kurdishidentity and has interpretedIslam in a more nationalist
manner. In 1993, Dava published reports from the Islamist human rights
organization Mazlum-Der concerning events in the Kurdish region,"'3and
began publishing some poems and articles in Kurdishstartingin late 1994.
In 1993, Selim Amedi wrote in Dava that the conflicts in southeastern
Turkey amounted to a 'dirty' civil war. He claimed that Kurds are now in
total revolt against the existing regime and ideology and that there are now
thousands of armed people in the mountains. It was time, he wrote, to ask
why the Kurds have been forced into an armed struggle. In answering that
question, Amedi argues that the Turkish republic and its official ideology
have denied the existence of Kurds and terrorizedthem, republicanregimes
have attemptedto dismiss the materialand culturalvalues of Kurds,such as
their music, folklore and way of life, by Turkifying them. Amedi further
maintained that the Turkish state has recently begun to practise racist,
fascist and imperialist policies to a degree not previously observed, while
Turkish public opinion, whether rightist, leftist, or Islamist, was being
brainwashed with state ideology. Both leftists, in the name of Communist
internationalism,and Islamists, in the name of Islamic community,rejected
Kurdish identity despite the fact that, as Amedi states, the Quran makes it
clear that God has given every nation the right to live. Amedi explains that
the Kurds have awakened to claim their own national identity, and have
been revolting against the regime and its official ideology for the past
decade in an attemptto gain recognition of that identity."4
Another unsigned article from Dava (1993) reports that ordinary
peasants have been placed in the middle of the fight between the state and
the PKK, such that they are forced to choose between becoming korucu
(state militia) or PKK members. Many villages have been burned and
villagers forced to migrate, and there have been reports of torture,
oppression, killings and the disappearance of many individuals. One
example of these incidents involved Sheikh Emin Bingol, reportedto have
thousands of followers. He and six friends were taken into police custody
for ten days; their bodies were found later. Their beards had been torn out,
their fingers cut off, and they had been shot in the head. Naturally,people
in the region feel insecure and anxious at hearing of such incidents."5
Another Dava article from 1993 asserted that a determinationof right
and wrong in the Kurdish struggle would depend on the answers to the
following questions: 'Whatexactly are these armedforces, state institutions,
and government representativesdoing in Kurdistan?Why have individuals
with racist backgrounds become the governors and police chiefs of this
nation? Why would a young man, applying for a substituteteacher position,
be asked by the governor how many people he had denounced?'116 Another
contributorto Dava, M. Said Bakan, argues that the Turkishadministration
has oppressed the Kurds while allowing Turkish people to live peacefully,
yet there is a widespread refusal to acknowledge the fact of Kurdish
oppression. He sums up by asking, 'Why have the Kurds and Turks, who
have lived together for centuries, become enemies?'"'
In another Dava article from 1993, 5eyhanzade reports that his own
observations and the testimony of eyewitnesses shocked him duringa recent
visit to eastern Turkey and caused him to wonder what actions the Islamic
communities are planning to take in the face of this injustice. Repeating that
Muslims from different races should learn to live together under Islamic
justice and law, he cites a Kurdish friend's opinion that 'Our Muslim
Turkishfriends understandeverything from an Islamic point of view except
when it comes to the Kurdish issue. Then they think like a Turk.'
Ueyhanzadebelieves that this statement needed to be turned around;that
Turkish people need to start thinking about the Kurdish issue through the
frameworkof Islam."8
As mentioned above, some Kurdish and even TurkishIslamists have com-

plained about the continued insensitivity of Turkish Muslims toward the
Kurds and the Kurdish problem in general. Ueyhanzade indicates that
'Many people in Turkey had no response to the Halepje [where Iraq used
chemical weapons in March 1988, killing thousands of Kurdish civilians],
yet the same people were vociferous against suppression of the Muslim
minority in Bulgaria.' This inconsistency suggests to Ueyhanzadethat many
people behave according to national affiliations ratherthan the criteria of
Islam."9
One reader of Dava, a teacher from Batman, wrote that there were two
groups of Muslims in Turkey.The first was composed of TurkishMuslims
who were racist and imperialist;this group made up about 95 per cent of the
population. The second group comprised Kurds. The authorbelieved that,
unfortunately,95 per cent of Kurds had no national consciousness and thus
were likely to imitate Turks and treat them well. These Kurdshad the 'soul
of slaves' and could easily betray their own people.'20Another reader
criticized Dava for publishing the teacher's letter, which he felt to be
insulting, and rejected this approach altogether. In answering this second
reader's criticism, Dava explained that simply publishing a reader's letter
did not necessarily mean that the editors or publishers shared the letter
writer's views; at the same time, they found some degree of truth in it. In
this connection, a Dava editorial asked, 'Did not Muslim communities, in
denying the existence of Kurds,refuse to accept spoken or written Kurdish?
... [even] in religious classes and medreses ... [did they not] scold, punish,
or isolate those ... who speak Kurdish? Even today, many ... Muslim
communities do not view such events from within the frameworkof Islamic
law, community, and fairness. We are faced here with a mentality that
criticizes the claim of Kurdish independence while this criticism has not
existed for Turks and Iranians'.'2'
Writing for Dava in 1994, A. Incekan criticizes the double standardof
Turkish Muslims with respect to minorities. While many devout Turks
vigorously support the ethnic and religious rights of Turkish minorities

outside Turkey,they turn a deaf ear to similar demands made by Kurds in
Turkey.Incekan furtherdescribes how the denial of Kurdish language and
life-ways has affected their lives, and suggests some immediate steps in
compliance with Islam in order to address the Kurdish issue. First, the
existence of Kurds and their language, as well as the existence of a Kurdish
problem, must be acknowledged. Second, Turkishpeople must fight against
the oppression of Kurds in their own country. In other words, assistance
must be extended to Kurdishurbanmigrants;institutionsand funds must be
established in orderto supportthe use of the Kurdishlanguage in magazines
and books; and Muslims should send letters to Islamic journals stating that
oppression of the Kurdsis not consistent with Islamic teachings. Further,in
pursuingthese goals the Muslims of Turkeymust refuse to give concessions
to the currentregime.'22
A Dava contributor,Osman Uervan,related his experiences as a Kurdin the

