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THE RADICAL RIGHT AND LAND USE PLANNING: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF CONFLICT
Author(s): CHARLES C. GEISLER
Source: International Review of Modern Sociology, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Autumn 1982), pp. 211-228
Published by: International Journals
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THE
Reviewof ModernSociology
International
1982,Vol. 12(Autumn):
(Pp 211-228)
in the United
Thereare manyindicatorsof radical rightresurgence
situations.Such a resurgence
States, mostof whichoccurin conflict
signalsa challengeto state and regional initiativesin land use
to unabridged
, given the radical righs commitment
priplanning
. Research on
vatepropertyrightsand decentralizedlocal control
to resourceplanningwas conductedin
radical rightobstructionism
Wisconsinwhererecentfailures in land use planning have been
attributedto rightwing extremism.Local controlwaspositively
associatedwithmultiplemeasuresof extremism
, butextremism
failed to explainoppositionto land use planning whena measure of
political ecology and other backgroundvariableswerecontrolled.
The implications
areas such as
forpublicpolicy in conflict-prone
land use planningare discussed.
The lowermiddle class, the small manufacturer
, the shopkeeper9
theartisian, thepeasant, all these fightagainst thebourgeoisie
, to
save from extinctiontheir existence as fractionsof the middle
class. Theyare thereforenotrevolutionary
, but conservative.Nay
..
more, theyare reactionary.
Karl Marx (.19S9[1848]:332)
There is considerableevidencethat whatDurkheim(1964) referredto
as "shared normativeunderstandings'*
in societyare, in the contemporary
UnitedStates,no longershared. The reemergenceof the radical right,
and its polarizingeffectsin such nationaldebates as gun controland the
Panama Canal Treaties, abortion and the Equal Rights Amendment,
propertytaxes and omnibusland use legislationlend supportto thisview.
The liberal BrookingsInstitutenow has its conservativecounterpart,the
American EnterpriseInstitute,and the Jewishcommunity,
havingsponsoredmuch of the originalresearchon the radical rightthroughthe AntiDefamationLeague (Lipset and Raab, 1978),is itselfturningrightin both
212
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Israel and the United States (Rosenbergand Howe, 1977). The titleof a
recentNew York Timeseditorial, "The Charge of the Right Brigade",
capturesthe mood of editorialsacross the country.
The scholarlyinterestin radical rightextremismis not new. It can be
traced to William Graham Sumner's concern for the "forgottenman"
of conservativeopposition to
(1918), to Karl Mannheim'sinvestigations
the rise of modern rationalism(1927), and to Ortegay Gasset's classic,
The Revoltof theMasses (1932). The mass psychologyof fascism and
the chilling effectof the McCarthyismhave promptedintensivesocial
science research on extremismduring and afterWorld War II (e.g.,
Fromm, 1941; Bettelheim,1943; Adorno,et al., 1950; Hofstadter,1955;
Kornhauser,1959; Upset, 1960; Shils, 1961; Reissman, 1971; Coser and
Howe, 1977; Steinfels,1979; Hunter,1980). Certainreviewsof scholarship
dealing withthe radical right,however, suggest that conceptualization
behind this epithet is in disarray. The studiesare markedwithinternal
inconsistencies(Abcarian and Stanage, 1965), with validity problems
(Miller and Reissman, 1961; Jackman, 1972; Lipsitz,1965), and witha
conspicuousneglectof structuralcircumstancesengenderingreactionary
consciousness(Zeitlin,1967).
The objectivein the presentresearch is to examine the allegedly right
wingnatureof local resistenceto non-localland use regulation.On the one
hand,thereis compellingface validityin thenotionthatthestridentcall for
local control is motivated by a politicalconservatismhostileto planning
in generaland to planningwhichabridgespropertyrightsin particular.As
such, right wing extremismmay underliethe perennialconflictbetween
privatelandownershipand thisexpressionof social control. On the other
hand,the incoherencyof muchradical rightexpositionleaves its influence
upon local belligerenceopen to question,if not to alternativeinterpretations. One such alternativeis thatpolitical ecology- a structuralcondition- delineates basic support and opposition for such planningand is
conflictin this strategicpolicy area.
