Title Page

Name: Rike Semple

Class: Lower 6 B
Subject: Geography
School: Queens College
Date: 2013/10/14

 Content Page

Introduction
Anti-natalist and Pro-natalist Policies
What are Anti-natalist policies?
What are Pro-natalist policies?
Chinas One Child Policy
History of the policy
Nature of the policy
Reasons for the policy
Benefits of the policy
Mechanism
Penalties
Effects / issues
Exceptions
Results of the policy

Swedens Pro-natalist Policy

History, Nature and Reason of the policy
Mechanism
Effects /Result

Bibliography

 Introduction
Nativity in the Western world dropped during the interwar period. Swedish sociologists Alva and Gunnar
Myrdal published Crisis in the Population Question in 1934, suggesting an extensive welfare state with
free healthcare and childcare, to level the number of children at a reproductive level for all social
classes. Swedish fertility rose throughout World War II (as Sweden was largely unharmed by the war)
and peaked in 1946.
Today, Sweden has generous family politics, as well as a growing population.
Nicolae Ceauescu's Communist Romania severely repressed abortion (the most common birth
control method at the time) in 1966[11][12] and forced gynecological revisions and penalizations for
unmarried women and childless couples. The birthrate surge taxed the public services received by
the decreei generation. The Romanian Revolution of 1989 was followed by a fall in population growth.
Some countries with population decline offer incentives to the people to have large families as a means
of national efforts to reverse declining populations. Some nations such as Japan, Singapore, South
Korea, and Taiwan have implemented, or tried to implement, interventionist natalist policies, creating
incentives for larger families among "native stock." Immigrants are generally not part of natalist
policies.

Anti-natalist and Pro-natalist Policies

What are Anti-natalist policies?

Anti-Natalist Polices are sets of rules that were made by countries that are concerned about overpopulation. This philosophy has been propounded by Arthur Schopenhauer. Anti-natalist policy is viewed
by proponents as the solution to overpopulation, depletion of resources and famine.
The aim of anti-natalist policies is to decrease the total fertility rate, as well as the crude birth rate, in
order to slow the population growth. These policies are seen in countries of rapid population growth like
China, India, or a few decades ago Singapore.

What are Pro-natalist policies?

Pro-natalist policies, in some form or other, have existed since ancient times and were justified on
grounds of high mortality conditions; they flowed from a populationist philosophy which equated power
and prosperity with large numbers.
The expansionist motivation in population policy reached a climax in Germany, Italy and Japan during
the period between the two World Wars.
The measures adopted for this purpose included intensive pro-natalist propaganda, cash payments and
honoring of motherhood the repression of birth control, the regulation of emigration, the enactment of
"eugenic laws" and drives for larger native and racially "pure" populations.
In modern times, several developed countries provide examples of pro-natalist policies, though each has
different motives and different approaches.
Pronatalist policies or practic encourages the bearing of children, especially government support of a high
erbirthrate.

 CHINAS ONE CHILD POLICY

HISTORY OF THE POLICY
Birth control in the 1950s
Soon after the formation of the Peoples Republic of China in 1949, government officials began to
grapple with the issue of population control. Faced with growing numbers and the need for more
laborers, leaders initially did little to reduce the nations fertility rates. Some of them believed that if
the government told people to reduce their fertility, a stable population size could quickly be
achieved. According to author Judith Banister in Chinas Changing Population, Chairman Mao Zedong
said in a 1957 speech that he wished for the population to stay at 600 million for many years.
Leaders soon realized that population control would require a long-term, proactive approach, and in
the lead-up to the Great Leap Forward in 1958, laws banning birth control, sterilization, and abortion
were repealed, and China started to mass produce and distribute contraceptives, including, condoms,
diaphragms, and spermicidal jelly. Public interest was low, in part because many of the available
contraceptives were low in quality, but also because of a general reluctance to discuss issues of sex
and family planning. According to Banister, by 1958, the nations supply of contraceptives was
sufficient to meet the needs of only 2.2 percent of all couples of childbearing age.
The famine of 19591961 temporarily derailed the nations family planning efforts, but once the
country began to show signs of economic recovery, leaders implemented a new birth control campaign.
Effort included the renewed production of contraceptives and massive media campaigns promoting late
marriage, low birth rates, and the use of intrauterine devices (IUDs) and vasectomies to limit fertility.
After the Cultural Revolution
In 1964, the first national Family Planning Office was established to oversee Chinas fertility reduction
programs, many of which focused on urban areas with modern medical facilities and access to supplies
of birth control. Government officials also had more control in cities to monitor residents, enforce
policies, and threaten those who did not comply. Banister reports that by 1966, many cities in China
had experienced a significant decrease in their fertility rates. Rural areas remained largely untouched
by family planning efforts until after the Cultural Revolution of 19661969, at which time many of the
urban family planning networks expanded their control into the surrounding towns and countryside.
Foundation for the One-Child Policy
Although many of the nations family planning programs were derailed during the Cultural Revolution,
by the early 1970s, the nation was again in a position to promote fertility reduction. This time around,
several factors aligned to increase the success of the programs. Since the onset of family planning
efforts 15 years before: - Much of the adult population had been exposed to information about
contraceptives; - Factories were in place to produce the needed contraceptives; - The government had
a better understanding of various contraceptive, sterilization, and abortion techniques due to several
years of research; - Government programs had trained millions of barefoot doctors, health aides, and
midwives to move throughout the country promoting the use of birth control. By the late 1970s, China
had experienced significant success in increasing the use of birth control and reducing fertility rates
Attempts to slow down population growth were started in the 1970s using the slogan Later, longer,
fewer. People were encouraged to limit families to two children. Still, government officials worried
about the predicted 1 percent annual growth of the population, due to disproportionately large
numbers of young people. In 1978, the government set the goal of a zero population growth rate by the
year 2000. Soon, their focus turned to limiting the number of children per couple to one.