Nurcu movement in a 1992 article. He wrote that he met Nurcus and learned
about the Risale-i Nur in 1972 in Ankara, then attended classes in which
students read the Risale-i Nur and prayed. Over time, the use of Kurdish
was banned in the classes. Students who continued to speak Kurdishwere
punished by having to read extra pages or by having to contribute more
money for food expenses. In 1974 some Kurdishstudentswere even beaten
and expelled from classes. Uervanand his friends visited students of Said
Nursi to discuss these occurrences. The answer they received was as
follows: students who had been removed from the classes were from the
eastern part of Turkey and they had spoken Kurdish in class in defiance of
the rules; this had frightenedTurkishstudents. While Beditizzaman(Nursi)
was originally from Isparta, which meant he was a Turk, the Kurdish
students insisted that he was a Kurd and the school directors insisted that
Kurds only understood the language of violence.'23 2ervan explained that
when Med-Zehrawas formed, it was accused of being a Kurdishnationalist
group. Today, he wrote, even the president of Turkey recognizes the
existence of Kurds, and various groups have begun publishing newspapers
and magazines in Kurdish. The word 'Kurd' is heard now more than ever
before. Some groups have even tried to translate the Risale-i Nur into
Kurdish. *ervan claims that Med-Zehra is the only group that keeps Islam
alive within the framework of ummet in the cities of Mardin, Diyarbakyr,
Uirnak,and Siirt, while other Islamic groups have shown little interestin the
populations of these cities. The Turkish state, and Turkishnationalists, and
even Islamic groups have charged Med-Zehra with Kurdish nationalism,
and have accused the group of attempting to divide the country. ~ervan
argues that since most people accept the Kurdish reality, Islamic groups
which have failed in this regardowe Med-Zehraan apology.'24
It is fair to say that the Nurcu movement in modem Turkey is divided into
two main currents.One is an inclusive form in which various Nurcu groups
have been integratedinto the existing socio-political system of Turkey.The
other is a rejectionist form in which different Nurcu groups have rejected
the republican socio-political structureof Turkey. As heirs to Said Nursi,
HuisrevAltinba?ak,Mehmed Kayalar,and Hulusi Yahyagil representedthe
rejectionist form of the Nurcu movement, as does Med-Zehra.
Med-Zehraplaces Said Nursi and the Risale-i Nur at the centre of their
movement. However, Med-ZehrainterpretsNursi's ideas within the context
of Republican Turkey. Indeed, interpretations of history constitute an
importantdivergence between Med-Zehraand other Islamist groups. While
the latter tend to exaggerate the Islamic content of the Ottoman Empire,
Med-Zehra criticizes the Ottoman Empire for being oppressive and for its
resemblances to other imperialist Western states; in short, the Empire was
far from a perfect Islamic society. Another important distinction lies in
Med-Zehra'sdefinition of the 'real' Muslim - not a simple believer of Islam
but the supporterof the goal of Islamic state - a conviction which brings the
group closer to radical Islamic movements.
Med-Zehra wants to establish an Islamic state based on the model of
asr-i saadet. The group believes that reaching this aim will require a long
process called mehdiyet. The Risale-i Nur of Said Nursi achieved the first
stage of mehdiyet, but the second, which would be the establishment of
Islamic states, and the third, the achievement of Islamic unity in the form of
federation, have to be brought about by the Muslims of today. The group
believes that Kurds should have their own Islamic state within this Islamic
federation.
Med-Zehra severely criticizes the policies of the Turkishstate regarding
the Kurds in Turkey.Its members argue that the only common tie between
Kurdsand Turksis Islam. Because of this, a solution to the Kurdishproblem
must be developed within the frameworkof Islam and should provide Kurds
with national rights of their own. Problems involved in providing Kurds
with national rights will be solved through the establishment of an Islamic
federation.
Med-Zehra's approach to history is ambivalent. On the one hand the
group rejects the interpretationof history from a nationalistperspective and
on the other, it interpretsIslamic history as a struggle between religion and
nationalism. In doing so, they have developed a clearly nationalistic
perspective. Nonetheless, they believe that the main elements of their
approachare conceived throughthe frameworkof Islam. The group resists

the idea of racism with its concept of 'positive nationalism'. This means that
each nation should maintain the positive aspects of nationalism, such as
solidarity within the Muslim brotherhood.Med-Zehra believes that Kurds
must ultimately have their own independent Islamic state which supports
Kurdishlanguage, culture and traditions,and that this will occur in a future
Islamic federation.
In conclusion, Med-Zehra'sapproachmay be considered as a reaction to
the Turkish nationalist perspective that Turkish groups have used to
interpretIslam. Developments similar to this may be seen in many other
countries where both ethnic and religious identities have imposed
themselves on Islamic movements. Ethnicity and religion in differentforms
have played a significant role in the formation of Kurdish identity and in
their overlap, they appearto have strengthenedone another.As a reactionto
the Turkish nationalist interpretationof Islam, Med-Zehra represents one
example of this tendency in the context of modern Turkey. Although the
roots of nationalistIslam among the Kurdscan be tracedback to the turnof
the twentieth century,it is safe to argue that the civil strife that has claimed
many lives over the last fifteen years has sharpenedtheir ethnic identity and
facilitated a conscious and active re-definition of their Islamic identity.
NOTES
I would like to thankProfessorKennaliSayba,ili and Associate ProfessorGencerOzcan for their

valuable contributionsduringthe preparationof this article.
1. See R. P. Mitchell, The Society of the MuslimBrothers(London, 1969).