thereforeessentialto understanding
The Radical Rightand Land U se Planning
To manyland use planners,rightwing extremismhas been the bete
noire of their attemptsto rationalizea balkanized,inconsistent,and environmentally
injuriouspropertysystem.Nationally,theFarm Bureau,the
the U.S. Chamberof Commerce
National Association of Manufacturers,
and stillmoreconservativegroups,such as the Liberty Lobby, have led
successful offensivesagainst nationalland use planninglegislationin the
1970s (Reilly, 1977; Popper, 1981).1 Reportson state land use planning
such as the Sabre in Wisconsinand the
lSeveralConservative
foundations,
anddocumentation
forsuch
provideresearch
HeritageFoundationin Washington,
THERADICAL
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
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THERADICAL
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
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216
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THERADICAL
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
217
218
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Table 1 :- Meansand StandardDeviationsof Radical Right
ItemsSelectedforVarimaxFactor Analysis.
ITEM
(1) TheAmerican
wayis as closeas we can getto a
perfect
society.
lifeforman.
lifeis thenatural
(2) Agrarian
on
shouldspendpartoftheirchildhood
(3) Children
a farm.
(4) Thefarmis an idealplaceto raisea family.
thecountry
closeto
is bringing
(5) Federalregulation
socialism.
in thelossof essenresults
planning
(6) Government
tialliberties
andfreedoms.
ofpoliticalphilosophy.
(7) Selfidentification
to manandall it says
(8) TheBibleis God's message
is true.
happened
(9) All miracles
justas theBiblesays they
did.
thanany otheriorm of
truth
is higher
(10) Religious
truth.
to believethatone can inthinking
(11) It is wishful
fluence
whathappensin society.
(12) Theworld is run by a fewpeopleandthereis
littlethatcan be doneaboutit.
when they
interests
mypersonal
(13) I cannotprotect
withthoseofstrong
conflict
pressure
groups.
(14) I feelfreeto dropbyandvisitwithmost people
in theneighborhood.
in thiscom(15) I feel at home almostanywhere
munity.
(16) I knowthepeoplearoundherequitewell.
(17) I don't feel like a memberofthiscommunity
(reversed).
(totalyears).
(18) Father'seducation
(19) Father'soccupation.
at age 18.
placeofresidence
(20) Respondent
S.D
2.49
2.73
.99
.92
2.58
2.48
*98
.97
2.74
.87
2.78
4.05
.88
1.14
2.22
1.00
2.68
1.10
2.28
1.08
3.17
1.03
2.72
1.17
2.82
1.00
2.20
.92
2.25
2.43
.95
1.00
2.17
9.21
-
.84
3.43
-
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
THERADICAL
219
(I)
(2)
.23
.07
-.09
.13
.08
.06
-.17
.87
.84
.77
.04
.07
-.20
.07
-.12
-.15
- .06
.15
.04
.16
.00
.71
.78
.65
.21
.43
.05
.15
- .12
.04
.21
.21
- .04
.09
.18
-.16
.09
.21
.22
.00
FACTORS
(3)
.35
.21
-.03
.19
.79
.73
.16
.03
.41
-.11
.10
.02
.18
.31
.04
-.05
-.06
.00
.10
.12
(4)
.30
.00
.04
-.26
.09
.00
.22
.10
.01
-.03
.56
.58
.57
.4i
-.03
-.20
.14
.18
-.12
.06
(5)
-.12
.04
.14
-.02
.07
.16
.29
- .04
.09
.26
.08
-.07
.00
.81
.80
.76
.73
.12
.04
-.01
(6)_
-.25
-.10
.17
.21
.06
- .01
-.12
.00
.16
-.36
.04
.14
.15
.03
.30
.19
-.16
.50
.71
.<*_
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Table 3:- Zero-Orderand Partial CorrelationsBetweenLocalism
and Measuresof Radical Right.
