FIRST STEPS IN THE HISTORY OF EPIGRAPHIC TRADITION

FOR SPLIT AND SALONA

XAVIER ESPLUGA
Universitat de Barcelona
E - Barcelona, Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes 585

UDK: 930.271 (497.5 Solin) (091)

Izvorni znanstveni lanak
Primljeno: 24. II. 2011.

In this paper the author examines the history of Epigraphic tradition for
Split and Salona. First, the Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta by Cyriacus
of Ancona. Second, the so called codex Tragurinus, partially written by Giorgio Begna (1433/1434), the epigraphic collection of bishop Pietro Donato
(1442-1443 ca) and the manuscripts Angelicanus 430, that is supposed to
come from epigraphic extracs of Cyriacus. Eventually the inscriptions from
Split and Salona in the first (1457) and second (1465) epigraphic collection
of Giovanni Marcanova.

Th. Mommsen summarized the first history of the Roman epigraphic

tradition of Split and ancient Salona (modern Solin) in the first fascicle
of the third volume of CIL1. When it comes to reopening this subject,
we should also take into consideration other works not specifically devoted to Salona or Split, but nevertheless useful and important, as the
remarks of G.B. de Rossi in his ICVR2, the old articles of Eric Ziebarth3
and the contributions of Edward Bodnar4. Although their reconstructions
still stand in their main outlines, many of their conclusions need to be
slightly modified since recent research has shed more light on the process
1. CIL III, pp. 271-279 [TH. MOMMSEN (1873)].
2. ICVR II, 1, passim [G.B. DE ROSSI (1888)].
3. E. ZIEBARTH, Die Nachfolger des Cyriacus von Ancona, Neue Jahrbcher fr
das klassische Altertum 11, 1903, pp. 480-493 and E. ZIEBARTH, De antiquissimis inscriptionum syllogis, Ephemeris Epigraphica 9/2, 1913, pp. 187-332.
4. E. BODNAR, Cyriacus of Ancona and Athens (Collection Latomus 43), BruxellesBerchem 1960.
395

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

of the transmission and elaboration of the epigraphic tradition in the second half of XVth century. In this paper, which examines the humanistic
epigraphic tradition of Split and Salona, I propose to concentrate on the
two epigraphic collections of Giovanni Marcanova and to analyse their
relation with Cyriacus of Anconas previous activity.
I. INSCRIPTIONS FROM CYRIACUS TRAVEL DIARY (1436)
The first name that opens the section of Dalmaticarum inscriptionum
auctores in CIL III is Cyriacus of Ancona5. As is already well known,
on July 1436 Cyriacus, on the way back from Greece to Venice6, called
at Split and Salona. The accounts on this travel diary, preserved in a
now lost manuscript, were published (by Carlo Moroni) around 1654
in a book titled Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano7. In pages XXIII-XXIV of the Epigrammata we read the account of
Cyriacus visit to these Croatian towns. Thus on July 29th 1436, Cyriacus
came to Split from the inland of Issa (modern Vis) and visited the town
and Diocletians palace. After a short description of the remains of the
town8, he wrote down a set of eight inscriptions:

5. I mention only a selection of literature on Cyriacus: E.W. BODNAR, C. FOSS,

Cyriac of Ancona: Later Travels (The I Tatti Renaissance Library), Cambridge (MA)
2003; G. PACI, S. SCONOCCHIA (edd.), Ciriaco dAncona e la cultura antiquaria
dellUmanesimo. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio, Ancona 6-9 febbraio 1992,
Reggio Emilia 1998; J. COLIN, Cyriaque dAncne. Le voyageur, le marchand, lhumaniste, Paris 1981; E.W. BODNAR, CH. MITCHELL, Cyriacus of Anconas journeys in
the Propontis and the Northern Aegean, 1444-1445, Philadelphia 1976. See also the old
contribution of E. ZIEBARTH, Cyriacus von Ancona als Begrnder der Inschriftenforschung, Neue Jahrbcher fr das klassische Altertum 9, 1902, pp. 214-226 and the summary in ICVR II, 1, pp. 356-387.
6. Cyriacus left Athens on 22 April 1436 and was then returning from Greece, sailing
upwards the Adriatic see. He arrived at Venice on August 21st 1436. For this trip, see E.
BODNAR, op. cit., pp. 43-45, part. p. 44, note 2.
7. [C. MORONI (?)], Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano
apud Liburniam. Epigramma Iaderae prope maritima ciuitatis mulieris, in quo tubicen
ille aequorei numinis Triton suis cum insignibus mira fabrefactoris arte conspicitur, s.l.
[Roma], s.a. [1654 circa].
8. [C. MORONI (?)], Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano ...op.
cit., p. XXIII: Ad IIII K. Aug. uenimus ad antiqua Salonarum palatia, Diocletiani Caesaris opus. Spalatum ab incolis in hodiernum dictum. Cuius egregiae architecturae parietes promoenia ciuitatis extant. Eius utique in medio conspicitur nobile Iouis templum,
quod nomine Beati Doimi Pontificis hodie ciues incolunt.
396

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

TABLE I
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SPLIT
IN CYRIACUS EPIGRAMMATA PER ILLYRICVM REPERTA (1436)
INSCRIPTION
CIL III 2217

