Pakistan Peoples Party Assignment

PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY

PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
The current revival of political parties and the employment of various ways and means to limit
their scope both structurally and operationally invite the comment on the future of political
parties in Pakistan. Foremost among them is the Pakistan peoples party all are agreed that it is
the largest Single party in the country. Some maintain that it is much more popular than all the
other parties put together, including its smaller partners in the MRD. The real controversy about
the PPP is, however, related to the kind of politics it represents, or should represent, both inside
and outside the party.
The PPP still enjoys the remarkable distinction of having won a majority of seats in (west)
Pakistan within three years of its existence, i.e. from 1967 to 1970. It was not just a simple
breakaway faction of ruling party, as was the case with earlier parties. Rather, it emerged due to
a public disenchantment with Ayubs political system. Organizationally, the PPP of the late 1960s
both had two features in common: a backing of the rural elite and wide support from the urban
intelligentsia. The Muslim league won over large sections of the landlords in Punjab and also
enjoyed the support of middle class urban group of intellectuals and professionals; who gave the
party its organization and ideology.
The PPP, on the other hand, enlisted the support of emerging medium-scale farmer as well as the
relatively less-privileged urban intelligentsia, which was the relatively less privileged urban
intelligentsia, which was geared towards progressive ideas. The former defeated the exclusively
rural-based unionist party as well as such exclusively urban based parties as khakssar tehrik and
majlis-e-ahrar. The letter defeated such as exclusively rural based parties as Muslim league(s) of
1970 and such exclusively based urban parties as jamat-e-islami and certain religious groups. In
both cases rural support represented the power base because of strength while the urban wing
was responsible for organizational work, such as propaganda, rationalization of the party
programme, image building of the leader and preparation of ideological syntheses.
When in power from 1971 to 1977, the PPPs radical urban intelligentsia was increasingly
alienated, while their curial organizational work was transferred to PPP confidents within the
bureaucracy. On the other hand, the support of landlords was cultivated with renewed vigor.
Bhutto chose to combat the PNA before and after the March 1977 elections with the help of
landlords and bureaucrats. The disgraced intellectuals of his party were no match for the strong
urban based intellectuals of the PNA. In other words, Bhutto heavily relied on the state power
Political parties and pressure groups
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and dispensed with the original street power of party cadres, intellectuals and constituency-level
workers. With most of the landlord elements staying aloof and party activists being thus
Alienated, the 197-1979 campaign to save Bhutto failed miserably, despite his immense
popularity with masses at large. Realizing their future to mobilize the general public, with PPP
high command agreed to forge a board alliance with an earlier adversary, the PNA, in 1981 and
gave birth to the movement for restoration of democracy (MRD). Even since, the PPP has played
its role in the countrys politics from the platform of the MRD, while its internal organizational
problems have continued to produce unrest within its ranks.
The PPP has undergone more change in its role and personality than any other major party in
Pakistan within the last 8 years of, martial law. There are two main reasons for this. The PPP,
unlike other parties, was a ruling party immediately before the present regime took over, and it
went through considerable tension in the process of adjusting to become an ex-government party.
Second, it was the exclusive target of the governments administrative strange hold, which
featured a long internment period of its acting persons and a variety of punishments for its
leaders and workers throughout the country. A bitter debate over the ends and means of the
partys struggle for democracy ensured. It was alleged that active party work had been forced on
progressive workers at the base lane, while top-level party leadership remained in the hands of
upper class politicians. The latter were not concerned with ideological questions and distrusted
party workers completely. In one authors words, there were various groups of ideological and
political in the PPP, belonging to the party cell and inner cell respectively, which fiercely
opposed one another both in Pakistan and abroad. To these factions was added a small group of
Bhutto faithfuls, such as tika khan, rao Rashid and dr. nasir A. sheikh. These, therefore, tended
to command the Bhutto ladies respect and trust to an extent which might otherwise be
considered politically disastrous, due to their subjective-paternalistic approach in contrast to the
original mass line of the PPP.
WHY THE PEOPLES PARTY?
PPP has come into being on the basis of certain principles. Those principles are democracy,
which is our polity. Socialism, which is our economic program. Islam, which is our religion. PPP
is struggling for these principles. These principles dont have the program of the opposition
parties but clearly enunciated these policies in the manifesto of PPP. Pakistan is an agricultural
country and as well industrial. Agricultural and industrial polices is the need for Pakistan
development and bring prosperity for the common man. Economic program is not presented
during the previous governments and wealth of country is concentrated in only 22 families of
Pakistan.
PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY AN INTRODUCTION
The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) was launched at its founding convention held in Lahore on
November 28, 1967. At the same meeting, The Charismatic Leader, Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was
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unanimously elected as the Chairman of the Party. Among the express goals for which the Party
was formed were the establishment of an egalitarian democracy and the application of socialistic
ideas to realize economic and social justice. A more immediate task was to struggle against the
hated military dictatorship at the height of its power when the PPP was formed. The Party also
promised the elimination of feudalism in accordance with the established principles of socialism
to protect and advance the interests of peasantry.
BRIEF HISTORY:
1967 - 2000
Ayub Khan lost at the negotiation table at Tashkent the war that was won by the Pakistan army
supported by the people of Pakistan in 1965. This humiliation enraged the people of Pakistan
against the dictator. Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, a patriot as he has always been, was left with no
choice but to quit the Ayub Government on June 16, 1966. Bhutto was determined to bring down
the dictator who had betrayed the nation.
To achieve this goal, he needed a political organization and a political platform. He waited for
more than a year before he found both; like so many aggrieved politicians before him, he chose
to found his own political party.
The PPP was launched at its founding convention held in Lahore on November 30 - December
01, 1967. At the same meeting, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was elected as its Chairman. Among the
express goals for which the party was formed were the establishment of an "egalitarian
democracy" and the "application of socialistic ideas to realize economic and social justice". A
more immediate task was to struggle against the hated dictatorship of Ayub Khan, who was at the
height of his power when the PPP was formed. Basic principles of PPP enshrined:
Islam is our Faith