RadicalRight
Measures
Nativism
Agrarianism
Anti-Socialism
Individualism
Conservatism
Fundamentalism
Powerlessness
Isolation
Authoritarianism
Correlations
Zero-Order
.127*
.143*
.120*
.163*
.111*
.115*
.017
.156*
.038
Partiala
.082*
.112*
.151**
.100*
.073
.081
.006
.099*
.044
forage,Education,
andProperty
Controlling
Center-Periphery
at a = .05level
*Sgnificant
at a=.01 level,or greater
Significant
on the right.The results,shownin Table 3, suggest
controland extremism
that a positive relationship,in fact, existsat boththe zero and higher
order correlations.Here, radical rightis measured using the resultsof
the factoranalysis in Table 2. Note thatthefirstand seventhvariables
now appear as separate dimensions of extremismand that the antisocialism factor (a combinationof variablesfourand fivein Table 2) is
brokeninto its component parts for closer observationin the testingof
hypothesestwo and three.
Seven of the nine measuresof rightwingextremismare significantly
relatedto localismat or below the criterionlevel of .05 and in a positive direction. This pattern is not seriouslyalteredin the accompanying
partial correlations,where five out of seven of the measures retain
statisticalsignificance.The control variables in thissecond analysisare
age, education, real propertyownership,and a measure of political
ecologyexplainedbelow. To summarize,the more a respondentis identified as ultra-conservative,
the more he or she tends to oppose non-local
land use planning. The highest partial correlation is with the antisocialism measure, as might be expected in an analysis featuringthe
opposingpoliticalspectrum.The lowestcorrelation,on the other hand,
is a measure of alienation (powerlessness). But for this finding,the
resultsof Table 3 do not support the predictionthat the relationship
betweenlocal controland rightwingextremism
is spurious.
The Political Ecologyof Conflict
Until thispoint,the roots of resistanceto non-localland use planning
have been examined onlyindirectly,
usinga compositemeasureof local
THERADICAL
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
22 1
Respondent
Disposition
Favoror
Oppose
Agree Neutral orDis(N)
agree
(%)
(%)
(%)
57
15
28
(530)
45
22
33
(530)
72
15
13
(539)
50
15
35
(530)
57
13
30
(533)
60
30
(530)
79
17
(538)
56
35
(484)
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on a respondent'sprincipalsustenanceactivity-the way a person provides forbasic needs and reproducestheirfamilyand larger community.
Threatsto basis sustenanceactivitiesmay lead, as the quotation at the
outsetof the paper suggests,to reaction- that is, to ultra-conservatism.
Where social controlsover privatepropertythreatento reduce an owner's
income opportunitiesby restricting
sale or use options, concerted opposition may be expected. This is particularlytruewhen social controls
are nonlocal in origin, in which case the influenceof local property
ownersovervariancesand otherexemptionsare greatlyreduced.
In thepresentanalysis,political ecologyis operationalized by separating the twentysix counties sampledin Wisconsin into two subregions.
The first("Periphery")includesthose countieswhich, according to the
U.S. Department of Commerce,have a highproportion(average 25 percent) of self-employed
personsin theirlabor force. It is thisconstituency
10 willbe
who, as proprietors,
keenlyaware of the economic consequences of curtailingpropertyrights and who would be expectedto resist
land use planningon principle.The second subregion("Center") groups
those countieswhichhave a lower average proportion (11 percent) of
self-employedin their labor force. The inhabitantsof the center,by
similarlogic, are more likelyto conformto basic modificationsin their
propertyrights.Indeed, people employed in manufacturing,services,
and the high technology sectors have far less at stake occupationally
fromrearrangements
in real propertyrightsthan do the self-employed.