2. See B. Guivenc,G. Zaylan, I. Tekeli, E: Turan, Turk- Islam Sentezi (Istanbul, 1991);
E. Copeaux, TurkTarih TezindenTUrk-IslamSentezine (Istanbul, 1998); and F. Atacan,
'AnadoluGazetesi ve "Siileymancilar"',Toplumbilim,No.2 (1993), pp.135-52.
3. M. Litvak, 'The Islamization of Palestinian Identity: The Case of Hamas', Data and
Analysis (Tel Aviv, 1996); and G. Usher, 'WhatKind of Nation?The Rise of Hamasin the
Occupied Territories',in J. Beinin and J. Stork (eds.), Political Islam (California, 1997),
pp.339-54.
4. M. van Bruinessen, 'The Kurds and Islam', Les Annales de lAutre Islam, No.5 (1998),
pp.13-35.
5. Issues from April-May 1989 (first issue) to August-September 1997 of the journalDava
were examined. Originallyappearingevery other month,Dava became a monthlyjournal
in 1991, then reverted to publication every other month in January 1995 because of
financial difficulties.
6. 'Davam (ikarken', Dava, No.1 (April-May 1989), p.3.
7. Qeyhanzade'sofficial name is Siddik Dursun but within the movement he is mostly
referredto as Qeyhanzaderatherthan by the Turkish and non-Islamic family name of
Dursun. Siddik Dursun (~eyhanzade) was born in Bingol and studied at Ankara
University's Faculty of Theology. After graduation, he refused to work in any state
institutionbecause of his religious convictions. He was introducedto the Risale in 1958 by
erif Nazli, who was sent to Bingol by Mehmet Kayalarto open the first Nurcu medrese
there. He met prominentmembersof the Nurcu movement in 1962 when his brotherwas
in prison for Nurcu activities. In 1965 he met Hiisrev Altinba?akand finally joined the
Bayram Yuksel group in Ankara.He stayed with this group from 1969 to 1974. When
Bayram Yuksel supportedthe publicationof the YeniAsya newspaper,he left the group
and went back to Bingol. In 1982 he came to Istanbuland establishedthe publishinghouse
TenvirNe?riyat.M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'MiisluimanGenc Degisi SorularinaCevaplar',Dava,
No.31 (Oct. 1992), p.18; and 'Bediuzzamanin Qileke? Hizmetkari Bayram Yuksel
Agabey', Dava, No.82 (Oct.-Nov. 1997), pp.5-6.
8. 'School' (Turkish:ekol, from the Frenchecole) is the term used for religious movements
which, like that of the Nurcus, are neithera sect nor a Sufi order.5eyhanzade rejects the
claim that Med-Zehrarepresentsa distinct 'school'.
9. 'Nurculuk,Risale-i Nur ve BediuzzamanHakkindaSorularve Cevaplar',Dava, No.70-71
(Feb.-March, 1996), p.13.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. On Said Nursi, see 5. Mardin,Religion and Social Change in Modern Turkey,The Case of
Bediuizzaman Said Nursi (Albany, 1989); a. Mardin, 'Bediuzzaman Said Nursi
1873-1960, The Shaping of a Vocation', in J. Davis (ed.), Religious Organization,
Religious Experience (London, 1982), pp.65-79; H. Algar, 'Said Nursi and Risala-i Nur,
An Aspect of Islam in ContemporaryTurkey',in K. Ahmadand L.I. Ansari(eds.), Islamic
Perspectives, Studies in Honour of Sayyid Abul A'la Mawdudi (Leicester, 1980),
pp.313-33; N. 5ahiner, Son fahitler BeditizzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatiyor (Istanbul,
1993-94), 4 Vols.; and I. I1ik,BeditizzamanSaid Nursi ve Nurculuk(Istanbul,1990).
13. Altinba?akwas one of Said's 'original students' (has talebeleri). For more on Altinba?ak,
see N. 5ahiner,Son fahitler BediuizzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatiyor(Istanbul,1993), Vol.1,
pp.398-9.
14. Mehmed Kayalarwas an officer as well as serving as an assistantto Said Nursi and his
movement.On Kayalar,see N. 5ahiner,Son .ahitler BeditizzamanSaid Nursi'yiAnlatlyor
(Istanbul,1994), Vol.3, pp.234-7; N. 5ahiner, .ahitlerin Dilinden Bediuizzaman(Istanbul,
1997), pp.30-46; and M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Nur Kahramani Mehmet Kayalar', Dava,
No.52-3 (July-Aug. 1994), pp.19-20. Badilli writes that Kayalarfavouredan alternative,
resistant form of politics. He also claims that Kayalarconsidered himself to be the true
leader of the Nurcu movement. Badilli feels that this approachran counter to Nursi's
method and was detrimentalto the movement.Badilli claims that, of all Nurcu leaders,he
was the most harmedby the 1960 military government.A. Badilli, BediuizzamanSaid-i
Nursi, Mufassal Tarih e-i Hayati (Istanbul,1990), Vol.3, pp.1793-4.
15. Hulusi Yahyagil was an officer when he met Said Nursi, but retired from the army as
colonel in 1950. For more on Yahyagil,see see N. 5ahiner,Son fahitler BediiizzamanSaid
Nursi'yi Anlatiyor (Istanbul, 1993) Vol.1, pp.318-59; and I. Giilec (ed.), Sohbet ve
MektuplariylaHulusi Yahyagil(Istanbul,1994).
16. Badilli severely criticizes this approachand its defenders, among them Altinba?akand
Kayalar.A. Badilli, Bediuizzaman Said-i Nursi, Mufassal Tarih(e-iHayati (Istanbul,1990),
Vol.3, pp.1793-6.
17. The Yeni Asya group claims that the Turkishintelligence agency, on the ordersof ismet
Inonui,played an importantrole in this split. I. Yasar,MuhabbetFedaileri (Istanbul,1997),
pp.77, 141-3. Yasarwrote a fictional account of the history of the Nurcu movement from
the perspectiveof the Yeni Asya group.In it he recountsthat,afterthe deathof Said Nursi,
the intelligence office sought to exacerbateleadershipdisputes among HusrevAltinba?ak,
Mehmed Kayalar, and others, and to create factionalism within the Nurcu movement.
Yasar furtherclaims that, as part of these efforts, Alparslan Tuirkes,a member of the
RevolutionaryCouncil in the 1960 militarycoup and laterleaderof the ultra-rightNational
Action Party,supportedHiisrev Altinba?ak(I. Ya?ar,Ibid., pp.141-3, 290-91, 412).
18. A. Badilli, op. cit., pp.1794-5.
19. Withthe deathof Altinba?akin 1977, Said Oztiirk,from Isparta,assumedleadershipof the
group.M.H. Okutucu,Istikametferiat, Refah Partisi (Istanbul, 1996), p.147.
20. On the initiative of Salih Ozcan and with the approvalof ZubeyirGunduzalp(1920-71),
the Nurcus decided to publish a newspaper. Salih Ozcan (1929- ) served as National
SalvationPartydeputy in 1977. He was a co-founderof the Muslim WorldLeague, which