NUM.
155

LOCALIZATION
Epigramma ad antiquum in
aula praefata aedis sepulchrum

CIL III 2236

156

Ad lapidem prope litus

CIL III 2232

157

Ad alium lapidem

CIL III 2375

158

In alio lapide

CIL III 2175

159

In alio lapide

CIL III 2159

160

In alio lapide

CIL III
2277=8617

161

In alio lapide ornatissimo

CIL III 1987

162

In alio marmoreo lapide

TEXT
AVR. GLYCON
ET VALENTIA
VIRGEI VIVI SIBI
POSVERVT
AVRELIA PRIVATA
QVAE VIXIT ANNOS
PLVSMINVS XXXXXX
AVRELIVS DONATIANVS MATRI BENE
MERENTI POSVIT
AVRELIAE FLAVIAE
CONIVGI INCOMPARABILI
NI L. INNOCENTIVS
ET SIBI VIVVS POSVIT
S. IVL. PROCVLVS
IVLIA PRISCA MATER
ANTONIO AGRIPPE
QVI VIX. ANN. XXXVIII
ARRIA PRIMA MARITO INCOMPARABILI
POSVIT ET SIBI
L. T. AEMILIO VRSINO
FRATRI EIVS POSVIT
T. AEMILIVS PROTOGENES
STERGIO LIBERTO
C. CALENIO P. FIL
ET C. PATRONO
C. CALENIVS DEMETRIVS
ET CALENIVS PRIMVS
ET CALENIA FVSCA
B.M. AMICI OPTIMI
AVE ET VALE FELIX LAPIS
FL. FIDENTIVS EX
COMITIBVS SIRMESIS
HIC EST DEPOSITVS
VIXIT AN. XX
397

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

After the visit to Split, we can also read the account of Cyriacus visit to
Salona, which took place the next day (July 30th 1436)9. It is followed by
a set of six inscriptions from Salona. At the end, we also find one inscription from the island of Apsoros, modern Osor (CIL III 3149). After that,
Cyriacus begins with his description of the visit to Tragurium (now Trogir).
TABLE II
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA
IN CYRIACUS EPIGRAMMATA PER ILLYRICVM REPERTA (1436)
INSCRIPTION
CIG III 1831

NUM.
163

LOCALIZATION
Epigramma ad magnum et
ornatum sepulchrum
Item apud Salonas
ad alium tumulum

CIL III 2549

164

CIL III 2529

165

Ad aliud ornatum monumentum

CIL III 2261

166

Ad marmoreum lapidem
in eodem loco

CIL III 2426

167

Ibidem in alio tumulo

CIL III 2202

168

Ad alium ornatum moumentum

TEXT

C
D. M. T. ATTIAE
LAEMONTINAE DEF. ANN.
XXIII CAETENNIA
AMVLLINA D. B. M.
C. SEVIO TERTIO C. SEVIO
TEMPESTIVO FILIO
CELANDVS
P. CETENVS VRSIO
MARCIAE VENERIAE
COIVGI ET CETENIO
VRSINO F. P.
D.M. C. MANII
MONIMVIANI VIXIT
AN. XV D. XVII SEXARIA
PRIMITIVA MATER
FILIO PIISSIMO
AVIDIAE T. L. INGENVAE
MATRI ET CAECILIAE C. F.
TERTVLLAE SORORI AVIDIA
T. F. LVCVLLA POSVIT

9. [C. MORONI (?)], Epigrammata reperta per Illyricum a Cyriaco Anconitano ...op.
cit., p. XXIII: Ad III K. Aug. uenimus Salonas insigem Dalmatiae ciuitatem. In qua primum
nobilissima uidimus moenia, sed uniduqe iam solo antiquitate collapsa. Vidimusque amphiteatrum in medio ciuitatis ingens, atque mirabiles aquaeductus egregiae architecturae
conspicuos, statuasque artes decoras, et immanes columnas undique per agros dirutas, atque
conuulsas immensis ruinis, quas inter epigrammata haec Graeca Latinaque conspectantur.
398

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

These are all the inscriptions that we find in Cyriacus preserved works.
It is possible that that he could have known more epigraphic texts: Cyriacus could have read them on other visits to Split and Salona, or some of
his many friends could have sent their readings to him. We do not, however,
have conclusive evidence for this.
II. AN INSCRIPTION FROM SALONA IN GIORGIO BEGNAS
EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1440 CA?)
The Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana of Venice keeps a manuscript10 that
Mommsen called codex Tragurinus11. It was partially written by Giorgio
Begna12 around 1433/143413 144014 for Pietro Cippico (the Petrus Caecius or Capio cited by Mommsen)15. The manuscript contains antiquarian
and epigraphic texts derived from Cyriacus and several inscriptions collected by Pietro Cippico himself. In f. 151r, after some inscriptions from
Trogir and an inscription of Fano, we find, localized In Dalmatia ubi Salona urbs antiqua fuit, the first half of CIL III 1933 (that is the left side of
the inscription), with the noteworthy expression deficit to advise that some
text was missing on the right side of the inscription. After it, in the verso
of the same folio (f. 151v), we read the second half of the same inscription,
generically localized Salona. Afterwards we find some inscriptions from
10. VENEZIA, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms. Marc. Lat. XIV, 124 (4044). For this
manuscript, see also G. PRAGA, Il codice marciano di Giorgio Begna e Pietro Cippico,
Archivio Storico per la Dalmazia 13, fasc. 77, 1932, pp. 210-218; N. GIANNETTO, Bernardo Bembo: umanista e politico veneziano (Civilt veneziana, Saggi 34), Firenze 1985,
pp. 315-316. The manuscript belonged once to Bernardo Bembo, at least from 1457 [V.
CIAN, Per Bernardo Bembo. Le relazioni letterarie, i codici, gli scritti, Giornale Storico
della Letteratura Italiana 31, 1898, p. 71-72, note 1] and came to the Marciana from the
Monastery of San Michele di Murano [J.B. MITTARELLI, Bibliotheca codicum manuscriptorum monasterii S. Michaelis Venetiarum, Venezia 1779, coll. 120-121].
11. CIL III, p. 271-272, num. II [TH. MOMMSEN (1873)].
12. For the humanist Giorgio Begna (+1437) from Zader/Zara, see A. TAMARO, La
Vntie Julienne et la Dalmatie. Histoire de la nation italienne sur ses frontires orientales, Roma 1919, vol. III, p. 23; G. PRAGA, op. cit., pp. 210-218. He was in contact with
Cyriacus, with Niccol Zancani and with Lorenzo Giustiniani.
13. One of these texts, De uiris illustribus, has the following subscription on f. 37r:
Georgius Begna exscripsti suo optimo et amantissimo amico Petro Cepioni Tragurino.
Jadere MCCCCXXXIIII kl. feb (more Veneto it corresponds to the year 1440). Authors
doubt whether it should be dated more Veneto (1433) or more Florentino (1434).
14. In f. 140 we find the most recent chronological reference: 1440 nono Ianuarias
caputs ab Antonio Contareno praetore Traguri in itinere petens Venetias exscripsi. Note
that Antonio Contarini was count of Trau in the year 1439. See P. ANDREIS, Storia della
citt di Tra, Spalato 1909, p. 149; G. PRAGA, op. cit., pp. 210-218, part. p. 216, note 2.
15. For Pietro Cippico, see P. ANDREIS, Storia della citt di Tra, Spalato 1909, p.
149; G. PRAGA, op. cit., pp. 210-218, part. p. 214.
399