Democracy is our politics
Socialism is our Economy
All Power to the People
The Party also promised the elimination of feudalism in accordance with the established
principles of socialism to protect and advance the interests of peasantry.
Immediately after its formation, the PPP spread its message among the workers, peasants and
students throughout Pakistan, who greeted it enthusiastically. While it was still in this process, a
mass uprising broke out against Ayub Khans dictatorship and the PPP quickly moved to play a
leading role in this movement. After Ayub resigned in March 1969, an interim military
government took over and announced elections for December 1970. The PPP contested these
elections on the slogans of "ROTI, KAPRA AUR MAKAN" (bread, clothing and shelter) and
"all power to the people."
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The masses responded heavily to it in the polls, where PPP won 81 of 138 seats allocated to West
Pakistan in the National Assembly (a total of 300 seats were contested for in both wings of the
country ), coming in as the second largest party after East Pakistan - based Awami League. At the
provincial level, it won majority in Sindh and Punjab legislatures.
There were not enough means and time to organize and carry the message of PPP to East
Pakistan. The PPP, therefore, confined its election activities to West Pakistan and fielded its
candidates in that wing.
When Army rulers refused to transfer power to Awami League, which had won an absolute
majority in the national legislature, a bloody civil war broke out in East Pakistan leading to
Indian Military intervention defeating Pakistani Army. The humiliated army Generals had to step
down. Mr. Bhutto took over as Chief Martial Law Administrator and President. Martial Law was
lifted on the following April when interim constitution was passed by the National Assembly
within a short span of four months after assuming office.
During its Government from Dec. 20, 1971 to July 5, 1977, the PPP government made
significant social and economic reforms that did much to improve the life of Pakistans
impoverished masses. It also gave the country a new Constitution and took many other steps to
promote country's economic and political recovery after the disastrous years of military rule. PPP
remained the only concrete hope for a better future of the poor masses. When elections were
called by Mr. Bhutto for March 1977 nine opposition parties gathered together to pool their
strength and formed Pakistan National Alliance (PNA). Although this alliance had several
important centrist parties as its members, it was heavily dominated by the right - wing religious
parties such as the fanatical Jamaat-I-Islami. This gave its election campaign a fundamentalist
coloring expressed through the slogan for " Nizam-I-Mustafa" (Islamic system). PPP promised in
its 1977 manifesto the consolidation of its achievements made during the first term. PNA,
because of its obscurantism, failed to attract the broad masses. All independent estimates
predicated a PPP victory in March.
However, when the election produced this victory, returning 155 PPP. candidates to the 200
members National Assembly as opposed to only 36 PNA candidates (the 7 seats from
Baluchistan were not contested by the PNA), the PNA did not accept the results. (Indeed, in the
face of all predictions, it had said before the elections that it would accept nothing but an outright
victory for itself). Charging rigging and fraud, it unleashed its campaign of violence and openly
called for the military to take over the government. Despite government's offers for compromise
and a settlement for fresh general elections having been arrived at between the Government and
the opposition, the PNA movement did not let up until the military led by General Zia-ul-Haq
staged a coup d'etat and seized power on July 5, 1977.
Bhutto was symbol of Reform and Reconstruction. Bhutto master minded Pakistans first Steel
Mill, a second Port and commissioned Pakistans first hydroelectric dam on the mighty Indus at
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Tarbela. He made Pakistan self-sufficient in the field of fertilizers, sugar, and cement. He
nationalized Banks and Life Insurance Companies; he also initiated Pakistans Nuclear
Programme.
1972 Land Reforms slashed the individual holding to 150 acres of irrigated or 300 acres of unirrigated land. In 1977 the ceiling was further reduced to 100 acres of irrigated and 200 acres of
un-irrigated land.
The Islamic Summit was held in Lahore attended by all the heads of Muslim states. Thus making
Pakistan a center of Islamic Unity. To his credit are the Electrical Mechanical Complex at Wah,
The Aeronautic Complex at Kamrah, and The Kahuta Project for Nuclear Bomb. He made
education up to Matric free, provided books free to the students, provided allowances to
unemployed graduates and two increments to Science Graduates in their salaries, thousands of
Government employees who were not confirmed for over 5 to 15 years were confirmed in their
jobs. The system of part time government employees was changed to whole time government
employees. First May was declared public holiday.
The economic policies of Z.A. Bhutto were anti-imperialist based on state socialism following
the mould of other Third World leaders such as Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Ahmad Soekarno
of Indonesia, and his own contemporary Salvador Allende of Chile who was elected, over thrown
and assassinated during the same period. The Neo-Colonialists made a "horrible example" of
Bhutto for his anti-Imperialistic stance, his efforts to unite Islamic World, and his demarche
towards bringing Third World on one Platform apart from the nuclear issue.
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was a man of multidimensional qualities. He was a political philosopher and
at the same time implemented his political philosophy.
He master minded a political party and made it a mass movement. He was an articulate mass
orator and a superb diplomat. Taking the country out of chaos he was the driving force to
effectively establish organized government machinery. He was never vindictive. He faced death
bravely.
Immediately following the coup, the Martial Law regime let loose a baseless campaign against
the PPP and its leaders. Mr. Bhutto was framed on a murder-conspiracy charge and executed,
rather judicially assassinated-on April 4, 1979. While leading a procession in Lahore the police
hit Begum Bhutto on her head, who had been elected the Acting Chairperson of the Party
following the arrest of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in September, 1977. Benazir Bhutto who was elected
as Co-Chairperson of the party, following the disqualification of Begum Nusrat Bhutto, in
February, 1978 suffered impairment in hearing during incarceration.
Hundreds of party workers were put to death. Thousands were lashed and tens of thousands
suffered long imprisonments and detention in jails and torture cells. Even women were not
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spared. Not a single PPP worker betrayed the party despite temptations by Martial Law
Authorities.
Despite inexplicable repression, PPP survived and indeed, gained in strength. Its own activists
reaffirmed their resolve to fight against the criminal dictatorship. Segments of masses which had
become alienated from it now rallied to its support. The progressive forces outside the PPP
Began to cooperate with it. The leadership of the party was in the hands of Mrs. Nusrat Bhutto
and Benazir Bhutto-Bhuttos widow and daughter respectively who gave it a renewed sense of
radicalism. The PPP Accepted the challenge of General Zia when Ms. Benazir Bhutto
commanded the party workers and supporters that party would fight on all fronts - at the polls as
well as in the field demonstrations, public meetings and protests. So the party participated in the
non-party local bodies elections. It swept the polls throughout the country from Karachi to
Khyber, the urban as well as rural areas, and washed away the impression that PPP has lost its
popularity or mobilization capacity. It paved the way for the political parties to unite.
The proof of the party's centrality to the politics of Pakistan came when nine political parties,
including some which had helped in its overthrow as member of the PNA, united with it in the
Movement for the Restoration of Democracy (MRD). In its first statement issued in February,
1981, the movement demanded the holding of "free, fair, and impartial election". When the
government failed to oblige, the MRD, in the summer of 1983, brought out its followers to
confront the military in the streets of Sindh.
Benazir Bhutto rescued and rebuilt the party from scratch, leading an epic movement for the
restoration of Democracy; her historical welcome in Lahore on 10th 1986 was the turn of the
tide. In the meantime Zia was digging his own grave. He dismissed his handpicked protg
Muhammad Khan Jonejo and dissolved the National Assembly of Pakistan on May 29, 1988. A
few days before his death, while revealing his plans for a presidential system, he told a
confidante "I will be around a long time". Fate intervened on l7th August, 1988 when the C-130,
carrying him crashed in a ball of fire and Zia went from ashes to ashes and his system from dust
to dust.
Public funds running over tens of crores and government. resources were made available to
political parties and individual leaders opposing Pakistan People's Party by the establishment to
bar the way of success of PPP. at the polls.
General Zia-ul-Haq's death in August, 1988, changed the scene. While Zias supporters were in
total disarray following his death. The PPP under Benazir Bhuttos dynamic leadership quickly
mobilized public support. A number of politicians who supported Zia vied to join PPP. Despite
the factors stated above the party did well in the election of November, 1988 but it was not able
to repeat the performance of 1970. It emerged as single largest party in the National Assembly
with 92 of the 207 seats contested in the elections. It was able to secure majority only in one
province: Sindh. It was only with the support of the MQM and some small parties that it was
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able to form a government at the Center with Benazir Bhutto as Prime Minister, the first women
in modern history to head a government of a Muslim country. She was not allowed to work
independently and her government was dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaque on August 6,
1990. She had to work under the constant shadow of President Ghulam Ishaq Khan.
In the general elections held on 24 October, 1990, the Pakistan People's Party suffered defeat due
to massive rigging. The party had formed an electoral alliance with the Tehrik-e-Istiqlal and
Tehrik-e-Nafaz Fiqh Jafria (TNFJ), under the name of Pakistan Democratic Alliance (PDA) The
PPP won 46 of 107 national assembly seats contested by it. Islamic Jamhoori Itehad (IJI) led by
Mian Muhainmad Nawaz Sharif won with majority.
PPP allegations were confirmed by Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, the caretaker Prime Minister in 1990
that the elections were stolen and had been rigged. In Sindh a reign of terror was let loose. So
much so that Asif Ali Zardari was involved in 12 criminal cases including a case of murder of 5
persons. Despite Jam Sadiq and Muzaffar's personal supervision he was acquitted in all the cases,
Jam Sadiq said had I been instructed by the President I would have managed to defeat Benazir.
After the dismissal of Nawaz Sharifs Government in 1973, Benazir Bhutto returned to office,
following long March on Nov. 18, 1992 when Benazir Bhutto was baton charged and arrested.
Many PPP leaders and workers were beaten and arrested by Sharif Government. Benazir Bhutto
once again returned to the office of Prime Minister. Benazir Bhutto had redefined the Party
programme at the Silver Jubilee of the Party at Lahore in November, 1992. The New Social
contract envisaged a social market economy, Privatization of the means of production,
downsizing of the government, devolution of power and decentralization to the level of Local
Government. So Benazir Bhuttos government was dismissed for the second time on November
5, 1996 by her handpicked President Farooq Leghari, who betrayed her as General Zia-ul-Haq
had betrayed her father. In the aftermath of the 1997, engineered elections, Pakistan fell into the
grip of a civilian dictatorship and the Muslim League into the clutches of Sharif family. Sharifs, a
protg of Zia, amended the constitution. Taking advantage of the nuclear tests of May 28, the
government proclaimed an Emergency which enabled the Federal government to impose a
unitary form of Government by arrogating powers of provincial governments to itself. In the
province of Sindh, the country's second largest Province, where the Muslim League was a
Minority party with less than a fifth of the seats in the Provincial Assembly maneuvered to form
government. A similar threat loomed large on the North West Frontier Province where the
Muslim League minority Government had parted ways with the traditionally strong Awami
National Party. The government of the Baluchistan National Party led by Akhtar Mengal was
over thrown. In a bid to concentrate powers in their family, the Sharif brothers maneuvered the
passage of the Shariat Bill i.e. the l5th Amendment (AC 15) in the National Assembly which was
however stalled in the Senate.
Benazir Bhutto is in forced exile these days and her husband Asif Ali Zardari is in jail since
November, 1996 facing bravely a number of cases engineered by Sharif Government. as process
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of victimization, spurred by political vendetta. General Pervaiz Musharraf took over on Oct. 12,
1999 by removing corrupt and inept Government of Nawaz Sharif. In reply to a petition by
Nawaz Sharif in the Supreme Court of Pakistan challenging Army's action of Oct. 12, 1999, the
present regime stated that 1997 election were manipulated by Muslim League, thus vindicating
the specific allegation by PPP. Today almost all political parties and leaders including some
Nawaz Sharif Muslim Leaguers are anxiously awaiting a move by Ms. Benazir Bhutto and PPP.
for the restoration of democracy. It is Benazir Bhutto and PPP who can put the economy and
social and organizational structure of Pakistan on rail again and ensure masses food, shelter,
education and health care and open avenues for job opportunities to the young men of Pakistan.