is sponsoredby Saudi Arabia, and acted as a representativeof Turkeyin the League. He
also co-founded the Faisal Islamic Bank in Turkey in 1984. See U. Mumcu, Rabita
(Istanbul, 1987), pp.173-80; and N. 5ahiner, Son .ahitler BedijizzamanSaid Nursi'yi
Anlatiyor (Istanbul, 1994), Vol.3, pp.238-44. ZuibeyirGunduzalp was in the personal
service of Said Nursi from 1948 up to Nursi's death.On Gunduzalp,see N. 5ahiner,Ibid.,
pp.15-30; and A. Badilli, Ibid., pp.11388-9,1796, 1801. Gunduzalpprepareda document
listing the membersof a consultationassembly,and Gundizalp and Ozcan signed it before
the publication of the newspaper.They agreed that the relation of the Nurcus with the
newspaperwould not be made public and in case their secret was revealed, the assembly
would deny it. They also agreed that this document would be kept secret among the
members of Said's original students.This agreementwas later published by Abdulkadir
Badilli. See A. Badilli, op. cit., pp.1797-9. The members of the consultation assembly
listed in the agreement were Salih Ozcan, Mustafa Polat, AbdurrahmanNursi, Halil
KUici,k,Ahmed 5ahin, Rus,tuTafrall, Mehmet Kutlular,Mehmet Firinci and Mehmet
Birinci. Badilli laterclaimed thatZubeyrGunduzalphimself crossed off the names of Halil
Kuc,uk,Mehmet Firinci and MustafaBirinci. The first issue of the bi-monthlynewspaper,
named Ittihad (Unity), appearedon 24 October 1967. For details on the history of the
newspaperfrom the perspectiveof the Yeni Asya group, see I. Yasar,op. cit., pp.228-39.
The newspaperwas closed down following the 12 March 1971 militarycoup.
21. MustafaSungurand BayramYuiksel,who were the spiritualinheritorsof the Risale-i Nur
and had the right to give permission for its publication,supportedthe first group, while
Tahiri Mutlu, Abdullah Yegin and Husnu Bayram, who also had the right to give
publicationapproval,supportedthe second group.A. Badilli, op. cit., p.1801.
22. This group,led by IzettinYildirim,rejectedthe leadershipof Siddik Dursun.It claims that
a committee must be set up to govern the group and the leader of this committee must be
elected in every three or four year. It also claims that some distortionshave been made in
the Risale. The leader of the group, Izettin Yildirim, was kidnapped by the Turkish
Hizbullah and was found dead in Istanbul,in 28 January2000. About TurkishHizbullah
see F. Bulut and M. Farac, Kod Adi: Hizbullah, Tiirkiye Hizbullahi'nin Anatomisi
(Istanbul, 1999).
23. K. Kocoglu, 'Said Nursi ve Nurculuk', unpublishedthesis, AnkaraUniversitesi Ilahiyat
Fakiiltesi, 1996, p.77.
24. Yasarclaims that in mid-1950s FetullahGulen was introducedto the Risale-i Nur and the
Nurcu movement by Muzaffer Aslan, Mehmed Kirkinciand Osman Demirci, who were
also from Erzurumwhere Gulen was bornand grew up. Gulen's talents apparentlydid not
flourish within the Nurcu environment,although he subsequentlybecame popular as a
speaker among the religious communities of Edirne and Kirklareli.At that time, he put a
distance between himself and the Nurcu movement. But when he was appointed as an
imam to Kestane Pazari mosque in Izmir in 1966, he resumed working for the Nurcu
movement and began to advance within it. Yasar reports that by the 1970s Gulen had
ceased to participatein the social and political activities of the Nurcus. Yasaralso accuses
Gulen of hiding his Nurcu identity during a military court trial in 1971, in Izmir (I.
Yasar,op.cit., pp.223-4, 307-8, 319-22, 434-5).
25. See note 2.
26. For more on FethullahGulen see F. Bulut, Kim Bu Fethullah Gulen (Istanbul, 1998); R.
(akir, Ayet ve Slogan, Tiirkiye'de islami Olusumlar (Istanbul, 1990), pp.99-113; L.
Erdogan, Fethullah Giilen Hocaefendi 'KilgiukDunyam' (Istanbul, 1995); and C.
Kozanoglu,Internet,Dolunay, Cemaat (Istanbul,1997).
27. K. Kocoglu, op. cit., 1996, pp.92-4.
28. The Aczimendi groupbelieved thatthe Nurcu movementhad reacheda second stage in its
evolution, one which requiredconformancewith the structureof a Sufi order.According
to the Aczimendis, each step takes sixty years, and the first phase of Nurcu movement
lasted from its inceptionin 1925 or 1926 until 1985 or 1986. Hulusi Yahyagiland Mehmet
Feyzi both died in these years, which meant that none of Said's 'original students'
remainedalive as of thattime. Aczimendis claim thatthe Nurcumovementhas fallen away
from the Risale-i Nur, meaning that it must either vanish or adopt a new method. Since
annihilationcan hardlybe possible, the group'smethodologymust be changed.See Risale-
i Nurda Usul ve Program,Aczimendilik(Istanbul,no date), pp.11-12.
29. Ibid., p.10.
30. In 1990, a Nurcu group, called Yeni Nesilciler, under the leadershipof Mehmet Firinci
abandonedthe Yeni Asya group. Yeni Nesilciler criticized publicationof the Yeni Asya's
Encyclopedia of CurrentHistory (YakinTarihAnsiklopedisi), in which Turkey's recent
historywas severely criticized.Thereare no majordifferencesbetween the Yeni Nesilciler
and the Yeni Asya. Yeni Nesilciler has three leaders: Mehmet Firincl, who is mainly
engaged in publicationactivities; Mehmet Emin Birinci, who is engaged in the financial
administrationof the group's companies;and YavuzBahadiroglu,who is the chief adviser
to these companies. In 1993, anothergroup of Nurcu, called Ittihad-iIslamcilarled by
RustuTafrali,split from the Yeni Asya. This groupviews the various interpretationsof the
Risale as the main reason for the fragmentationof the Nurcu movement. It rejects the
claims of distortionin Risale. K. KoNoglu,op. cit., pp.82-3; 91; and M.H. Okutucu,op.
cit., p.150.
31. 'Bediiizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui', Dava, No.36 (March 1993),
p.12.
32. Pamukqu'sfull name is Mehmed Feyzi Pamukqu(1912-90); he was another 'original
student' of Said Nursi. For more on Pamukqusee N. 5ahiner, Son fahitler Bediuizzaman
Said Nursi'yi Anlatiyor(Istanbul,1993), Vol.2, pp.126-32.
33. 'Bediiizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui',Dava, No.36 (March 1993),
p.13. The Yeni Asya group has also confirmedthat this meeting took place. See I. Ya?ar,
Ibid., pp.45-6.
34. 'Bedijizzaman'in Olumunden Sonra Geli?en Nur Ekolui', Dava, No.36 (March 1993),
p.13.
35. Ibid.p.14.
36. Ibid., p.14.
37. 'Dava'nin Tarihqesi',Dava, No.26 (May 1992), p.43.
38. The column 'Serkelam'has always been writtenby SiddikDursun5eyhanzade;in it, Med-
Zehra's leader sets forth the group's position on major issues. 'Serkelam, Demokrasi ve