 Nature of the Policy

The anti-natalist policy called One Child Policy was introduced in 1979 to solve economic, social and
environmental problems. In this policy women are restricted to having only one child else be punished
by the law unless they have a specific reason such as twins. These punishments could be fees or less
governmental support and in some cases even forced sterilization. On the other hand the government
introduced incentives to persuade adults to adhere to the rules. It is estimated that without these
family planning policies there would be 400 million more Chinese people today and clearly the crude
birth rate decreased a lot.

Reasons for the policy

Chinas reasons for the One Child Policy include:

1. Combat population explosion.

Imbalances between population and available resources. China has 7% of the worlds agricultural
land and 23% of the worlds population.
2. To encourage economic development
Improving the standard of living for the population.

Benefits of the Policy

Birth rate of the country is lowered

The country achieved 400 million fewer births during the past 30 years (according to government
claims)
More affordable living (since there is only one child per family to care for)
The country was lifted out of a youthful population

Mechanism

Law introduced to limit the number of births applied to the Han majority (90% of the population)
but not the ethnic minorities.
Cash bonuses, improved housing and free education/medical care if couples limit themselves to
one child.
Free birth control and family planning advice.
Age limits and certificates for marriage. Couples would have to apply for marriage certificates.
Anyone housing more than one child lost benefits and faced financial penalties (generally 3 their
salary).

Penalties
The rigorous one child policy also has penalties after the birth of a second child. These include:

The loss of benefits such as cash bonuses and free education;

Heavy fines generally 3x larger than their salary.
Forced abortions and treats of sterilization.

 Effects / Issues
Demographic Structure
Future ageing population and high dependency ratios.
Shortage of economically active age group.

Gender Structure
Ratio of 117 males for every 100 females among babies from birth through children of four years
of age. Normally, 105 males are born for every 100 females.
By 2020, an estimated 30 million men will be unable to find a wife and have a child earning them
the title Bare branches.

Civil Liberties & Human Rights

Women pregnant for a second time often coerced into having an abortion or sterilization
particularly during the early years of the policy.
Granny Police were recruited in settlements to spy on people in their community who might be
trying to keep a pregnancy secret.

Civil Unrest
Opposition in rural areas, where stronger requirements for sons to work in fields, continue family
name and look after parents in their old age, exist.
Reports of gender selective abortions, hidden children, abandoned girls and, in rare cases,
female infanticide.

Little Emperor Syndrome

Indulged and closeted boys who are often arrogant and lacking in social skills.

Exceptions

In rural areas if the first child is a girl, then a couple can have a second child.
If the first child is unhealthy, a couple can have a second child.
If both parents are only children, they can have two children.

Results of the Policy

Total fertility rate has declined from 6.2 in 1950 to 1.6 in 2009, which is below replacement
level. The rate of natural increase has declined to 0.5% from 2.2% in the 1970s.
Policy has met the most success amongst urban populations. It has been less successful in rural
areas where families have continued to have 2 or 3 children.
It is estimate that without the policy there would have been an extra 400 million Chinese
people born between 1970 and 2009.
The reduction in the rate of population growth during the 1990s was accompanied by a
noticeable rise in GNP.
Greater equality for women as status is enhanced. Women are offered more opportunities for
gaining greater knowledge.