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

Iader, modern Zader/Zara (ff. 151v-153r). So, in this manuscript the sequence of Croatian inscriptions, mixed with inscriptions taken from Cyriacus, was: Trogir, Salona, Zader and Nin (ancient Nona).
We find a close reading of this divided inscription from Salona (CIL III
1933) in folio 77 of a Vatican manuscript (Vat. Lat. 6875)16. This manuscript was
called Iadentinus antiquus by Mommsen17 and was assigned to the Tragurinus tradition. It was written down around 1446 from a manuscript that was very
close to the codex Tragurinus, but the latter was not the source of the Iadestinus.
Since we do not find CIL III 1933 in Cyriacus Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta, but we can read it in these two manuscripts (the codex Tragurinus that preserves the readings of Pietro Cippico and the Iadestinus antiquus), Mommsen thought that it was Cippico who first saw the inscription.
Consequently, he was doubtful whether Cyriacus knew it through Cippico18.
However, the question (whether Cyriacus knew CIL III 1933 or not) is relatively complicated, since in the codex Tragurinus these Croatian inscriptions
are mixed with other inscriptions that surely do come from Cyriacus.
Furthermore, CIL III 1933 turns up in other two manuscripts that are considered derived from Cyriacus: first, the codex Angelicanus19; second, the codex
Parmensis20. In fact, we find this inscription (CIL III 1933) in the Angelicanus
(f. 45), as well as in the Parmensis (f. 271). In the Parmensis the inscription is
preceded by the localization apud Solonam haec comperta sunt a Chiriaco,
16. ROME, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Vat. Lat. 6875. It is a humanist miscellaneous mansucript with several hands. For its content see M. VATASSO, I codici petrarcheschi della Biblioteca Vaticana (Studi e Testi 20), Roma 1908, p. 67, num. 65; P.O. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum II, p. 382b. For the epigraphic context, see CIL III, p. XXIII & 271-272
[TH. MOMMSEN (1873), where it is attriuted in toto to the Iadestinus antiquus, identified
-in a hypothetic way- with Giorgio Begna]; CIL VI, p. XLI (1876) [W. HENZEN (1873)];
CIL IX, p. XXXVI & num. 2860 [TH. MOMMSEN (1883)]; ICVR II, 1, pp. 359-360, num. 3.
17. CIL III, p. 272, p. III.
18. CIL III 1933: Hoc exemplum bipertitum unde proficiscatur, non satis constat,
putarim tamen a Petro, siue Caecius is est siue Capio, Tragurino homine ad quem supra
p. 271 n. II [scilicet, CIL III, p. 271, num. II] rettuli libros modo citatos Tragurini et Vat.
6875. Nam Cyriaco quamquam titulum acceptum ferunt libri mox citandi Parmensis ... et
Angelicanus ... potestque fieri, ut eum habuerit a Petro familiari suo, tamen ne hoc quidem
satis constat titulum innotuisse Cyriaco, a cuius commentaris certe abest.
19. ROMA, Biblioteca Angelica, ms. 430, f. 45. For this manuscript, see E. ZIEBARTH, De antiquissimis inscriptionum syllogis, Ephemeris Epigraphica 9/2, 1913, pp.
187-332, part. 198; E. BODNAR, op. cit., pp. 104-110, 12, 126-133, 139, 170, 185. See
also G. VAGENHEIM, Le raccolte di iscrizioni di Ciriaco dAncona nel carteggio di
Giovanni Battista de Rossi con Theodor Mommsen, G. PACI S. SCONOCCHIA (edd.),
op. cit., pp. 477-519, part. pp. 481-482, 497. The manuscript is somehow connected with
Francesco Contarini (himself connected with Cyriacus).
20. PARMA, Biblioteca Palatina, ms. Parm. 1191.
400