Siyaset ...', Dava, No.19 (Oct. 1991), p.5.
39. Ibid., pp.10-13.
40. One of Nursi's letters was to Adnan Menderes, Democratic Party leader and Prime
Minister from 1950 to 1960.
41. 'Siyaset, Politika ve Tavrimiz',Dava, No.66-67 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), pp.3-4.
42. For this criticism, see 'Ittihad-iIslam'a dogru', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), pp.3-4;
and 'Risale-i Nur SahabiMesleginin Bu ZamankiBir Cilvesidir', No.7 (April-May 1990),
pp.20-21. For examples of defenders of political parties as legitimate partnerswith the
Nurcu movement, see S. Mursel, Siyasi Diuiince Tarihi4Itinda BediuizzamanSaid Nursi
(Istanbul, no date), pp.165-92; and I.E. Deveci, Ben Dindar Bir Cumhuriyetciyim
(Istanbul,1994),pp.80-5.
43. 'Siyaset, Politika ve Tavrlmlz',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p.4.
44. For one example see I.E. Deveci, Ben Dindar Bir Cumhuriyetiyim (Istanbul,1994).
45. 'Serkelam,Demokrasive Siyaset ...', Dava, No. 19 (Oct. 1991), p.3.
46. Ibid., p.4.
47. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorularve Cevaplar', Dava,
No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), p.14.
48. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Deccal-Mehdi, Deha-yi Fenni ile Hiidaya-yi 5er'i Muvazeneleri',
Dava, No.76 (Oct.-Nov. 1996), pp.18-19.
49. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorularve Cevaplar', Dava,
No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), p.12.
50. BediiizzamanSaid Nursi, EmirdagLahikasi-II(Istanbul, 1991), pp.204-5.
51. HtisrevAltinba?akand Rafet Barutsuwere imprisonedin Eski?ehir(1935), Denizli (1943)
and Afyon (1948) with Said Nursi. M. Feyzi Pamukquand TahiriMutlu were imprisoned
with Said in Denizli (1943) and Afyon (1948).
52. It is claimed that Ceylan Cali?kanalso had a letter from Said Nursi which indicatedthat
he had a right to publish Said's works, but he never used this permission.
53. Interviewwith Siddik Dursun(5eyhanzade) on 6 Nov. 1997. S. Nursi, EmirdagLahikasi-
II (Istanbul,1991), pp.204-5.
54. MustafaAcet points out thatat the beginning,Sozler Yayineviwas runby AbdullahYegin,
but later it was given over to Mustafa Sungur. 'Ustadin VarisindenVasiyet Mektubu',
Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.9.
55. AbdulkadirBadilli is a Kurdfrom the Badilli tribein Urfa. He first met Said Nursi in 1953.
See N. 5ahiner,Son .ahitler BediuzzamanSaid Nursi'yi Anlatlyor(Istanbul,1994), Vol.4,
pp.169-84.
56. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Nurani Miidafa', Dava, No.46 (Jan. 1994), pp.8-9, 'Miunazarat
Uzerine', Dava, No.42 (Sept. 1993), pp.22-3. Acet reports that Envar Ne?riyat was
established without consultation. 'Ustadyn VarisindenVasiyet Mektubu', Dava, No.41
(Aug. 1993), p.9.
57. Ibid.
58. 5eyhanzade claims that Badilli forced him to buy EnvarNesriyat, saying, 'If you do not
buy the publishinghouse, the blame will be on you if I have to sell it to someone in Beyaz
Saray (a section of a shoppingareawhere mainly nationalistpublicationsare sold).' Husnu
Bayram said the same thing. Although they signed a contract,Badilli later decided not to
sell. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'NuraniMiudafa',Dava, No.46 (Jan. 1994), p.9.
59. 'UstadinVarisindenVasiyetMektubu',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), pp.9-10.
60. 'VesikalarlAciklamayaDevam Ediyoruz',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.5.
61. 'Risale-i NurlariGerqekManasiyla Anlamak ... (Dava)', Dava, No.5 (Dec.-Jan. 1990),
pp.15-17, 'Risale-i Nur Sahabi ..., pp.23-4.
62. Dava published excerpts from the Risale-i Nur in both OttomanTurkishand transcribed
into modernTurkish.For articlesciting and explaining variousdistortions,see 'ZaruriBir
Aqiklama ... I?aratti'l I'caz', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), pp.6-13; and 'Vesikalari
AqiklamayaDevam Ediyoruz',Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), pp.5-24.
63. The Med-Zehragroup severely criticized this practise. 'When they were displeased with
the final decision of the sharia court, they turnedtheir backs on it. Taking the case to a
secular court of the Turkishrepublic clearly shows the level of sincerity of their belief',
Mim Silopi, 'TagutunOnundeMuhakemeOlmak', Dava, No.41 (Aug. 1993), p.32.
64. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Muvafakatnameve Yazilan Vasiyet MektubuUzerine', Dava, No.41
(Aug. 1993), pp.25-6, 'Risale-i Nur'un Degistirilmesi', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), pp.3-5,
'Risale-i Nur Davasini tenvir nesriyatkazandi', Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p.19.
65. On this issue, see M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Hutbe-i 5amiye', Dava, No.43-4 (Oct.-Nov. 1993),
pp.27-47; 'Tarihce-i Hayat', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993), pp.37-47; M.S. 5eyhanzade,
'Nurani Miudafa',Dava (Jan. 1994), pp.5-12, 29-48; 'Tarihce-iHayat-2', Dava, No.47
(Feb. 1994), pp.34-43; 'Eskisehir Hayati-9', Dava, No.48 (March 1994), pp.47-62;
'KastamonuHayati', Dava, No.50 (May 1994), pp.38-48; and 'Denizli Hayati', Dava,
No.51 (June 1994), pp.24-32.
66. Hekimoglu Ismail, for example, claims that Said knew Kurdish, Turkish, Arabic and
Persian,and that he was thoughtto be a Kurdsince his mothertongue was Kurdish,while
in fact he was a Seyyid. Ismail also claims that Osman (;ali?kan, Mehmed Cali?kan,
Ceylan (;ali?kan, Zubeyir Giindiizalp, Tahiri Mutlu and Mustafa Sungur, 'original
students' and assistants to Said, all confirmed this claim. H. Ismail, 100 Soruda
BediuizzamanSaid Nursi, Risale-i Nur Kiilliyative Risale-i Nur Talebeleri(Istanbul,1997),
p.15.
67. 'Mehdi meselesine kisa bir aciklama',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), pp.10-1.
68. 'Selam Gazetesi'nin SuallerineCevaplar',Dava, No.47 (Feb. 1994), p.9.
69. 'Almanya'daPANEL BediuzzamanSaid Nursi (R.A.) Anildi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991),
p.23; M. S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve MiicadelesiAdli KonferanstaSorulanSorulara
VerilenCevaplar',Dava, No.17 (Aug. 1991), p.18.
70. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuizzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996),
p.6.
71. 'Mehdi meselesine kisa bir aqlklama',Dava, No.66-7 (Oct.-Nov. 1995), p. 1.
72. M.S. 5ehanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996),