The relative impacts of center-periphery,
localism, property, and
land use scale are compared
background variables on the comprehensive
throughthe use of standardizedregressioncoefficientsin Table 4. Propertyownership,while consistently
negativein its influence,as expected,
is of littlestatisticalconsequence. In all but one instance(individualism),
the measuresof rightwing extremismmake negligible contributionsto
themodeland are erraticin theirdirectionof influence.This ambiguous
showing by measures of social alienationstandsmuch in contrastto the
performanceof "center-periphery"
(enteredin the regressionas a dummy
variable,withcenter=0, periphery=l). As proposed, the directionof
this formulationof politicalecologyis consistently
negative. The magnitude of the measure,moreover,is in generallargerthanother coefficients
throughout the table, including those of age11 and education. Thus,
andproprietorship
are roughly
10Self-employment
as Wright
equivalent,though
andSingleman
is imperfect
in so foras various
(1978)properly
warn,theequivalence
ofprofessionals
categories
(e.g., doctorsand lawyers)are self-employed
without
stakein unaltered
havingan occupational
property
rights.
are inversely
correlated
Thoughage andeducation
(r = -. 415)a wellestablishedpattern,
relatedto theland useplanning
scalein each set of
age is positively
coefficients
regression
associated
with
displayed.The factthat age is positively
THERADICAL
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
223
Variables
Independent
CONTROLS
- Age
- Pro- LocalCenter
Educa
RadicalRightIndicator Perition
ism
perty
phery
LandUse
Planning
.006
Scale
(Nativism)
(Agrarianism)-.023
-.039
(Anti-Socialism)
-.086*
(Individualism)
-.052
(Conservatism)
,,
(Fundamental-.017
ism)
(Powerlessness) .009
-.046
(Isolation)
(Authoritari,,
.048
anism1)
.226**
.221**
.228**
.227**
.225**
.183**
.184**
.190**
.189**
.197**
.202**
.196**
.199**
.199**
.200**
-.010
-.010
- .037
-.007
-.005
.082*
.085*
.086*
.095*
.086*
.084*
.082*
.087*
.081*
at a=.05 Level
*Significant
at a = .01Level,orgreater
**Significant
whereas little support was found for the second hypothesisof interest
when an indirectmeasureof social controlwas employed,strongevidence
is apparenthereon behalfof the thirdhypothesiswherea directmeasure
is present. Not only is spatial context- a proxyforoccupational clustering- importantin shaping public attitudes towardsland use planning,
butit would appear to overridethe importance of social pathology as
expressedin measuresof rightwingextremism.
Table 4 offersan anomalous findingworthyof note. Localism relates
positivelyto land use planning and retainsstatisticalsignificanceeven
afterall otherindependentvariables are controlled. Despite the counterintuitivenature of this finding,given the priorlogic of the analysis
and the depiction of local control as a forcedirectedagainst land use
regulation,evidencecan be adduced showingthatsocial controland local
controlare not in all instancesantagonistic(Geislerand Martinson, 1976;
Geisler, 1979). At anotherlevel,the reader may wishto know if whatis
termed"center" and "periphery"in the presentanalysisis merelya sizethanthe one provided.
of-place gradientopen to other interpretations
is severely
of property
ownership
(r =.291) mayexplainwhytheinfluence
property
scale.
on thelanduseplanning
diminished
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Variables
Independent
PlaceofResidence
Center-Periphery
Zero-Order
.211**
.179*
Correlation
Partial
.214**
.179**
Correlation
(l)a
Partial
.081
.143**
Correlation
(2)b
**X 2 significant
at > + 001
income.
andfamily
landownership,
age,education,
Controlling
in(a), above,pluscenter-periphery,
orplace-of-residence,
all variables
Controlling
as appropriate.
Conclusion
This paper examines the empirical support for the propositionthat
extremism,on the right,engendersopposition to extra-local control of
land resources. Not onlyare thereapparentfrailtiesin the global radical
rightconstructitself,but theseparate radical rightindicators show little
net influenceon social control. Radical rightassociationwithlocal control is clearly positive. Yet, its effecton social control may well be
spurious,largelyattributableto background factors and to a political
ecology context bearing on one's propertyinterests.Reticenceand reaction to land use planningappear to be mattersof vested property rights,
mostsalientin the periphery.
What, if anything,is the relevance of the foregoinganalysisforthe
managementof land-userelatedconflict? It is one thingto contend that
right wing extremism,if suchcan be unambiguouslydefined,accentuates
localism. It is quite anotherto assume thatoppositionto land use planning comes exclusivelyor even principallyfromthe politicalright. This
RIGHTANDLANDUSEPLANNING
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225
226
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