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

while in the Angelicanus, we read apud Solonam haec comperta sunt, Kyriac.
credo. Therefore, apparently they took the inscription from Cyriacus.
Only when we are able to identify the sources of all these manuscripts
Marc. Lat. X, 124 (4044) (codex Tragurinus); Vat. Lat. 6875 (Iadestinus
antiquus); Angel. 430; Parm. 1191 will we arrive at a definitive conclusion. Meanwhile, it remains unsolved, although my personal opinion is that
CIL III 1933 is likely to have been in some of Cyriacus lost manuscripts.
III. AN INSCRIPTION FROM SPLIT IN PIETRO DONATOS
EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1442-1443 CA?)
In the manuscript Hamilton 25421, supposed to have belonged to Pietro
Donato, bishop of Padua22, we read just one inscription of Salona. In fact,
after a long section of inscriptions from Rome and one inscription of Iader23, there appears CIL III 2277=8617, which is precisely localized
, that is, in Split. After this inscription, we see another text
from Modena (CIL XI 844, the well-known sarcophagus of Clodia Plautilla), that is also cited in other Cyriacan manuscripts.
21. BERLIN, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek, ms. Hamilton 254 [458]. Cf. H. BOESE, Die
lateinischen Handschriften der Sammlung Hamilton zu Berlin, Wiesbaden 1966, pp. 125128; P.O. KRISTELLER, Iter Italicum III. Alia itinera I (Australia to Germany), London
Leiden 1983, p. 365a. For its epigraphic contents see TH. MOMMSEN, ber die Berliner Excerptenhandschrift des Petrus Donatus (Vortrag Gehalten am Winckelmannfeste der
Berliner Archaeologischen Gesellschaft den 1. dec. 1882), Jahrbuch der kniglich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 4, 2, 1883, pp. 73-89; ICVR II, 1, 1888, p. 363; E.W. BODNAR,
op. cit., pp. 84-85, 213-214, passim; P.F. BROWN, Venice and Antiquity. The Venetian Sense
of the Past, New Haven London 1996, pp. 86-87, nn. 90-92 (p. 307); S.G. CASU, Travels in Greece in the Age of Humanism. Cristoforo Buondelmonti and Cyriacus of Ancona, M. GREGORI (ed.), In the Light of Apollo. Italian Renaissance and Greece. Athens,
National Gallery - Alexandros Soutzos Museum, Fondazione di Studi di Storia dellArte
Roberto Longhi, 22.12.2003 31.3.2004, Athenes 2003, vol. I, pp. 139-1445, part. pp. 143145; E. BARILE, Giovanni Marcanova e i suoi possibili incontri con Andrea Mantegna,
D. BANZATO, A. DE NICOL SALMAZO, A.M. SPIAZZI (edd.), Mantegna e Padova
1445-1460, Milano 2006, pp. 37-43; F. LO MONACO, Su Andrea Mantegna antiquarius:
gli interessi epigrafici, M. LUCCO (ed.), Mantegna a Mantova 1460-1506, Milano 2006,
pp. 37-45. Vd. inoltre, G. VAGGENHEIM, op. cit., pp. 477-519, part. pp. 506-511.
22. For Pietro Don o Donato (Venezia 1380/1390 Padova 1447), vd. Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, Roma 1991, vol. XL, pp. 789-794, s.v. Don (Donati, Donato) Pietro
[A. MENNITI IPPOLITO]; G. MARIANI CANOVA, Per la storia della Chiesa e della cultura
a Padova: manoscritti e incunaboli miniati dal vescovo Pietro Donato ai canonici lateranensi
di San Giovanni di Verdara, Fonti e ricerche di storia ecclesiastica padovana 25 (Studi di
storia religiosa padovana dal Medioevo ai nostri giorni. Miscellanea in onore di mons. Ireneo
Daniele), Padova 1997, pp. 165-185; I. HOLGATE, Paduan Culture in Venetian Care: the Patronage of Bishop Pietro Donato (Padua 1428-47), Renaissance Studies 16/1, 2002, pp. 1-23.
23. CIL III 2921 localized Apud Iadrani insignem Liburniae ciuitatem (ff. 75v-76r).
401

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

TABLE III
AN INSCRIPTION FROM SPLIT
IN THE EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT OF PIETRO DONATO (+1447)
FOLIOS INSCRIPTION
LOCALIZATION TEXT
76R
CIL III 2277 = 8617 v
C. CALENIO P. FIL. ET C. PATRONO
C. CALENIVS DEMETRIVS. ET
CALENIVS PRIMVS ET CALENIA
FVSCA B. M. AMICI OPTIMI AVETE
VALETE FELIX LAPIS

Although these folios were not written by Cyriacus24 (as other folios of
Donatos manuscript), it is clear that this inscription derived from Cyriacus
work since we find it in the Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta. In fact, we
have already found this inscription among the epigraphic texts seen and read
by Cyriacus in his visit to Split in July 1436 (both present the same reading):
it surely came to Donato from Cyriacus himself. Therefore, this section of
Donatos epigraphic collection was copied from an extract of Cyriacus 25.
IV. INSCRIPTIONS FROM SPLIT/SALONA
IN THE MS. ANGELICANUS 430
Besides CIL III 1933, in the Angelicanus 430 we find another inscription from Split: CIL III 220226. Therefore, beside CIL III 1933 and CIL III
2202, the manuscript has other epigraphic texts from the Dalmatian coast:
CIL III 2922 (from Iader) (num. 107); CIL III 3071 (from Corcyra Nigra,
the island of Korula) (num. 1); CIL III 3144 (from Apsoros) (num. 170).
All these appear in the Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta, so it seems
clear that they are Cyriacus readings.
The Angelicanus 430 was dated ca 1500 by Bodnar, but we know that it
has to have some connection with the Venetian Francesco da Niccol Contarini (1424 1460)27, son of a patrician Venetian family who had been em24. They belong to the hand of an anonymous scriptor who is supposed to be working
for Pietro Donato, the well-known humanist bishop of Padua and owner of this miscellaneous manuscript.
25. In Donatos manuscript we find other inscriptions from Dalmatian coast, as CIL
III 2921 (f. 76) and 2922 (f. 83), both from Iader, that appear as well in the Epigrammata
per Illyricum reperta.
26. ROMA, Biblioteca Angelica, ms. 430, num. 169.
27. See G. ALBERICI, O.E.S.A., Catalogo breve de glillustri et famosi scrittori venetiani,
quali tutti hanno dato in luce qualche opera, conforme alla loro professione particolare, Bo402