p.4.
73. The concepts of nation and ethnic group are used interchangeablyin the journal.
74. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996),
pp.6-7.
75. Ibid., pp.6-7.
76. 'M.Siddik 5eyhanzade'ye Dinleyiciler TarafindanSorulan Sorular ve Cevaplar', Dava,
No.64-5 (Aug.-Sept. 1995), pp.13-14.
77. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996),
p.9.
78. UbeydullahVusfanli, 'BediuzzamanSaid Nursi'nin Abdtilhamid'eGonderdigiMektubun
5erh ve Izahl', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), pp.13-14.
79. Ibid.
80. Ibid.
81. Molla Said, 'BediuzzamanMolla Said-i Kuirdi'ninNesayihi', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992),
p.18, 'Bediuzzaman Said Nursi'den Kiirt Sorununa Islami ,ozumler, Tesbitler ve
Receteler', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), p.10-14.
82. MuistehirKarakaya,'5eyh MazharEfendi (Rh.a)', Dava, No.3 (Aug.-Sept. 1989), p.30.
83. 'Bediuzzaman'aGore Irk,llik ve Milliyetcilik', Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), pp.5-6.
84. Ibid. p.7.
85. Ibid., pp.12-13.
86. I have been told that about 80 per cent of the group membersare Kurdishand 20 per cent
of them are Turkish.
87. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), p.3, 'OkuyucuMektuplary',Dava, No.16 (July
1991), p.2.
88. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.4 (Oct.-Nov. 1989), p.4.
89. M.Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'aYapilanKtirtiiluk Ithamive 5eyh Said Hadisesi', Dava, No.16
(July 1991), pp.28-9.
90. 'BuitiinYonleriyle Bediuzzamanve Asr-i SaadetMetodu', Dava, No.5 (Dec.-Jan. 1990),
p.24.
91. M.S. Xeyhanzade,'Bediuizzamanve Kurt Sorunu,Islami QMizumler', Dava, No.33 (Dec.
1992), pp.6-9.
92. On the Sheikh Said revolt see M. van Bruinessen,Agha, Shaikh,and State, TheSocial and
Political Structures of Kurdistan (London, 1992), pp.281-99; M. van Bruinessen,
Kiirdistan Uzerine Yazilar (Istanbul, 1992), pp.123-71; M. Tuncay, Tuirkiye
Cumhuriyeti'nde Tek-Parti YBnetimi'nin Kurulmasi (1923-1931) (Ankara, 1981),
pp.126-49; and U. Mumcu, Kurt-IslamAyaklanmasi(Ankara,1997).
93. See, for example, interview with Kasim Firat, '5eyh Said Hadisesinin Tarihcesi', Dava,
No.8 (June-July 1990), pp.8-16; also, 'AbduilmelikFiratile 5eyh Said Uzerine Mulakat',
Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.9-18; and an interview with Melik Firat, 'Roportaj',Dava,
No.28 (July 1992), pp.5-15; as well as '5eyh Said KiyamininCanli 5ahidi', Dava, No.28
(July 1992), pp.16-18; and '5eyh Said Direnisinin 72. YildonumuMuinasebetiyleMelik
FiratIle Miilakat',Dava, No.74 (June-July 1996), pp.5-9.
94. 'Serkelam,Saideyn ve Gelinen Nokta', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), pp.3-4.
95. 'KuirdSoru?turmasinaIslami Czitimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), p.18.
96. AbdullillahFirat,who was presentat this historic meeting, discussed it with Dava writers
('Saideyn Molla Said-i Kurdive 5eyh Said-i Palevi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.19-21.
97. 'KuirdSoru?turmasinaIslami (5ztimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), p.18.
98. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.28 (July 1992), p.4.
99. 0. Horasani,'ZamaneBedi'i', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), p.6.
100. For one example of this argument, see Z. Yildiz, Kurt Ger egi, Olaylar; Oyunlar,
fiiziimler (Istanbul, 1992), pp.237-41; Z. Yildiz, Bediuizzamanve MilliyetCilik(Istanbul,
1995), pp.151-3.
101. Z. Yildiz, Bediuzzamanve Milliyetfilik (Istanbul,1995), p.152. M. Unal claims thata letter
writtenby Said Nursi to Sheikh Said does not exist. 'If he had sent a letter,it would mean
thathe was informedaboutthe revolt.' He also believes that if Said had writtena letter,he
would have explained why he had done so and would have used this letter as proof of his
innocence in court. M. Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'a Yapilan Kurtc,ulukIthami ve Eeyh Said