She will choose her own timing for forcing the Military Junta to retreat and hand over power
back to the people of Pakistan.
WHAT LED TO THE RISE OF PPP?
On November 30th and 1st December 1st 1967, Pakistan peoples party was formed: an event
which was then considered not worth reporting by the press particularly the governmentcontrolled papers. And the same press particularly the government-controlled papers. And the
same press then with in a span of 49 months was encouraging the PPP and its chairman, Z.A.
Bhutto. Such was the phenomenal and unprecedented rise of PPP. Leaders of almost all political
shades and opinions try to analyses the factors responsible of PPPs popularity and quick ascent
to power; they endeavor to imitate its leader in matters of style and substance. But no personality
has so far reached his success-level.
To begin with, one should bear in mind while studying that PPP that its chairman was
inseparable from it. Bhutto in consultation with J.A. Rahim had created the party. All of its
foundation and policy documents were written by them except three which were written by Dr.
Mubashir hasan; hanif ramy and J.A.Rehmans son. Almost all delegates from Sindh were
personally brought to the first convention at Lahore by Bhutto and most of the others from other
provinces were also attracted to the convention by Bhuttos personality. Consequently from day
one, anybody could have perceived the imprint of Bhutto on anything identified with PPP.
Bhutto had become a hero by the time by formed the PPP. So PPP was not responsible for his
popularity; it was the other way round. his many services to the nation were by 1967 an
acknowledged asset of the party. It was not then surprising that when the delegates of the first
convention were name of Z.A. Bhutto. No other name was proposed or has been proposed since
then to replace the Bhutto family from the chair. Conflicts of course have arisen between the
Bhutto family and other leading party members like G.M Jatoi, Sheikh Rashid, mubashir Hassan,
J.A.Rahim, and K.H.Mir but never over the question of chairmanship. The solo exception
perhaps is K.Niazi who objected to Begum Bhuttos becoming the chairperson following
Bhuttos death but quickly became an irrelevant force in Pakistans policy. Consequently Bhutto
was partys undisputed hero, and jeeway Bhutto its most popular slogan.
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WHAT WAS THE SECRET OF BHUTTOS POPULARITY?
Answer is not difficult although many would dispute it. Masses perceived Bhutto as a genuinely
sincere person. As his daughter Benazir herself acknowledges he was not an angel; he may have
made many mistakes in his life. But the thing which continued with him till his last breath in
Rawalpindi district jail was his sincere commitment to improve the lot of people of Pakistan. In
his presidential address at the 1967 PPP convention, he declared his resolve to refer everything to
the PPP. And so he did during the next 12 years. He believed that people alone could finally
settle the issues. No individual held a special mandate from God to lay down the law for the
people of Pakistan.
Bhuttos charisma is not attributable to his looks; smart Paris tailored-suits or his family
background but to his very positions on various issues. And these policies, in turn, had become
the partys policies and accounted for its success. He did not avoid the issues; but as he would
have put it, the issues avoided him as in a similar spirit he once told the supreme court that he
wasnt power-hungry but power was hungry for him.
There was hardly an issue that missed his attention. He talked of moneyed classes and monopoly
capitalists exploitation of masses; of intolerable spread of corruption; of a monstrous
economic system of loot and plunder; of fundamental rights restoration; of Jammu and
Kashmir; of Indian armament; of heroic struggle of Vietnamese people; of American interference
in Pakistans internal affairs; of the infamous Tashkent agreement; of police violence; and of
cultural degradation. In other words, there was hardly in issue which was not addressed by him
and thus his party. The thrust of his approach towards issues was beyond any doubt progressive:
he was anti-imperialist; stood for Pakistans withdrawal from military alliances and called for its
solidarity with the third world particularly china, the Middle East and Vietnam; and proposed
solutions to curb exploitation of industrial workers and farmers. LLis greatest success, however,
was carrying Punjab and younger generation with them.
This latter achievement had an interesting background. Bhutto came into limelight following the
differences he developed with the Ayub regime over the 1965 war ceasefire and the Tashkent
declaration. He constantly harped on the theme that Ayub was opposing and suppressing him to
prevent public disclosure of how and why the Tashkent declaration came about. Ayub initially
tried the carrot approach with him by meeting him on 16th 1966 and offering him an
ambassadorial assignment to France or any other place of (his) choice on specially worked out
terms. Bhutto declined. Ayub then suggested to him setting up of a sugar or jute mill at Larkana
and assured him every facility for the project. Bhutto again declined, telling the president of
his preference to confine (his) family of generations. President Ayub then used the stick
approach and told him that he had not seen the buffets of life to know politics as he is a
young man born with a silver spoon in (his) mouth. Ayub warned him that he would follow him
to grave. It is a different matter that he didnt but someone else did even subsequently Ayubs
attempts to seek rapprochement with Bhutto continued; abdur rehman khan (Ayubs brother-inPolitical parties and pressure groups
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law and ambassador to FRG) anwar afridi and Ayub awan (DIG NWFP and DIB respectively);
altaf hussain (industries minister); governor musa and even Ayubs sons akhtar and tahir Ayub
met Bhutto several times to dissuade him from indulging in politics. Bhutto resisted all offers
and threats which very few of our politicians even today are capable of doing. But Bhutto was
more concerned with his place in history. He by then had experienced the receptions accord to
him in the whole of Punjab, particularly Lahore, following his resignation from cabinet in 1966
and so was convinced of his popularity due to his anti-Indian and strengthening of the armed
forces of the armed forces of the stands. His arrest on November 12th 1968 further increased his
public acclaim.
His constant identification with the student community had own the hearts of the younger
generation. No leader since then has talked of students as the constituent assembly of a
franchise less population of 120 million people. He constantly retired that student cannot be
segregated from the miseries of the masses nor from the frustration of intelligentsia. He is a part
of sorrowful society which the wheel of exploitation grinds.
Thus Bhutto was already set to win by the time he formed his party. Punjab was appreciative of
his courages resistance against Ayub and his sincere commitment to public sentiments like antiexploitation and anti-Indian themes. Nevertheless PPP helped Bhutto in providing him with an
unprecedented platform; it had an intelligent and honest team so much so that despite Zia
regimes best efforts, no charges of corruption were over levied against a single founder member
of the party. People during the PPP governments time indulged in corruption but they were the
opportunist and mostly the feudal elements. The intelligentsia team around Bhutto helped to
build his public image; in other words he had good advisors.
WHAT MADE BHUTTO POPULAR? WAS IT HAS PERSONALITY POLICIES
PARTY?
Actually it was a combination of all three factors. One without the other could not have worked.
Policies alone, sadly enough. Cannot make a leader or a party popular. Many within the outside
the PPP today criticize the Benazir for pursuing anti progressive policies. Without going into the
nature of her policies, one can rightly pose the counter question that why the progressive parties
like the ANP, QMA, MKP, and PSP, PNP and other likeminded groups not making headway
despite their staunch progressive attitudes? Many like an ANP leader from Sindh would wash
away their guilt of Bhuttos execution by voting for him at least once before looking into issues.
A former colleague of Bhutto from Rawalpindi is more cynical when he says that Bhutto
blundered when he suppressed several generals to appoint Zia and himself in the process
became a qalamdar for all times. But the reality is that there is presently no leader of Bhuttos
caliber on the scene. Bring him back and he would address the issues in such a way that he could
strike the right cords in relevant segments of society and combination of policies and his
personality would prove lethal. Perhaps he would also have failed to launch a successful antigovernment agitation; but he would have proved very dangerous to the regime no wonder than
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that he was removed from the scene. But the party is still not yet over, has some find to their
discomfort, and the party formed by him continues to dominate the national political scene.
HOW TO ORGANIZE THE PPP?
Miss Benazir Bhutto should now devote her energies to organize the PPP. Large public
gatherings may be avoided as PPP does not need to repeatedly show its massive support. The
public adulation for the Bhutto family has already been demonstrated effectively during the April
may period in 1986 when mammoth crowds thronged the PPP processions and meetings. What
the party now requires is organizational structure that could help galvanize the next phase of its
struggle. And this organizational work is most actually required in the Punjab.
At the same time, however, major organizational changes should be avoided as PPP appears to
start the next stage of its struggle against the government. I.e. midterm polls by fall of 1986.
Major displacements at this time within the party would obviously antagonize a section of the
party workers who affiliate themselves for various reasons with the former office barriers. In
such a situation displaced workers support in any struggle is not assured as any degree of
success would be attributed to the ability and excellence of the new office barriers. On the other
hand, it can safely be assumed that in the absence of such changes, the new office barriers would
have continued to support the party as they were not expecting any promotions in the foreseeable
future. The above is borne out by reports that some of the affected workers have announced that
if the recently announced organizational changes are not withdrawn then they would consider
joining the political party likely to be formed by the jatoi/khar clique. It can of course be argued
that if it was the degree of their loyalty then it is better that they were removed. But generally
speaking it is a bad strategy to changes generals right before a battle especially when every
individuals support counts.
The PPP since the inception has been criticized for its lack of organization. Despite it has
continued to enjoy public support and in a way its support could be compared with the following
Muslim league enjoyed during the Pakistan movement. But the Muslims of India ignored this
criticism and voted overwhelmingly for a political group which was more a movement than a
political party. Similar is the case of PPP which won in the 1970 and 1977 elections.
Nevertheless this cannot become the excuse for not organizing the party because history does not
always repeat itself. The functional infighting witnessed within the party since Miss Bhuttos
return to Pakistan over trivial matters are not signs of party that has a firm ideological base. The
functionalism and jealousies goes to show the immaturity and insecurity of the local party
leadership as they are nominated and not elected; they endavour to do everything within their
means to please to nominating authorities. This hardly bread initiative. There must be some
reason after all that the government appears relaxed despite miss Benazirs confidence: it takes
comfort from the fact the party leadership (not necessarily the workers) continue to air their
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functional differences in public despite the chairpersons enunciating a clear and major public
goal of holding the national general election by this fall.
HOW COULD A PARTY FORCE A MILITARY BACKED GOVERNENT TO HOLD
ELECTIONS AGAINST ITS WILL WHEN IT HAS SO MANY INTERNAL DISPUTES?
The baffling thing is that the same caetrie of high party leadership accompanies Miss Benazir
Bhutto whatever she goes. One cannot help wondering that when and how these leaders get time
to organizing the party. This trait perhaps can again be attributed to insecurity among these
leaders; they perhaps want to always to be seen with the chair person in order to show their
strength to their rivals and to foreclose any adverse remarks made against them in front of miss
Benazir. It would thus be a much better idea to give the local party leadership a chance to come
in the forefront so that they are strengthened at least locally.
THE LIFE CHAIRPERSON - PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
Political activist with the PPP, 1977-84; repeatedly imprisoned and kept under house arrest by
the Pakistani government; political exile in London, England, 1984-86; returned to Pakistan in
April, 1986; Pakistan co-chair, beginning in 1986; After elections held November 1988, invited
to form the government, became Prime Minister in 1988 but her government was illegally
dismissed in August 1990. She again came to power after her Party won a majority in elections
held in October 1993. Her government was once again dismissed illegally in November 1996.
Since then PPP under her leadership has been subjected to political persecution first by Nawaz's
regime and then by Musharraf regime. The leadership faced all the difficulties with courage and
has remained united under her leadership despite coercion and intimidation.
MANIFESTO OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
Ever since the Pakistan peoples party, led by late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, coined the populist slogan
of roti, kapra aur makan,
SLOGAN OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
According the basic documents approved by the Lahore convention held on November 30, 196
the Pakistan peoples party guiding prinicples were:
Islam is our Faith