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

ployed in several political embassies on the behalf of the Serenissima. In fact,

in f. 34 we read: Beneficio ac industria optimi clarissimi uiri domini Francisci Contareni infrascripta epigrammata reperta, so that means Contarini
was interested in epigraphy28. Contarini is connected to Cyriacus in several
logna, presso gli Heredi di Giovanni Rossi, 1605, p. 28 (non uidi); BALTHASSARIS BONIFACII,
Elogia Contarena, Venetiis, apud Antonium Pinellum, 1623, p. 39 (non uidi); GERARDI IOANNIS
VOSSI, De historicis Latinis libri III. Editio altera, priori emendatior et duplo auctior, Lugduni Batauorum, Ex officina Ioannis Maire, 1651, lib. III, pp. 582-583; Giornale deLetterati
dItalia 11, 1712, art. XXXIV, pp. 332-335 (biographical entrance, without names of authors);
A. ZENO, Dissertazioni Vossiane, Venezia 1752, vol. I, pp. 189-196; G. DEGLI AGOSTINI,
Notizia istorico-critiche intorno la vita e le opere degli scrittori viniziani, Venezia 1752, vol.
I, pp. 118-215; M. FOSCARINI, Della lettratura veneziana, Venezia 1854, pp. 61, 225 & 261,
note 3; M.E. COSENZA, Biographical and Bibliographical Dictionary of the Italian Humanists and of the World of Classical Scholarship in Italy, 1300 1800, Boston 19622, vol. 2, p. 142
(where F. Contarini is confused with Francesco Conternio from Verona); Dizionario Biografico
degli Italiani, vol. 28, Roma 1983, pp. 160-161, s.v. Contarini, Francesco [P. PRETO]; M.L.
KING, Venetian Humanism in an age of Patrician Dominance, Princeton 1986, pp. 350-351
[(Ital. trans.) M. L. KING, Umanesimo e patriziato a Venezia nel Quattrocento. I. La cultura
umanistica al servizio della Repubblica, Roma 1989]; A. BELLONI, Professori giuristi a Padova nel secolo XV. Profili bio-bibliografici e cattedre (Ius Commune. Verffentlichungen des
Max-Planck-Instituts fr Europische Rechtsgeschichte Frankfurt am Main. Sonderhefte. Studien zur Europischen Rechstgeschichte 28), Frankfurt am Main 1986, passim; R. FABBRI,
Per la memorialistica veneziana in latino del Quattrocento. Filippo da Rimini, Francesco Contarini, Coriolano Cippico (Miscellanea Erudita XLVII), Padova 1988, pp. 41-137; M. ZORZI
(ed.), Collezioni di antichit a Venezia nei secoli della Repubblica (dai libri e documenti della
Biblioteca Marciana. Mostra 27 maggio - 31 luglio 198), Roma 1988, pp. 21-22. For specific aspects of his life and works, see also G.B. PICOTTI, La dieta di Mantova e la politica
deVeneziani, Miscellanea di Storia Veneta s. III, VI, 1908, passim; A. SEGARIZZI, Antonio Baratella e i suoi corrispondenti, Miscellanea di Storia Veneta, Venezia 1916, pp. 1-187,
part. pp. 179-182; L. SIGHINOLFI, La biblioteca di Giovanni Marcanova, L. BERTHALOT
et alii (edd.), Collectanea uariae doctrinae Leoni S. Olschkii oblata, Monachi 1921, pp. 187222, part. p. 197, note 1; G. MERCATI, Ultimi contributi alla storia degli umanisti (Studi e
Testi 91), Citt del Vaticano 1939, vol. II, p. 70*-72*, note 2 (where he analyzes the Barb. lat.
709, of the XIIIth-XIVth centuries, with Contarinis arms); L. VON PASTOR, Storia dei papi
dalla fine del Medioevo, Roma 1942, vol. I, passim; R. WEISS, The Renaissance Discovery
of Classical Antiquity, Oxford 1973, p. 186; P.O. KRISTELLER, Tre trattati di Lauro Quirini
sulla nobilt, V. BRANCA (ed.), Lauro Quirini umanista, Firenze 1977, p. 32 ss; F. LEPORI,
La scuola di Rialto dalla fondazione alla met del Cinquecento, Storia della Cultura Veneta,
Vicenza 1980, vol. III/2, p. 533; B. MARX, Venedig - Altera Roma. Transformationen eines
Mythos, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 60, 1980, pp.
325-373. Giacomo Morelli in his non published Studi sui codici contariniani [VENEZIA, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, ms. It. XI, 324 (7135), c. 130] mentions a biography written by G.
Degli Agostini which seems now to be lost. Vd. A. SEGARIZZI, Francesco Contarini politico
e letterato veneziano del secolo XV, Nuovo archivio veneto n.s. 12, 1906, pp. 272-306, part.
p. 272. King suggests that the date of his death should be placed about 1460.
28. See also my recent First history of a forged inscription (CIL II 149*): A joke
about Cyriacus of Ancona by Francesco Contarini (1450 circa), ZPE 2010 (forthcoming).
403