Hadisesi', Dava, No.16 (July 1991), p.30.
102. 0. Horasani,'ZamaneBedi'i', Dava, No.62-3 (June-July1995), pp.5-6.
103. M. Unal, 'Bediuzzaman'aYapilanKurtc,ulukIthamive 5eyh Said Hadisesi', Dava, No.16
(July 1991), p.30.
104. Ibid., p.31.
105. 0. Resulan, 'KurtlerinTrajedisi',Dava, No.15 (June 1991), p.13.
106. Ibid., pp.14-15.
107. Ibid.
108. 'Hak Soz Dergisinden Dava Dergisine Sorulan Kurt Sorunu Soru?turmasinaCevaplar',
Dava, No.26 (May 1992), pp.16-17.
109. 'KuirtSorusturmasynaIslami Cizzimler', Dava, No.27 (June 1992), pp.14-15.
110. Ibid., pp.16-17.
111. 0. 5erwan, 'Bitmeyen Simsarlhk',Dava, No.30 (Sept. 1992), pp.26-7. A reader from
Erzurumcriticized this article in his letter, writing that Qerwanunfairly slanders the
Ottoman Empire, which represented Islamic unity for 600 years. 'Who made Islam
superiorafter the ProphetMuhammad?How can you deny the contributionsof Alparslan,
Mehmed the Conqueror,Osman Gazi or Suleyman the Magnificent? Do you work for
Islamic unity or fragmentation?The Turks have perpetratedwrongs against the Kurds.
Leave these issues alone, try to work for Islam, and we will supportyou. But do not divide
people accordingto their race. A verse from the Quranreads, "O believers, hold the string
of God and do not get divided".Why do you behave in this way ... while hiding yourself
behind the Risale-i Nur? Said Nursi was severely against racism, which you are
perpetuating'('OkuyucuMektuplari',Dava, No.32 (Nov. 1992), p.47). 5erwan answered
these criticisms with the assertionthat many are overwhelmedwith love for the Ottoman
Empire,viewing it as if it were the society of asr-i saadet, and its sultans as if they were
the caliphs of that age. This approachto the Ottomans,he writes, is incorrect.Another
prevalent mistake, 5erwan thinks, is to identify the Ottomans with the Turks. In fact,
'Ottoman'was the common name of peoples who belonged to differentethnic groupsbut
lived in the bordersof the Empire.He holds that the Ottomansdid nothingto improvethe
educationallevel of the Muslims in the Empire,particularlyin Kurdistan.Islam, he writes,
is one nation;but there are many differentraces in this nation, and God createdthem all.
Thus if someone denies the existence of one of these races, he will be denying the word of
God. (O. aerwan, 'Elestiri Uzerine', Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), pp.33-7.)
112. 'Osmanli ve Osmanlicilik',Dava, No.33 (Dec. 1992), pp.24-5.
113. 'KUrt Sorunu (;erqevesinde Lice'nin Yakilmasi ile Ilgili MAZLUM-DER'in Raporu',
Dava, No.45 (Dec.-Jan. 1993), pp.12-15.
114. S. Amedi, 'Kirli Savas', Dava, No.40 (July 1993), p.39.
115. 'Dogu ve GUineydogu'daSon Durum', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993), p.6.
116. 'Gizli Tahrifat',Dava, No.80 (June-July 1997), pp.24-5.
117. M. Said Bakan, 'Sistem ve Bizler', Dava, No .81 (Aug. 1997), p.7.
118. M.S. 5eyhanzade, 'Aci Gercekler Tarih TekerrurEdiyor', Dava, No.45 (Dec. 1993),
pp.4-5. See also from the same issue: N. Etdoger, '70 YillhkZehirin Sancilari', p.8; A.
Kilucve Arkada?lari,'Mazlumlarin5ikayeti', pp.9-10; A. Akba?, 'YeterArtik', p.11; and
from the June 1994, No.51 issue, '5ark'in Izdirabi, p.4-5. M.A. Nur wrote from
Diyarbakirto arguethatnationalismcould not be defendedwithin the frameworkof Islam.
But, he wrote, if you acceptedTurkishnationalismas legitimateyou had to accept Kurdish
nationalismas well. He criticized both the Turkisharmy and the PKK. M.A. Nur, 'Kisi
Sevdigi ile Beraberdir',Dava, No.62-3 (June-July 1995), pp.13-15.
119. 'Serkelam',Dava, No.16 (July 1991), pp.3-4.
120. 'OkuyucudanGelenler', Dava, No.48-9 (March-April 1994), p.2.
121. 'OkuyucudanGelenler', Dava, No.51 (June 1994), p.2.
122. A. Incekan, 'MazlumlarAgliyor Duyuyor musun?',Dava, No.54 (Sept. 1994), pp.30-31.
123. 0. 5ervan, 'ZamanOlurki ... !', Dava, No.24 (March 1992), p.24.
124. Ibid., pp.24-6.