ELECTION SYMBOL:
Page 12

The election symbol of Pakistans peoples party is arrow.
FLAG:
CHAIRPERSONS OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
ZULFIQAR ALI BHUTTO

NUSRAT BHUTTO
BENAZIR BHUTTO
BILAWAL BHUTTO ZIRDARI
ELECTIONS RESULTS:
GENERAL
ELECTIONS
VOTING
PERCENTAGE
VOTING
TURN
OUT
SEATING
GRAPH
PRESIDIN
PARLIAMENTRY
G CHAIR POSITION
OF
THE
PARTY
1970
18.6%
6,148,923
81/300
Zulfiqar Ali In government

Bhutto
1977
61.1%
10,148,040
155/200
Zulfiqar Ali Martial

Bhutto
effect
1985
Nusrat
isphani
Page 13
law
in

1988
38.5%
7,546,561
94/207
Benazir
Bhutto
in government
1990
36.8%
7,795,218
44 / 207
Benazir
Bhutto
In opposition
1993
37.9%
7,578,635
89 / 207
Benazir
Bhutto
In government
1997
21.8%
4,152,209
17 / 207
Benazir
Bhutto
In opposition
2002
25.7%
62 / 207
Amin fahim
In opposition
2008
30.6%
10,606,486
124 / 342
Benazir
In government
bhuuto
&
yousuf raza
gillani
2013
15.23%
6,911,218
47/272
Bilawal
Bhutto
zirdari
In opposition
BHUTTO GOVERNMENT:
Under Bhuttos leadership a diminished Pakistan began to rearrange its national life. He removed
the armed forces from the process of decision-making, but to placate the generals he allocated
about 6 per cent of the gross national product to defence. In 1973 the National Assembly adopted
the country's fifth constitution. Bhutto became Prime Minister, and Fazal Elahi Chaudhry
replaced him as President. Although discontented, the military remained silent for some time.
Bhuttos nationalization programme and land reforms further earned him the enmity of the
entrepreneurial and capitalist class, while religious leaders saw in his socialism an enemy of
Islam. His decisive flaw, however, was his inability to deal constructively with the opposition.
His rule grew heavy-handed. In general elections in March 1977 nine opposition parties united in
the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) to run against Bhuttos PPP. Losing in three of the four
provinces, the PNA alleged that Bhutto had rigged the vote. It boycotted the provincial elections
a few days later and organized demonstrations throughout the country that lasted for six weeks.
ACHEIVEMENTS:
Page 14

Shaheed Bhuttos period was the period of reforms in Pakistan. All reforms were focused for
betterment of common person. Here are few of the reforms introduced by Shaheed Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto:
Land Reforms
Labor Reforms
Industrial and Corporate Reforms
Economic Reforms Order
Banking Reforms
Exchange Reforms
Education Reforms
Health Reforms
Law Reforms
Credit Guarantee Scheme
Life Insurance Nationalized
Integrated Rural Development Programme
Peoples Works Program
National Volunteer Development Programme
Revolution in Services
1973 constitution:
Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhuttos first achievement after coming into power was the preparation of a
Constitution. All the major political parties of the country accepted it. The National Assembly
approved the 1973 Constitution on April 10, 1973, and it came into effect on August 14 1973.
Foreign relations:
Even today Bhutto is credited for building up foreign relations with many countries including
China, US, Russia, Iran, and all middle countries in middle East. He was considered a personal
friend by many head of states due to his wide experience first as foreign minister, then president
and prime minister.
OTHER MAJOR ACHEIVEMENTS:
Second Islamic Summit Conference February 22, 1974.

Nuclear Program to Pakistan.
Simla agreement
BENAZIR BHUTTO:
Page 15

Benazir Bhutto A civil servant, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, was appointed President, and Benazir
Bhutto became Prime Minister after the PPP won the general elections held in November 1988.
She was the first female political leader of a modern Islamic state. In August 1990 President
Ishaq Khan dismissed her government, charging misconduct, and declared a state of emergency.
Bhutto and the PPP lost the October elections after she was arrested for corruption and abuse of
power. The new Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif, head of the Islamic Democratic Alliance,
continued the programme of privatizing state enterprises and encouraging foreign investment
begun in the 1980s. He also promised to bring the country back to Islamic law and to ease
continuing tensions with India over Kashmir. The charges against Bhutto were resolved, and she
returned to lead the PPP. In April 1993 Ishaq Khan once again used his presidential power, this
time to dismiss Sharif and to dissolve parliament. However, Sharif appealed to the Constitutional
Court of Pakistan, which stated that Kahn's actions were unconstitutional and reinstated Sharif as
Prime Minister. Sharif and Kahn subsequently became embroiled in a power struggle that
paralysed the Pakistani government. In an agreement designed to end the stalemate, Sharif and
Kahn resigned together in July 1993, and elections were held in October of that year. The PPP
won and Bhutto was again named Prime Minister. Farooq Ahmad Khan Leghari became the new
president in November 1993.
Policies for women:
During the election campaigns the Bhutto government voiced its concern for women's social and
health issues, including the issue of discrimination against women. Bhutto announced plans to
establish women's police stations, courts, and women's development banks. Despite these plans,
Bhutto did not propose any legislation to improve welfare services for women. During her
election campaigns, she promised to repeal controversial laws (such as Hudood and Zina
ordinances) that curtail the rights of women in Pakistan, but the party did not fulfill these
promises during her tenures as Prime Minister, due to immense pressure from the opposition.
Policy on Taliban:
The Taliban took power in Kabul in September 1996. It was during Bhuttos rule that the Taliban
gained prominence in Afghanistan. She, like many leaders at the time, viewed the Taliban as a
group that could stabilize Afghanistan and enable trade access to the Central Asian republics,
according to author Stephen Coll. He claims that like the U.S., her government provided military
and financial support for the Taliban, even sending a small unit of the Pakistani army into
Afghanistan. she took an anti-Taliban stance, and condemned terrorist acts allegedly committed
by the Taliban and their supporters.
ACHIEVEMENTS IN 1988 TO 1990:

Page 16

Land Reforms:
Distributed 35000 acres of land among the landless peasants. Each farmer was given 12.5 acres
of land. The landlords challenged the land reforms in Supreme Court and because of court
intervention the hand reforms were temporarily halted.
More than five hundred political workers, who were economically destroyed by the Zia regime
because of their struggle for democracy, were given small residential plots on official rates.
Housing
Arrangements were made to build 2000 two-room small houses for homeless in every big
city.
One thousand small houses were built in Karachi and handed over to homeless at a price
of 30,000 each payable in small easy installments.
Labor Reforms:
Ban was immediately lifted on trade union activities.

Forty thousand industrial workers previously sacked were reinstated.
Labor wages were increased twice.
Labors were awarded share in the income of their enterprise.
Decision was taken to build labor colonies in every industrial city.
Labors were given the right of pension after retirement.
Health:
It was decided to establish government dispensaries in every Union Council.

Admission and bed fees forced upon during Zias regime were abolished.
Education:
For the very first time in the history of Pakistan, in the budget of 1989-90 the amount
allocated for education was increased.
The education budget was again increased in 1990-91.
Fifty thousand new teachers were employed.
Education made compulsory up to 8th class.
Importance was given to technical and scientific education.
Youth Policy:
Ban on students unions was lifted immediately so that the youth can get training and
develop discipline and achieve organizational expertise during their college years.
To address the problems of youth a separate ministry for youth affairs was established.
Page 17
80 thousands new literacy centers were set up throughout the country.
Women Affairs:
Ten thousands young people were given loans of 50 thousands each to start their own
businesses.
Very first time a separate ministry for women affairs was established to solve their
problems.
Women Bank was established.
Women were given loan facility to start their own businesses.
Computer centers for women were started in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad.
Water & Power:
Electricity was supplied to 4 thousand Villages in twenty months, which is a record.

Electricity supplied to more than 12 lac houses.
Private sector was encouraged and 1 billion $ investment from private sector was
arranged for electric generation.
Ghazi Brotha and Neelam Jhelum projects (1 thousand Mega Watts) were initiated.
To overcome the energy problem an agreement was signed with China for the supply of a
300 MW nuclear Power Plant.
Communication & Production:
Built a Satellite Station connecting Skardu, Gilgit and Gawadur with Islamabad.
Microwave channel was built to connect Karachi and Peshawar.
600 new post offices were opened.
Port Qasim was extended.
Pakistan Steel Mills was extended and its productivity increased.
Employment of 5000 workers were secured by restarting Baluchistan Textile Mills.
Millat Tractors was extended and its productivity increased from 12000 tractors per year
to 18000 tractors per year.
A new plant of Suzuki Cars was constructed.
The lines for 1,50,000 new telephone connections were placed.
18 cities were connected via direct dialling system.
Oil & Gas:
30% increase in production of oil and gas.