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

ways. In 1425, Cyriacus travelled to Cyprus on behalf of the Contarini family29. Later on, he dedicated a copy of the translation of Pseudo Gregory Nazianzens Seven Wonders of the World to Francesco Contarini30. We should
also remember that Cyriacus gave some extracts of his works to the Contarini
family31, but I do not know whether the Angelicanus manuscript should be
identified with these extracts of Cyriacus sent to the Contarini family.
V. INSCRIPTIONS FROM SPLIT AND SALONA IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS FIRST EPIGRAPHIC COLLECTION (1457)
In the first epigraphic collection of Giovanni Marcanova -the codex
Bernensis- written at Cesena before October 1st 145732, we find several
inscriptions from Salona split into two sections33.
1. First section (ff. 119r-121v)
In ff. 119r-120v, after one faked inscription from Barcelona (CIL II
410*) and before several inscriptions from Trogir, we find six inscriptions from Salona/Split. Cyriacus read five of them in his visit to Salona
and Split, as we can deduce from the Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta. The Bernensis presents also ten inscriptions from Trogir and Zader
(although all of them incorrectly assigned only to Trogir) and not all of
them can be read in the Epigrammata. The Bernensis also contains the
two halves of CIL III 1933: the first one in f. 119rv, the second one in f.
121v. Therefore, not all the epigraphic texts of this first Croatian section
appear in CyriacusEpigrammata.
29. ICVR II/1, pp. 357-358; E. BODNAR, op. cit., p. 22.
30. ICVR II/1, p. 353b, note 2; E. ZIEBARTH, De antiquissimis..., op. cit., p. 198,
note 2; E. BODNAR, op. cit., p. 104, note 2. Many authors believe that this text -broadly
attested among Venetian humanists- is the translation of Gregory Nazianzens work with
the same title. In fact, it is just a translation of an anonymous treatise (Peri ton rematon),
which circulated broadly in Medieval Ages. See L. OMONT, Les sept merveilles du
monde au Moyen Age, Bibliothque de lcole des Chartes 43, 1882, pp. 40-59, part.
56-58. For this question, see M. CORTESI E. VALDO MALTESE, Ciriaco traduttore
dal greco, G. PACI S. SCONOCCHIA (edd.), op. cit., pp. 201-215, part. p. 202.
31. See also E. BODNAR, op. cit., pp. 103-108 & 123; E. NECCHI, Una silloge epigrafica padovana: gli Epigrammata Illustrium Virorum di Iohannes Hasenbeyn, Italia
Medioevale e Umanistica 35, 1992, pp. 123-177, part. p. 133-141; F. PARISI, Contributi
per il soggiorno padovano di Hartmann Schedel: una silloge epigrafica del codice latino
monacense 716, Quaderni per la storia dellUniversit di Padova 32, 1999, pp. 1-77,
part. pp. 20-21, note 67.
32. BERN, Brgerbibliothek, ms. B 42. For this manuscript, see E. BARILE, op. cit.,
pp. 187-188.
33. I use Mommsens old numeration of the folios.
404

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

TABLE IV
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA AND SPLIT IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS FIRST EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1457) (I)
INSCRIPTION FOLIOS
CIL III 1933a
CIL III 2261
CIL III 2426
CIL III 2277
CIL III 2549
CIL III 2529
CIL III 2907a34
CIL III 2680
CIL III 2688
CIL III 2907b35
CIL III 2686a
CIL III 2676
CIL III 2943
CIL III 2937
CIL III 2954
CIL III 2961
CIL III 1933b

LOCALIZATION

119r-120r (471) Apud Solonam

120r (472)
In eadem ciuitate
120r (473)

120r (474)
Ibidem
120r (475)
Ibidem in quoda(m) tumulo
120rv (476)
Ibidem in alio sepulcro
120v (477)
Tragurii in basilica uirginis
extra muros [Iader]
120v (478)
Ibidem ad aedem diui
Batispt(a)e [Tragurium]
120v (479)
Ibidem [Tragurium]
120v (480)
Ibidem [Iader]
121r (481)
Ibidem [Tragurium]
121r (482)
Ibidem [Tragurium]
121r (483)
Ibidem [Iader]
121r (484)
Ibidem [Iader]
121r (485)
Ibidem ad aedem s(ancti)
Georgii [Iader]
121rv (486)
[Iader]
121v (487)
Solon(a)e

EPIGRAMMATA
PER ILLYRICVM

166
167
161
164
166

174
175

170

7
6
13
14

2. Second section (f. 126v)

In f. 126v, we find a pair of inscriptions from Solona separated by an inscription of Buthrotum (CIL III 581). Notice that the first inscription (CIL
III 2202) presents an unknown localization (in quodam loco mihi incognito),
while the second one (CIL III 1987) offers a generic localization (in alio lap34. We can read the first three lines of the inscription.
35. It contains the final two lines of the inscription.

405

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

ide). This last expression misleads the reader since it appears after the inscription of Buthrotum: therefore, one could think it comes as well from Buthrotum. The right localization of CIL III 1987 appears in Cyriacus Epigrammata
where the inscription is said to have been Salonis ad ornatum monumentum.
TABLE V
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA AND SPLIT IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS SECOND EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1457) (II)
INSCRIPTION

FOLIOS

CIL III 2202 [Salona]

126v (521)
CIL III 581 [Buthortum] 126v (522)
CIL III 1987 [Salona]
126v (523)

LOCALIZATION
In quodam loco mihi incognito
Apud Butrotum in epyro troia
In alio lapide

EPIGRAMMATA
PER ILLYRICVM
168
134
162

All these inscriptions appear in Cyriacus Epigrammata, so it is clear

that Marcanova received them from some work of Cyriacus (maybe an
extract of his Commentaria). The localization of these two inscriptions is
vague. Notice that the same localization of CIL III 2202 appears in the
manuscript Angelicanus and that the localization of CIL III 581 resembles
that of Cyriacus travel journey: Ad V K. Iun. Buthrotum uenimus, antiquam in Epiro Troiani Heleni ciuitatem. Therefore, they should have also
come from some work of Cyriacus.
VI. INSCRIPTIONS FROM SPLIT AND SALONA IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS SECOND EPIGRAPHIC COLLECTION (1465)
After having finished the Bernensis, in the first half of the 60s Marcanova made up a new epigraphic collection, done in a rather luxurious style.
The Mutinensis finished 1465 contains a few inscriptions of Split and
Salona split into three main sections. We should be aware that in his second
epigraphic collection (the Mutinensis), Marcanova did not include all the
inscriptions that were contained in his first one (the Bernensis), since, as a
rule, the later was not used to update his new sylloge. Marcanova used the
Bernensis only for specific purposes.
1. First section (ff. 183v-188r)
In ff. 183v-185r, amid a long section of Adriatic inscriptions (Aquileia, Pula, Trieste and Nin) we find several inscriptions from Salona and its
neighbourhood, followed by the inscriptions of Zader. At the very begin406