A Kurdish Nurcu Group

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A Kurdish Nurcu Group

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A Kurdish Islamist Group in Modern Turkey: Shifting Identities

Author(s): Fulya Atacan

Islamic movements have traditionally defended the idea of the broader

own medreses since the official mezhep (school of jurisprudence) of the

First appearingin April-May 1989, Dava strongly emphasizes Med-Zehra's

What we established is not a 'school'. Med-Zehra is a group of

Said Nursi'2was born in 1873 to a Kurdishclerical family in the village of

financial disputes. During this period, the Nurcu movement can be

movement. Giilen's group is known for its private educational establish-

Med-Zehra refers to major conflicts in Islamic history to explain events

Hiisrev Agabey (Altlnba?ak),and Feyzi Agabey (Pamukqu) 32 insisted

perspective regarding social and political problems and have adopted a

The right to publish and disseminate Said Nursi's works is anotherdisputed

students), but in the name of AbdulkadirBadilli. Although Badilli was one

which emphasize ethnicity (whether Kurd or Turk), are greatly concerned

According to *eyhanzade, the Risale-i Nur informs a school of thought that

state administrationby assuming the functions of head of the Islamic state

Med-Zehra argues that Said Nursi was in favour of an Islamic unity in

interpretationof Nursi was racist, which is antitheticalto Nursi's thought.

himself argues that people in disadvantagedgroups are now awakening and

Med-Zehraunderscoresthe similarities between Sheikh Said, a Naqshbandi

Med-Zehra'sunderstandingis that Sheikh Said's revolt was one against

Med-Zehra'sapproachcombines a historical perspective with a great sensi-

Kuwait and many other states gained their independence,the Kurdishnation

Med-Zehra states that while the Kurdish problem today is ultimately a

As mentioned above, some Kurdish and even TurkishIslamists have com-

vigorously support the ethnic and religious rights of Turkish minorities

A Dava contributor,Osman Uervan,related his experiences as a Kurdin the

approachare conceived throughthe frameworkof Islam. The group resists

I would like to thankProfessorKennaliSayba,ili and Associate ProfessorGencerOzcan for their

1. See R. P. Mitchell, The Society of the MuslimBrothers(London, 1969).

SalvationPartydeputy in 1977. He was a co-founderof the Muslim WorldLeague, which

72. M.S. 5ehanzade, 'Bediuzzamanve IttihadiIslami', Dava, No.70-71 (Feb.-March 1996),

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