Work started to build a refinery.
Industry:
Rupees 3.88 billion petrochemical project started.
Page 18
An assembly plant of Toyota Hi Ace, Jeeps and Cars was started.

Loan facilities were extended for establishing small industrial units.
Limits for investment without government approval, was increased.
Defense:
Two Frigates were handed over to Pakistan Navy.

Pakistan started indigenous aircraft production.
New sophisticated radar system started operation.
Acquired sixty F-16 Planes.
Freedom of Press & Expression
Press laws aimed at censorship lifted.
Journalists terminated from service during Martial Law regime were reinstated.
No objection certificate for journalists to travel abroad was abolished.
Employees of Radio and Television were reinstated.
Religious Services:
An international Secret Conference was held.

The numbers of Pilgrims were increased in 1989. The new Haj Policy was adopted and
over 1 lacs people were sent to perform Haj in 1990.
2 Secret Conferences were held.
Haj flights were initiated from Lahore and Islamabad.
Miscellaneous:
Conference of the Heads of States of SAARC was held in Islamabad.

China announced to extend an interest free loan of 5 crore dollars.
Pakistan rejoined the Common Wealth.
Relations with India normAlised and an agreement of no attack on nuclear installations
was signed.
Russia approved 1 billion dollar for extension of Karachi Steel Mills.
A separate ministry was established for eradication of drug smuggling.
Big drug traffickers were arrested and put behind bars.
South Asian Games were successfully held.
ACHIEVEMENTS 1993-96:
Development:
Built 21,000 primary schools.

Provided 700,000 new telephone connections.
Page 19
Electricity to 18,000 villages.

Airport at Sehwan Sharif.
Airport at Gawadur.
Work on Ketti Bandar Port started.
Construction of Akra Dam providing safe drinking water to the coastal regions of
Mehran.
Foreign Policy:
For the first time the OIC summit at Casablanca adopted a unanimous resolution asking
for a solution of Kashmir dispute in accordance with the UN resolutions.
Adoption of Brown Amendment which partially released the military equipment and
hardware stuck up in the US since long due to Pressler Law.
Law & Order:
Peace in Karachi. A near end to terrorism acknowledged by friends and foes Alike.
Defense:
Agosta submarines for the Pakistan Navy.

Tanks for the Army.
Missile capability developed which was to be announced as the Golden Jubilee gift to the
Nation on August 14, 1997.
Energy:
An end to the load shedding by enlisting the private sector in power development sector
through a uniform policy of tariffs and concessions hailed by the World Bank as a model
for the developing countries.
Completion of the first private sector power plant, HUBCO.
Our 11000 kilometers of gas transmission line completed to provide gas to 240 new
towns and villages.
Oil and gas exploration stepped up. As a result four new oil and gas wells discovered.
Communication:
Laying of the optic fiber along with right bank of Indus.

Introduced cellular telephones, digital pager, satellite dish and FM Radio.
Social Sector:
Countrywide Polio Vaccination Programme-Nearly 100 percent children under the age of
five vaccinated against Polio in three years.
Page 20
A large number of Computer Centers opened - Special centers for women

Recruitment of 33,000 Lady Health Visitors to reduce infant mortality.
Legislation/Northern Areas
Electoral reforms bill adopted for the first time.
For the first time people of Northern Areas given the right to vote.
Women Development:
First time Women Police Stations set up, Women Bank opened and Women Judges
appointed in superior judiciary.
Media:
Complete press freedom.

Sixth Wage Board award announced for the newspaper workers. The award was also
implemented in the APP.
Finance:
For the first time since independence, Cabinet members were forbidden to take loans
from Pakistani Banks.
State Bank of Pakistan made an autonomous organization.
For the first time one billion dollars of debt retired.
From a dismal growth rate of 2.3% in 1992-93 which it inherited, the PPP government
raised the economic growth to 5.2% in 1995-96. The growth rate plunged to 3. I % in
1996-97 after the removal of PPP government, a figure further lowered to 1.3% in the
budget.
Fiscal defcit in the last year of PPP government i.e.1995-96 brought down to 5%, from
8% of GDP which it had inherited.
Tax revenue which were only 7.2% of GDP in 92-93 was raised to 14. I % of GDP in
1995-96. Last year the tax to GDP ratio again fell to 10.2%.
Due to investment-oriented policies, more than 3 billion dollars of direct foreign
investment flowed into the country. As against this the present government has scared
away foreign investment through its mishandling of the IPP issue and freeze on foreign
currency accounts.
A day before the PPP government was dismissal, the stock index was at 1500 points. It
sank to 900 points in August 98.
Welfare:
Haj flights from Multan and Sukkur.

Tens of thousands of jobs provided to the educated but unemployed youth in government
departments, banks, corporations and autonomous bodies.
Page 21

Anti-Narcotics:
Effective anti-narcotics measures and legislation adopted for the first time.
Half a dozen major drug barons extradited.
Death penalty and confiscation of property provided in the law for drug pushers.
OPPOSITION OF PPP IN NAWAZ TENURES:

Benazir Bhutto entered upon another phase of the political career, assuming the role of
opposition leader in parliament. Here she demonstrated greater resilience, imagination, and
capacity to mobilize the masses. Between 1990-93, she adopted three pronged strategy as
opposition leader. First, she made efforts to mend relations with the army, and by the end of
1992, had developed a relationship of trust and accommodation with the military elites, which
was no mean achievement. Second, she was consistent in targeting President Ghulam Ishaq khan,
inside and outside parliament; she missed no opportunity to attack him, portraying the president
as the principal architect of her governments downfall and holding him responsible for
weakening the democratic process in the country. She was skillful in creating a wedge between
the president and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, particularly on 8th amendment issue and
discretionary powers of the president. She continued to put pressure on Glulam Ishaq khan until
he was provoked into a confrontation with the government. Third, she aroused the masses against
the president and the government, and once she had succeeded in winning the president away
from the Nawaz Sharif government, she threatened to lunch a long march of opposition. She
persuaded the military to remain neutral, alleged the government was court, inefficient, and had
rigged the polls, and demanded fresh elections. More important, she cultivated relations with
other opposition parties and leaders opposed to PML (N) and Nawaz Sharif. Finally, between
January and april1993, Bhutto shrewdly exploited the differences between the president and
prime minister on 8th amendment, both of whom sought her support on this issue. During these
few months, she had an opportunity to consolidate close personal contacts with number of
political leaders.
The president dismissed the Nawaz Sharif government in April 1993, on the same charges as he
had earlier leveled against the Bhutto government in 1990.
PPP GOVERNMENT'S ACHIEVEMENTS:

By amending the National Command Authority Ordinance, President Asif Ali Zardari has taken
another important step forward to implement the Charter of Democracy (COD) in its letter and
spirit.
According to the ordinance, the president has delegated decision-making powers of the NCA to
the prime minister. Democratic institutions and parliamentary democracy was strengthening in
Page 22

the country, however, it was being wrongly portrayed by some groups having vested interests as
weakening of the PPP-led government.
Dispelling the impression by some news analysts with regard to the amendment to the NCA as
the surrender of power by the president. Initiative was the fulfillment of the PPP's manifesto
inspired by the dreams of Shaheed Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto as well as the guiding principles of
the COD.
The government was working to achieve the roadmap agreed by the two main political parties of
the country in the Charter of Democracy, signed by Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif on May
14, 2006, in London.
Extracts from the COD, reaffirming "our commitment to democracy and universally recognized
fundamental rights, the rights of a vibrant opposition, internal party democracy,
ideological/political tolerance, bipartisan working of parliament through a powerful committee
system, a cooperative federation with no discrimination against federating units, the devolution
of power, maximum provincial autonomy and the empowerment of the people at the grassroots
level."
"The emancipation of our people from poverty, ignorance, want and disease, the uplift of women
and minorities, the elimination of Kalashnikov culture, a free media, an independent judiciary, a
neutral civil service, rule of law and merit, the settlement of disputes with neighbours through
peaceful means, honoring international contracts and laws/covenants and sovereign guarantees to
achieve a responsible status through a foreign policy that suits our national interests." Some
media spin doctors are trying to mislead the people by spreading rumors, speculations and wrong
interpretation of facts to defame the leadership of the present government. The present
government has achieved a number of landmarks in line with aspirations of the people and the
spirit of COD leading to an enduring democracy in the country.
Some key successes achieved by the government which included the initiation of consultative
and reconciliatory form of government by taking the elected representatives onboard on all
important issues like the war on terrorism, military operation against terrorists and empowerment
of the parliament through constitution of committee system to the extent that the leader of the
opposition has been appointed as the chairman of Public Accounts Committee (PAC). The
constitutional committee under the leadership of Senator Mian Raza Rabbani comprising all
parties represented in the parliament to review and suggest amendments to the constitution
distorted by the successive military and non-representative regimes.
The Committee had so far held 29 rigorous meetings to deliberate upon all contentious
provisions inserted in the constitution through 17th amendment by the previous regime. The
president has taken keen interest in expediting the process of committee proceedings and has
already indicated to have the consensus document to be presented to the parliament in December.
Page 23