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

ning of the section is found the name of the town SOLONAE, written in
epigraphic capitals and decorated style. Most of the inscriptions in these
folios came from a local Croatian source, very close to Mommsens Antiquus Lucius, which is Vat. Lat. 701936. Only the two last inscriptions did
not appear in Vat. Lat. 7019 and came probably from another source (probably Marcanovas own first sylloge).
In 187v only two inscriptions from Histonium (CIL IX 2846 and CIL IX
2845) were initially written down, while 188r remained blank. So, these folios or at least f. 187v- should originally have been dedicated exclusively to
Histonium. At a later period, the running titles EP. SOLON and EP. SOLONAE were written in the upper margin of these two folios (187v; 188r): the
inscriptions from Histonium were therefore included in the Salona section.
Eventually, several faked inscriptions (CIL III 126*; CIL III 128*; CIL
III 127*; CIL III 129*) and one inscription from Rome (CIL VI 15258, localized in the house of the Roman lawyer Antonio Caffarelli37) were added in
the remaining space of the ff. 187v-188r, that had initially been left blank. I
think that originally all these faked inscriptions had no localization, so the
scribe of the manuscript (that is Felice Feliciano) made up a localization for
the first one (CIL III 126*). He assigned it to Salona, since he found the name
of this town in the running titles of the folio. That is the reason why it offers
a specific localization: Solon(a)e in monumento antiquiss(imo) (the final ss
in the peculiar Cyriacan calligraphy).
These faked inscriptions had no relation with Salona. They were erudite creations that must have reached Marcanova from (Roman?) humanist
circles. For instance, the first one CIL III 129* mentions the history of Antistius Labeo who committed suicide after Philippi (that is the calamitate
Macedonica mentioned by the inscription). This anecdote is referred to by
Appian and marginally by Plutarch in his biography of Brutus38. In Appian
Antistius Labeo ordered a slave to kill him, but in our inscription the murderer is Labeos own son.
In my opinion, this difference comes from a misunderstanding of the
Greek text (or better a misunderstanding of the Latin translation). In Appian,
the murderer is indicated by a superlative , which must be a reference to one of Labeos (that is domestics or slaves). In the Latin
36. No specific study of this miscellaneous manuscript has been already done.
37. The inscription is preserved in the ms. Parmensis (c. 96v) and in the Angelicanus
(c. 42) and is supposed to come from Cyriacus.
38. APPIAN B.C. 4, 135: , ,
.... Cf. PLUT. Brut. 51.
407

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

translation of Pietro Candido Decembrio39, done between 1452 and 145440,

was translated as familiares, so the faker of the inscription, while
reading Appian (obviously in Latin), thought that his most faithful familiar was Labeos own son (interpreting familiares as members of his family according to the modern meaning of family). If my argument is right,
the faker must have read Appian in Decembrios translation.
So, the first part of this section came from a local source (the Antiquus Lucius) enriched with a second source (maybe Marcanovas first
epigraphic collection?). Eventually the last inscriptions (the inscriptions
from Histonium and the faked inscriptions coming from humanistic circles) were written and wrongly attributed to Salona due to the presence of
the running titles.
TABLE VI
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA AND SPLIT IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS SECOND EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1457) (I)
INSCRIPTION
CIL III 2204
CIL III 173b* = CIL XI 21
CIL III 2235
CIL III 2386
CIL III 1942
CIL III 2576
CIL III 2568
CIL III 2324
CIL III 1933b
CIL III 2261
CIL III 2426
CIL IX 2846 [Histonium]

FOLIOS
186v (1123)
186v (1124)
186v (1125)
186v (1126)
187r (1127)
187r (1128)
187r (1129)
187r (1130)
187r (1131)41
187r (1132)42
187r (1133)
187v (1134)

LUCIUS
?
?
24b
24b
24
24
24
24
24

VAT. LAT. 7019

6
7a
10
11
7a
2
3
4
8-9

39. For this translation see E. B. FRYDE, Some fifteenth-century Latin translations
of Ancient Greek Historians, Humanism and Renaissance Historiography, London 1983,
pp. 83-114, part. pp. 104-106.
40. APPIANVS, Historia Romana, Venezia 1477, vol. 2, s. f. [but f. 162r]: Et quae coniugi filiisque indicaret seruis suis ex ordine disseruit. Epistolas etiam familiaribus afferendas dedit. Unum praeterea ex his fideliorem dextra apprehensum ad se conuertens ....
41. It is missing in Ziebarths table III..
42. It is missing in Ziebarths table III.
408

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

CIL IX 2845 [Histonium]43

CIL III 126*
CIL III 128*
CIL III 127*
CIL VI 15258
CIL III 129*

187v (1134)
187v (1135)
187v (1135a)
187v-188r (1135b)
188r (1136)
188r (1137)

2. The second section (f. 191v)

In folio 191v, we find two inscriptions belonging to Salona. In fact, we
read CIL III 2202, CIL III 581, and CIL III 1987, with the same localizations that they presented in the Bernensis. These inscriptions from Salona
come after a long section of inscriptions from Iader (cc. 188v-190v) and
after the inscription of Mount Olympus depicted in the f. 191. The latter is
nothing more than Leonardo Brunis Latin translation (1406-1409) of the
inscription that we find in Plutarchs Life of Aemilius Paulus44.
As he did with the previous section (at least with the last inscriptions
of Salona and with the inscriptions of Histonium), Marcanova used the
Bernensis for this second section. Folios 188v-191v of the Mutinensis correspond to folios 122v-126v of the Bernensis. Marcanova added, using another section of the Bernensis, only one inscription (CIL III 2277=8617;
the shaded one in the following table) at the end of the section of Iader (in
the f. 120v).
TABLE VII
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA AND SPLIT IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS SECOND EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1457) (II)
INSCRIPTION
CIL III 2922
CIL III 2907a
CIL III 2907b
CIL III 2686a
CIL III 2921
CIL III 2950
CIL III 2928

BERNENSIS
122v (490)
123r (491)
123r (492)
123r (493)
123r (494)
123r (495)
123v (496)

MUTINENSIS
188v (1138)
188v (1139)
188v (1140)
188v (1141)
188v (1142)
189r (1143)
189r (1144)

43. This one and 3 previous inscriptions come from the Bernensis.
44. PLUT. Aem. 10, 15.
409

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

CIL III 2863

CIL III 2860
CIL III 2876
CIL III 2862
CIL III 2876
CIL III 2869
CIL III 2870
CIL III 2957
CIL III 2903
CIL III 2911
CIL III 2871
CIL III 2963
CIL III 2907
CIL III 172*a
CIL III 2941
CIL III 2944
CIL III 2943
CIL III 2935
CIL III 2954
CIL III 2961
CIL III 2904
CIL III 2937
CIL III 2277=861745
PLVT. Aem 15, 10
CIL III 453=6985 [Amastri]
CIL III 2202 [s. l.]
CIL III 581 [Buthrotum]
CIL III 1987 [s. l.]