This is going to be another landmark achievement of the present government by taking the
course of consultation for consensus-building on key issues of national importance, the antigovernment spin doctors are trying to belittle the achievements of the government with regard to
progress made by the country. The restoration of peace in Swat and Malakand and handling of
the IDPs. The government had launched a number of schemes for alleviation of poverty,
empowerment of women and employment to the unemployed.
The launching of Benazir Income Support Programme worth Rs70 billion, Benazir Employees
Stock Option Scheme in more than 80 state owned enterprises, through which 12% shares worth
more than Rs110 billion have been given to employees, free of cost.
Additionally, Benazir Green Tractors Scheme for small farmers, subsidy to the people in
provision of about 70 items at the Utility Stores, increase in the minimum wages of the workers
to Rs 6,000, revival of trade unions through IRA 2009, restoration of thousands of sacked
employees, regularization of contract employees, National Internship programme, increase in the
salaries of government employees are some other steps taken by the government.
In addition to short term measures, the present government has also launched new policies in the
field of education, textile, power, petroleum and natural resources.
PPP leadership enjoys the credit of addressing the long outstanding issue of Baluchistan.
"President Asif Ali Zardari personally offered apologies to the people of Baluchistan for the
injustices meted out by the previous regimes and we take pride in initiation of process for
restoration of rights for people of Baluchistan through Aghaz-e-Huqooq-e-Baluchistan."
The 39-point initiative of constitutional, political, administrative and economic reforms was
recently presented in the joint sitting of the Parliament, which has won great applause from all
corners of life including the nationalist leadership of the aggrieved province. This has restored
the trust of the people of Baluchistan in the federation of Pakistan which was eroded by the
myopic and arbitrary policies of the past regimes.
The present government has also empowered the people of Gilgit-Baltistan by delegating 61
areas of legislation to the elected representatives of GB legislative assembly and held free, fair
and transparent elections participated by all major political parties. This has not only brought
blooming democracy to the region rather has also demonstrated that democracy can neutralize
parochial and sectarian divides of the society. The present government is not shy of facing the
challenges; it has successfully resolved the issue of net hydel profit of NWFP and Gas
Development Surcharge (GDS) to Baluchistan.
"Our government has already paid Rs10 billion out of total Rs110 billion to NWFP and an
amount of Rs120 billion will be paid to Baluchistan on GDS." It is important to note that the
issue of GDS was pending since early 60s, which has only now been redressed by the present
government.
Page 24

The president advised to remodel the NFC Award by ensuring equity of resources distribution to
all federating units.
The work in this regard is in progress and the NFC Award Committee has already indicated to
reverse previously held rigid positions by some provinces and suggesting a structural revision of
the NFC formula. The present government had practically demonstrated its credentials to uphold
the cause of free media.
It abolished the emergency Pemra Law 2007 and Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani is on record
of having disallowed the recommendations of the Parliamentary Committee regarding retention
of some provisions of the 2007 Pemra Ordinance.
The media in the country is the freest ever in its history even the head of state is subjected to
rigorous criticism and ridicule by the national media which does not happen even in the most
advanced democracies of the world. "Unfortunately, some vested interest are taking undue
advantage of the media freedom and trying to mislead the people by confounding facts with
fiction,"
The detractors of the government should take a breath and look at the performance of the
government objectively and come up with suggestive criticism, which is always welcomed by
the people's government. The government's resolve to work for consultative, reconciliatory and
futuristic vision of democracy in the country.
OTHER POLITICAL PARTIES OF PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY:
PAKISTAN PEOPLES PARTY (SB)
There is an extra ordinary paradox within the original Pakistan peoples party and successor
Pakistan peoples party (shaheed Bhutto). Both keep harking back to the founder Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto. Being the eldest child of founder, Benazir Bhutto claimed the tittle of inheritance after
Z.A.BHUTTO was toppled and then hanged. On that claim she headed de facto the PPP, with her
widowed mother as chairperson. She also headed two elected PPP governments.
Later, a Bhutto son, Mir Murtaza Bhutto, having broken away from elder sister, set up Pakistan
peoples party dedicated to the late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, designating it as Pakistan peoples party
shaeed Bhutto PPP(SB). Mother Nusrat Bhutto moved over to the new edition of the original
PPP, as its chairperson. After the death of Mir Murtaza Bhutto took over. Nusrat Bhutto is now
too old and too sick to hold any position.
It has been an open secret that there was no love lost between the sister and younger brother.it is
also known to the world that Mir Murtaza Bhutto was slain, along with his guards and
supporters, just outside the house where the Bhutto family children grew up togather. Benazir,
Murtaza and others. When Mir Murtaza Bhutto was slain, sister Benazir was the prime minister
of Pakistan.
Page 25

The name PPP (shaheed Bhutto) is used for the faction of the PPP founded and originally led by
late Mir Murtaza Bhutto. The group was formally established in 1995. It claimed to be the true
successor of the party founded by his father Z.A.BHUTTO forty seven years earlier in
November, 1967. Mir Murtaza Bhutto had always opposed the policies of PPP led by Benazir
Bhutto, accusing it of deviating from the basic principles and creed of the party laid down by
founding convention and jealously upheld by the founder chairperson Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
After the 1988 elections, the graph of PPP led by Benazir Bhutto, begain to decline. Mir was in
exile, but he maintained a sustained attack on the then PPP leadership for betraying the ideology
and legacy of shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
There were widespread charges of corruption against the top leadership of the PPPunder the
Benazir Bhutto leadership. It was on alligations on corruption and abuse of state power that the
president ghulam ishaq khan dismissed the Pakistan peoples party government.
The party had been weakened by general discontent among the people party against the party
leadership. As a result the PPP lost the 1991 election. But in the 1993 election, it again returned
to power, through with a thin majority.
Mir Murtaza Bhutto also got elected as a member of Sindh provincial assembly from the safe
ancestral seatin larkana while he was still in exile. He was sharply critical about the way the top
leadership was running the government.
He tried his best to impress upon his sister to desist from acting in manner which was, he
maintained, not conductive to the prevail.
Finally, Mir murtaza Bhutto decided to (by his definition) resurrect and reclaim the party. He
called a national convention which met at 70 Clifton, Karachi on March 15, 1995. The
convention adopted the future course of the party, he main objective was identified as saving the
party and upholding the ideology and the legacy of shahed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
The life chairperson of PPP, begum Nusrat Bhutto nominated Mir Murtaza Bhutto as the
chairperson of new PPP. She added shaheed bhutt to partys tittle, making it Pakistan peoples
party (shaheed Bhutto) or the PPP(SB) as it has come to be generally called.
The convention had drawn representatives of workers from all over the country. It unanimously
adopted a resolution formally electing the nominated Mir Murtaza he
The PPP(SB) has continued to work to achieve what it believes are the objectives set by its
founder chairman shahedd Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
The part received a jolt and setback when on September, 20, 1996 its chairman, Mir Murtaza
Bhutto, was assisinated along with his six commande in a target shooting incident just outside
the family mansion in Clifton, Karachi. This was the time when his own sister prime minister of
Page 26

the contry. The provincial government of Sindh was headed by a PPP man, the trusted insider
Abdullah shah, now alleged to be absconding.
On the insistence and request by central committee of PPP(SB), provincial, districts and grassroot bodies and workers of the party, the widow of Mir Murtaza Bhutto, ginwa Bhutto took over
the office of the chairperson of PPP(SB) on November 30, 1996.
In 1997, the PPP (SB) took part in general elections held on February, 1997. The party secured
one seat in national assembly and two seats in Sindh provincial assembly. Ghinwa Bhutto has
been steering the party, consistently advocating the philosophy of devolution of power to people
at the grass root level.
At present the Ghinwa Bhutto is also the chairperson of Pakistan national conference, an alliance
of six like-minded parties belonging to the inclined political parties including national workers
party, Pakistan awami party, communist mazdoor kisan party, Pakistan labor party and siraiki
national movement.
The basic principles of the PPP-sb are the same as adopted by the partys founding convention in
1967.
Islam is our Faith

Membership of the party is granted to a person who reposes full confidence in the mottoand in
the basic resolution and founding documents of the PPP as founded by shaheed Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto. The partys membership card has the partys basic principles inscribed on it. The
duration of the vAlidity of the card is for two years.
It will be recalled at the original PPP was founded on November 30, 1967 at a convention held at
Dr mubashir hassans residence, 4-k, gulberg, Lahore. The convention elected Zulfiqar Ali
Bhutto as chairman of the Pakistan peoples party and J.A.Rahim as the secretary general.
AL-ZULFIQAR:
Al- Zulfiqar was a terrorist organization founded in kabulin February 1981 by Murtaza Bhutto,
which grew out of Pakistan liberation army which had been established by Murtaza and his
brother shah Nawaz. It sought the overthrow of Zia regime and drew on support from Libya and
Afghanistan. It claimed responsibility of a number of acts of sabotage and for the assassination
of such Zia supporters as chudhari zahur elahi.
NATIONAL PEOPLESS PARTY:
Page 27

This party was founded in august 1986 by ghulam Mustafa jatoi, a former Sindh PPP president
who had left the party after disagreement with Benazir Bhutto, and in august 1990 following her
dismissal he was appointed the acting prime minister. The IJI fought the elections separately
from the COP label of jatoi. The NAP joined the ruling coalition, but in March 1992 it was
expelled by Nawaz Sharif because of jatois alleged cooperation with the PPP his government.
By the October 1993 elections. However jatoi had quarreled with Benazir and was out in the
cold. Although he secured the elections of his Nushero Feroze sindhi constituency, this was the
NPPS only success.
PPPs ORGANISATIONAL DECLINE:
In a sense, all PPP style leftist parties tend to undergo a change after coming to power. The
socialist governments of President Mitterrand in France, Andreas Papandreous in creace, Philip
Gonzales in Spain, Julius nearer in Tanzania and the bath party in Iraq and Syria have shed some
of hardline positions on ideological or foreign policy issues after coming to power. The
difference between the PPP and other leftist parties lies in the formers inability to regain its
large mass constituency after it was deposed. This was due mainly to the continuation of the
party hierarchy of the earlier period when PPP was in government, after it had displaced the
original party stalwarts. That meant that the party was no longer capable of launching a
mobilization campaign effectively to compel the state to negotiate with it once again. Nor is it
likely to attain such capability in the near future. What it badly lacks now is the urban
intelligentsia, which operated as a transmission belt between the rural elite and constituencylevel party workers. It is no surprise, therefore, that the organizational and ideological work of
the PPP is in a stumbles, and no clear thinking on domestic and foreign issues is forthcoming
from any quarter within the party.
The party leadership in London miserably failed to produce a consensus on the partys program
and future strategy. While the mental of leadership is securely placed on the shoulders of
Benazir Bhutto, a war between different factions has been going on. It is basically an intra-elite
struggle, wherein each faction has been trying to propagate an ideological stance. Much has been
said about Benazirs inability to integrate these factional grouping into a coherent whole. The
problem, however, seems to be rooted I the dissipation of party leadership in the face of most
devastating political repression in the country under the Zia regime.
We can outline three aspects of the present dilemma of the PPP. First, the party is a serious
contender for power unlike the most other parties in Pakistan. That means that it must be a
movement party once again, because in Pakistans non democratic political framework the
only way of entering the state system is by opening up the gates of constitutional rule via
elections. However, the PPP has yet to make a transition from a pro-status quo position back to
the one of a movement party. The present functional squabbling is rooted essentially in this
status quo orientation. The absence of clear mobilization goals has pushed the contending groups
in the party to search for its failings from 1977 onwards and to present a confused future strategy.
Page 28

Second, there is a serious organizational gap between the leadership and the workers, resulting in
the absence of guidance for action, lack of opinion-making at the popular level and overall
psychic anarchy. The gap is a result of the removal of the earlier leadership from the party and
the ascendancy of a post 1971 leadership within the country with whom party workers find it
difficult to identify; the most significant reason seems to be the diminished power of intellectuals
in the party. The longer this gap continues, the more difficult if becomes for Benazir Bhutto and
her close associates to forge together the disparate elements in the party. While leaders exist and
workers abound, the integration between the two can only be effected through organizational and
ideological work, which is usually the preserve of the intelligentsia. PPP can be considered weak
on this account, more than it has ever been since its inception. The organizational breakdown of
the party can therefore be ascribed to non-functioning of the vital wing of intellectuals.
NEW FORCES:
Third, the PPP has yet to come to grips with the fact of the 1985 elections and the emergence of a
parliament. The legislators, who claim to have mass popularity and who are engaged in a
relatively uninterrupted process of putting some institutional pressure on the overall frame work
of martial law with the aim of removing it, are an ambivalent category of political leaders, quite
a few of whom have come from PPP ranks. The political struggle for this party is thus becoming
a morass of conflicting forces, each with confusing aims. The partys thinking on the legitimacy
of sitting members of national and provincial assemblies is far from clear and by no means
geared towards action against them. On the other hand, the PPP cannot afford to forget the
peculiar electoral framework imposed by president Zia which has given rise to the brand of
politicians via the electoral exercise of February 1985.
A serve test of the PPPs maturity as a party will come in the event of a conditional revival of
parties. Being a non-registered party and the bearer of Bhuttos legacy, all efforts are being made
to eliminate it from the political scene. Will the party leadership opt for a more radical approach,
or will it try to seek an accommodation with the ruling elite on this issue? Will it search for allies
among members of various assemblies? Will it try to go at it alone, or will it at some point
abandon fellow members of MRD? Indications are that Benazir will find it hard to change the
existing balance between the radicals and conservatives. Also, bestowing legitimacy on the
elected members of the assemblies will lead to a moral crises and Alienate it from the rest of the
MRD. It seems the leadership, ideological orientation, and organizational structure of the PPP
will continue to remain unchanged in the foreseeable future. Perhaps its leadership is content to
bid its time until destiny calls. Benazirs return home after shah Nawaz Bhuttos death continued
to bother the regime, the latter cannot risk facing her in the political arena. The gradual
civilization of the regime from the February 1985 elections owns wards seem not to have
changed the military juntas conflict-resolution approach. As far as the internal organizational
matters of PPP are concerned Benazir tends to under play them. In her view it is the oppressive
nature of president Zias regime which calls for immediate response. For mass mobilization, she
is content to play with Bhuttos charisma which she fully represents. That in turn might lead her
Page 29

to view Pakistan politics and PPP in terms of immediate result orientation, instead of long-term
management of organizational and ideological matters. In other words leadership roles would be
filled in by those who were inducted into the party by Bhutto after it come to power, having little
contact with constituency-level workers as well as party-cadres and intellectuals. The
momentous task faced by Benazir, therefore, is to link mass-based leaders and workers with
middle and top leadership in the party. It is difficult to say how far she will concede the initiative
to the workers in organizational matters. But one thing is certain. With her own position firmly
established, it is the so-called party faithfuls and not personal confidants who are going to be
Benazirs real asset in her political career.
PPP- AN ALTERNATIVE POWER STRUCTURE TO MILITARY:
At the time of PPP was founded in 1967, the supremacy of military in politics of Pakistan was
well-established and the doctrine justifying the role in politics well-developed. However, the
doctrine came to be questioned during the anti-Ayub movement ignited by the economic policies
Ayub pursued and ramparent corruption of his regime. Bhutto correctly diagnosing this
disaffection founded the people party that swept the elections of 1970 in West Pakistan. For the
first time in the history of Pakistan an alternative power structure to military dominated power
structure emerged threatening the domineering position of the military in politics.
Besides the conflict in the political interests, the ideologies and the perceptions of the military
and the PPP were also opposed to each other. The party and chairperson thought that electoral
victory of this party gave him the right to impose effective control on powerful military defined
as the national interest. This obviously was not compatible with the rule of guardian of PPP also
proclaimed to establish and strengthen peoples democracy, and introduce several reforms
including land reforms. These changes were unacceptable to the military. A significant portion of
its officer class came from landowning class. Some had become themselves absentee landowners
due to the allotment policies of Ayub concerning lands opened new barrages.
Thus, after the elections of 1970 basic conflict of interest has developed between the military and
the PPP conducive for a smooth transfer of power from the former to the letter. The militarys
distrust of PPP and its reluctance to transfer power to it is graphically reflected during transfer of
power after fall of East Pakistan. Yahiya and his colleague tried not to transfer power to PPP. The
transfer occurs only after a split occurred in the military top brass and the young officers at the
GHQ threatened a coup against Yahiya.
After assuming power and during his rule Bhutto took several drastic and radical steps to assert
his and his partys control over the military. They included sacking of a score of generals,
restricting of the military command leading to the abolition of post of C-in-C, the removal of the
then COAS and air chief in a clandestine way, the appointment of junior but apparently loyal
general to the position of COAS in 1976, and establishment of federal security force (FSF) which
appeared to the military to be a rival organization. These measures did not endear Bhutto and his
Page 30

party to the military elite. Some measures were carried out in a way causing humiliation to the
leaders of his powerful institution. However, constrained by the situation in which it was since
East Pakistan debacle, the military did not react to this measure immediately and sharply. As it
resentment against PPP accumulated, it finally led the army to stage a coup against the Bhutto
government. It chooses a time for the coup against the Bhutto government. It choose the time for
the coup when it found the party and its leader weakened due to their Alienation from a
significant segment of urban strata because of the authoritarian tenor of PPP rule and myopic
policies particularly the conduct of 1977 elections.
The overthrew of the first PPP government by then COAS gen. Zia the execution of Bhutto,
which a former colleague of general Zia, general Arif now calls a national tragedy, the
persecution of PPP leaders and workers during Zia rule, blocking of all avenues for the PPP to
function as a normal political party or return to power through elections further fortified
antagonistic relations between the military and the PPP. The chasm appeared to have become
unbridgeable.
CONCLUSION:
Ever since the Pakistan peoples party, led by late Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, coined the populist slogan
of roti, kapra aur makan, and decided to contest the 1970 elections from a progressive and
socialist platform, the deluge of peoples power cut across the traditional system. The paradox
later to assert itself was that the stage was dominated by feudal. However, neither the politics in
Pakistan nor the country has been same again.
Bhutto had formed the PPP after he had resigned from the Ayub cabinet in 1966. Apparently due
to differences over Tashkent agreement. This was the time when sheikh Mujeeb ur Rehmans
rapidly escalating following the East Pakistan, had put the country unwittingly aided by the
misplaced and short-sighted attitude of the central government.
The convention at Lahore in which eminent socialist and human right activists sat alongside the
traditional landlords, had taken a strong line on Kashmir an on relations with India generally.
Conscious of the virtues of posturing in politics, the convention demanded that resolution of
Kashmir issue, on the basis of relevant UN resolutions, recognizing the right of selfdetermination, should be made the number one condition for normalization of relations with
India. It had also demanded that the country should with draw from the America serving south
East Asia treaty organization (SEATO) and central treaty organization (CENTO) the two
America dominated military pacts.
According to 1970 elections manifesto, the PPP had pledged not to frame laws repugnant to
Islam and Quran. It believed that equality of Muslims enjoyed by Islam could be possible only
in an economic and social structure so built as to realize it in practice.
Page 31