123v (497)
123v (498)
123v (499)
123v-124r (500)
124r (501)
124r (502)
124r (503)
124v (504)
124v (505)
124v (506)
124v-125r (507)
125r (508)
125r (509)
125r (510)
125v (511)
125v (512)
125v (513)
125v (514)
125v (515)
125v (516)
125v-126r (517)
126r (518)
120v (474)
126r (519)
126rv (520)
126v (521)
126v (522)
126v (523)

189r (1145)
189r (1146)
189r (1147)
189r (1148)
189r (1149)
189r (1150)
189rv (1151)
189v (1152)
189v (1153)
189v (1154)
189v (1155)
189v-190r (1156)
190r (1157)
190r (1158)
190r (1159)
190r (1160)
190r (1161)
190rv (1162)
190v (1163)
190v (1164)
190v (1165)
190v (1166)
190v (1167)
191r [1167bis]
191v (1168)
191v (1169)
191v (1170)
191v (1171)

3. The third section (203rv)

In f. 203r, after a set of inscriptions from Trogir, we find CIL III 2217,
defined as lapis marmoreus localized apud Teucros: we have already
found it among the first of the inscriptions from Salona in the Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta. On the same page, localized Apud Teucros in
45. The inscription that comes from the Bernensis. PLUT. Aem. 15, 10 was omitted by
Mommsens and Ziebarths numeration.
410

X. Espluga, Prvi koraci u povijesti epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone

spelunca marmorea in cachumine altissimi montis incisa we find CIL III

2584 (from Trogir). We find this inscription in the Vat. Lat. 7019 with n. 5.
In the verso of the same folio (203v) we find seven inscriptions. Two
of them are localized apud Indos: that is CIL III 2685 (from Trogir as
we can find in the Bernensis and in the Mutinensis) and CIL IX 333 (from
Ravenna). This last inscription appears also in Vat. Lat. 7019, f. 95. Then,
after two inscriptions from Greece (derived from Cyriacus), we find one
inscription from Split (CIL III 2456), one from Korula (CIL III 3071) and
the last one from the island of Pag (CIL III 3113). CIL III 2456 appears in
the Vat. Lat. 7019 (with number 1).
The source of this peculiar section (f. 203rv), with this generic localization Apud Teucros (f. 203r) and Apud Indos (f. 203v), could also be
identified with some Cyriacan extract, although we find some of them in
the tradition of Iadestinus antiquus (Vat. Lat. 6875), and in that of the Antiquus Lucius (Vat. Lat. 7019)
TABLE VIII
INSCRIPTIONS FROM SALONA AND SPLIT IN GIOVANNI
MARCANOVAS SECOND EPIGRAPHIC MANUSCRIPT (1457) (III)
INSCRIPTION
CIL III 2217 [Salona]
CIL III 2584 [Trogir]
CIL III 2686 [Salona]
CIL III 173*
= CIL IX 333 [Ravenna]
CIL III 531 [Argos]
CIL III 5 [Creta]
CIL III 2456 [Split]

MUTINENSIS
FOLIO
LOCALIZATION
203r (1226)
Apud Teucros lapis marmoreus
203r (1227)
Apud Teucros in spelunca marmorea in
cachumine altissimi montis incisa
203v (1228)
Apud Indos lapis marmoreus olim auro
ornatae atque plenae erant litterae
203v (1229)
Apud Indos lapis ingens marmoreus
203v
203v (1230)
203v (1232)

Apud Agros in campis

In alio lapide
Lapis apud Spalatrum in Dalmatia

In conclusion, while making up the Mutinensis, Marcanova used as

sources for his new epigraphic collection a local source very similar to
the Vat. Lat. 7019 (Mommsens Antiquus Lucius). He must have had access to some extracts of Cyriacus: letters that Cyriacus sent as gifts to
his friends and correspondents in which he wrote some antiquarian and
epigraphic texts and drew some ancient buildings or statues. In this way
411

Kai, Split, 2009.-2011., 41-43

Cyriacus works spread among Italian humanist. Only in a later phase

did Marcanova use his previous epigraphic collection the Bernensis to
update the new one, but this updating was not done systematically as a
rule. Marcanova gave preference to his new sources and only at a later
period used his old epigraphic collection to complete the information he
had from his new sources.

SAETAK - SUMMARIUM
PRVI KORACI U POVIJESTI EPIGRAFIKE TRADICIJE
SPLITA I SALONE
U lanku autor prouava povijest epigrafike tradicije Splita i Salone. Na
prvom mjestu Epigrammata per Illyricum reperta Cirijaka Ankonitanca. Potom
tzv. codex Tragurinus, koji je dijelom ispisao Giorgio Begna (1433.-1434.),
epigrafiku zbirku biskupa Petra Donata (1442.-1443. ca) i rukopise kodeksa Angelicanus 430, za koji se dri da je nastao od Cirijakovih epigrafikih izvadaka.
Na kraju, i natpise iz Splita i Salone iz prve (1457.) i druge (1465.) epigrafike
zbirke, koju je oformio Giovanni Marcanova.

412