The party aimed to introduce real democracy for which the first condition was the abolition of
privileges and the transfer of power to people. It believed that political privileges were
inseparably related to economic privileges inequalities.
In calling for the socialist solution to the countrys problems the PPP manifesto proclaimed that
the only correct way to deal with them was to change (a) the exploitive capitalist structure, and
(b) Pakistans situation as an underdeveloped country within the neocolonialist power sphere.
The ultimate objective of the partys policy was the attainment of classes society which it
thought was possible only through socialism.
It stood for an independent foreign policy as an indispensible instrument for safeguarding and
promoting national interest in the sphere of international relations.
The PPP had declared that towards India, a policy of confrontation would maintained until the
question of KashMir, Farakka, Beruberi (in East Pakistan, now in Bangladesh), and other
pending matters are settled. Entirely in consonance with the principle of supporting liberation
movements, Pakistan will support the cause of the people of Assam who are fighting for their
independence.
The Tashkent declaration will be repudiated, being a treaty exported under duress. No
negotiations may be conducted under the cover of this invalid treaty.
The party stood for mixed an economy. The ultimate objective of the partys policy was
attainment of a classs society through socialism. However, it was within the public sector that all
the major sources of production of wealth were placed.it pledged to place in public sector that all
the basic industries such as iron and steel, nonferrous metal, heavy engineering, machine tools,
chemicals and etc.
But when the party came to power, in extraordinary circumstances and after the country had been
fragmented, it looks radical steps through controversial nationalization of financial and
educational institutions. These measures were termed by the critics as the cause of economic
difficulties, perhaps the criticism was half-truth, if seen in retrospect.
The PPP also stood for local self-government in the accepted sense of the management of local
affairs by elected representatives of the citizens living within the area. The PPP claimed that the
so-called the system of basic democracies, introduced by Ayub khan, was a perversion of local
self-government. That system was meant to bolster the edifice the corrupt leadership.
The PPP promised that the local bodies under the socialist regime would compromise urban
municipalities and agglomerations, in convenient sizes, of rural areas, corresponding somewhat
to district councils. Cooperative farms would be represented in such agrarian local bodies, which
would have more or less the same responsibilities as the type of local self-government commonly
Page 32

in vogue in advanced countries. But Greater emphases on foreign policy issues by government
kept the peoples attention discarded from real issues.
The party, which had secures highest percentage of votes in what was at that time west Pakistan,
came to power when the country had not yet overcome the truma of dismemberment. It was
obliged to enter into delicate negotiations with India for the release of POWs, which resulted in
the Shimla accord. It could also boast on the building a consensus for the adoption of 1973
constitution and consciously pursuing the nuclear option.
But as time passes by, and government took decisions against the ANP governments in the
NWFP and Baluchistan, the language crises in Sindh and the police strike, its grip over things
gradually eroded. Its grasp over economy suffered owing to utopian approach of its stalwarts.
Political polarization in the domestic sphere was compounded by confrontation with the west
over the issue of china. Even more delicate was the nuclear on which the western powers were
far from happy with the PPP. This was the girm pursuit of an independent foreign policy. It
cost the Z.A.BHUTTO government dearly and enabled the axis between the opposition and
establishment to become strong enough to dislodge him in a military coup.
That was the beginning of long period of military rule, ethnicity, and proliferation of illicit
weapons, heroin and terrorism. Z.A.BHUTTO was subsequently hanged for complicity in
controversial murder case. The leadership of the party was assumed by Z.A. Bhuttos wife,
begum Nusrat Bhutto who, along with her daughter Benazir Bhutto, kept it Alive.
In June 1986, the oxford-educated Benazir Bhutto, who had gone into self-exile after her father
execution, landed at Lahore and led a mammoth procession, even bigger than her fathers, and
gave a new life to another phase of peoples power.
In 1988, elections the PPP agenda basically remained the same as it promised to end poverty,
eliminate slums, illiteracy and ill health, economic and social injustice and unite the nation
bitterly divided by ethnic sectarian differences.
It drew public attention towards a grave crises striking at the very roots of the country which it
believed had emerged with the illegal overthrew of the elected government of the people, the
assassination of popularly elected prime minister and savior of the nation who brought took the
90,000 prisoners of war with honor and saved Pakistan when earlier military dictator ship had
dismembered it.. The main thrust of party was against military rule and the policies pursued by
general Zias military government.
The PPP assumed power with its wings clipped by the military dominated establishment.
Benazir Bhutto took oath as prime minister but insider said she had no control over the foreign
policy, including afghan and Kashmir policy, nuclear and financial matters. Two years later, the
Benazir government was removed on charges of corruption.
Page 33

The general elections threw up Mian Nawaz Sharif, as prime minister. He was a former chief
minister of Punjab during Zias years s also during Benazir government.
In the game of power politics, the PPP was advised to form a coalition with the MQM, both at
the center and also in the Sindh province where the PPP was in a commanding position for form
government without any non-PPP support. But the romance with the MQM did not last. Soon the
stalwarts of both parties were fighting pitched battles in the streets of Karachi.
While still in the coalition with PPP, the MQM secretly stuck a deal with Nawaz Sharif, the rich
rival of the PPP. The MQM voted against Benazir Bhutto when the non-confidence motion was
brought against her.
In 1993 the Nawaz government was removed, on charges quite similar to those that had proved
the undoing of the Benazir government. general elections were ordered.
This tie round, the PPP pledged to create public private partnership to achieve the full
potential of the market forces for economic development and social progress.
The party claimed that its new social contract was aimed at ensuring a balance in the powers
and functions of federal, provincial and local governments.
While pledging to continue that peaceful nuclear policy, it gave utmost importance to
development of highly trained, professional, modern and well equipped armed forces, require for
the defense and internal security of the country.
It rejected the idea of Pakistan unilaterally signing the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT),
and pledged to work for a mutual arms reduction treaty with India. Development of peaceful uses
of nuclear energy one of the main elements of the nuclear policy. Friendship with china remained
the corner stone of its foreign policy and relations with central Asian states gained importance.
It considered the self-determination for the people of Kashmir a national issue, above internal
political differences. The PPP affirmed its support for a peaceful solution of the Kashmir issue in
accordance with the principles embodied in the UN resolutions and in negotiations agreed upon
at Shimla.
It promised that its privatization policy would be geared to achieve full participation of the forces
of the production, social development and an end to monopolies.
Although it promised to be about reduction in defense expenditure through mutual arms of
reduction treaty with India, the party fully supported modernization of the armed services for
effective defense against outside aggression.
In 1997 the PPP presented its agenda for change and adopted a seven-pronged strategy to rid
the country of devastation caused by the policies of general Zia and his political successor
Page 34

Nawaz Sharif. It was generally seen as a repudiation of the list of allegations leveled against the
PPP government as ground of its dismissal.
Affected by the controversial 8th amendment, the PPP government pledged to do away with it.
This time the emphases were on alleviation on human misery, despair and on the development of
infrastructure and human resources on a large scale. The political agenda included structural,
electoral institutional and constitutional reforms that had become vital not only to radically
transform the relationship between the state and society but also to find a stable basis for national
security.
It believed that decades of dependence on foreign resources mobilization strategy had completely
arrested the creativity of the people. And the isolation and remoteness of the people of Pakistan
and their elected representatives from the task of shaping their own destiny was evident from the
IMF conditional ties.
It felt that the most economic problem facing the nation was the staggering public debt. It
pledged that all proceeds from privatization of public sector units, especially infrastructure
projects, would be used exclusively for the retirement of public debts.
The PPP believed the continuation of its agenda for change for sustaining Pakistan, its
democratic institutions, for the alleviation of human misery, despair of development of
infrastructure and human resources on a large scale. Along with structural, electoral, institutional
and constitutional reforms had become vital not only to radically transform the relationship
between the state and society but also to find a sustainable basis for national security.
The PPP believed that through structure adjustments periodically entered into by successive care
taker governments, even the elite and national bureaucracy had forfeited decision making rights.
The power a authority had passed on to foreign institutions.
The PPP saw that owing to periodic military interventions, special disparities has aggravated.
The distinction between the needs and wants was disappearing fast. Growing demand of the
unessential items was resulting in moral degradation of all sections of society. All this was
providing a fertile ground for extremist elements who promised a revolution.
The PPP therefore stressed that the state, has to provide a policy frame work, as well as
resources, to act through a grand coalition of non-governmental organization of people, financial
institutions, co-operatives and decentralized government agencies, all working in tendem under
new norms, so that the worker strata of society are meaningfully empowered.
It believes that a lasting solution has to be found to get out of a debt demographic- dictatorshipdehumanization help with a debt retirement plan, bringing population growth to less than 2% and
has consolidating democratic governance. A dynamic balance has to be found between
Page 35

democracy and development, rural and urban areas, the federation and the provinces and the
provinces and the districts, authority and accountability.
A sustainable model of development, high rates savings and investment for a much needed
higher growth rate should help eradicate poverty and underdevelopment. In the meanwhile peace
in the region and equitable and collective end to lethal arms race, accompanied by the just
resolution of disputes, could release tremendous resources to bring prosperity for the hundreds of
the millions of people living below the poverty line in the sub-continent.
Page 36

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