 Swedens Pro-natalist Policy

History, Nature and Reason of the policy
Swedish family policy emerged out of concern with a low birthrate and pro-natalist goals in the 1930s,
this has not been an objective since World War II (Palme, et al., 2002; Greve, 1999; Palme and
Wennemo, 1998; Ditch et al., 1996).
Sweden experienced a major economic crisis in the early/mid 1990s. Economic growth was negative for
some years and real GDP fell. Its unemployment rate "exploded" in the early 1990s reaching a high of
more than 8 percent, four times the rate during the 1980s. The cost of unemployment benefits rose
dramatically and the budget deficit "boomed." Sweden is one of the leaders in Europe in population
aging and beginning in 1998 reformed its generous old age pensions system. During these years when
the economy was under pressure and unemployment rose, the child poverty rate increased from 6.0
percent in 1990 to 8.5 percent in 1994, using the U.S. absolute poverty measure and 2.6 percent using
the relative poverty measure (less than 50 percent of median income). The rate rose subsequently. The
poverty rate of lone mothers increased during the mid-1990s, declining somewhat by the end of the
decade, as well. By the end of the decade, the child poverty rate had declined to 5.3 percent and 4.2
percent in 2000.
The Swedish economy has recovered beginning in the late 1990s. In 2002 Swedens official
unemployment rate was 5.1 percent, significantly lower than the OECD average of 6.3 percent.
However, the rate climbed to 7.8 percent in 2005, higher than the OECD average of 6.7 percent.
Sweden has a long-standing response to unemployment that includes a stress on "active' rather than
"passive" labor market policies (education and training programs rather than unemployment benefits).
The Swedes continue to link receipt of social benefits to work, or preparation for work.
During the period of "hard times" in the mid-1990s, Sweden reduced its child benefit from about $100
to $80 a month, the first ever cut in the nominal value of these benefits. The supplementary benefit
provided to larger families with three or four children was eliminated. Child support (advanced
maintenance) benefits and housing allowances were more constricted. Of particular importance,
Sweden reduced the rate at which social benefits replaced wages but not the length of time recipients
could receive the benefits. The supply of childcare services was sustained but quality declined
somewhat. Parent fees rose (from 15-20 percent of operating costs to 25 - 30 percent in some
municipalities. About 15 percent of the services were privatized; about half of those now are for profit,
operating largely through contracts with local government. Privatization (to nonprofit providers),
decentralization, and an increase in user fees for social services and early childhood education and
care services characterized much of the 1990s.
Despite the cuts, school meals remained free and available to all children during these years, Sweden's
universal health care was sustained; and expenditures on social assistance and special assistance to
refugees were doubled as a share of GDP. Moreover, family benefits, which had declined from 4.6
percent of GDP in 1993 to 3.7 percent in 1997, began to rise again in 1998. Nonetheless, it was still
only 3.5 percent in 2003.
According to Swedish policy scholars Joachim Palme and Irene Wennemo, family benefits were subject
to "temporary retrenchment rather than reform", but the cuts were modest and there was no
restructuring. Sweden experienced a combination of cuts in transfers (cash benefits), increases in taxes
(higher social security contributions), rising unemployment, and declining wages. It is this fourfold
combination-this quadruple whammy-that hurt children and their families most, not the cuts in
benefits and services alone, which were really quite modest. Indeed, policies and programs for children
and their families have clearly been protected.

As of mid-1998 child allowances had returned to their nominal high of a few years earlier (only slightly
below the real high) and were worth about 7.5 percent of average manufacturing wages, the
supplementary benefit for larger families was re-instated, benefit replacement rates had been
increased to 80 percent of prior wages, the block grants to municipalities for social services including
child care were close to the high level of the earlier 1990s, the budget was in surplus and the surplus
was projected to be even larger for next year. By 2001, child allowances were above their earlier real
high, 950 SEK for each of the first two children and still higher for subsequent children. The benefit
was raised again several years later.
The Swedish welfare state may be less generous today than a dozen years ago but child-related
benefits and services have been protected. Benefit replacement rates are generous. Child allowances
are now above their earlier real levels at 1050 SEK. Single parent families have been protected. In a
comparative sense, the Scandinavian model remains extraordinarily generous, indeed the most
generous of all countries in the OECD, especially to children and their families. Nonetheless, in its 2006
national report on social conditions in Sweden, the National Board of Health and Welfare highlighted
two current challenges affecting young people and their families. They first is the increasing difficulty
for youth of establishing themselves in the labor market, particularly for those with a foreign
background. The second is the increase in ethnic segregation in the metropolitan areas and the
polarization of social environment between native-born persons and persons perceived as foreign by
the majority of the population.
According to data provided by the Swedish Ministry of Health and Social Affairs (2003), Swedish family
policy continues to be based on the principles of universality and individual rights. It comprises: child
and family cash benefits, parent insurance, high quality child care, and advance maintenance. Family
benefits are aimed at reducing the income disparities between those with children and those without.

Mechanism

Social Protection

The Population Commission of 1935 recommend a flat rate of family allowance beginning with the first
child, and supplementary aids in the form of marriage loans, maternal and child health centres, housing
and fuel grants, free school meals, home-help services, holiday travel for mothers and children and tax
relief to couples with children.
The Sickness and Maternity Insurance Schemes cover all the residents. Maternity leave is compulsory and
the cost of confinement is borne by the State.
Voluntary parenthood is encouraged, abortion laws have been relaxed and sex education in schools forms
an important part of the educational program.
Child, Youth and Family Policy Regimes
Maternity, Paternity, Parental, and Family Leaves:
Paid, job-protected maternity, paternity, and parental, leaves

Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC)

Family Allowances
Child and Family Tax Benefits

Child Support
Other Child Conditioned Income Transfers
Child and Adolescent Health
School-Aged Children: Policies and Programs three-quarters of six- to nine-year-olds are enrolled in
after-school programs, which consist of "leisure time centers",, family day-care homes, and open out-

of-school services. Most attend the centers, which are often linked with preschool programs, and
involve income-related fees.
Housing Benefits Housing allowance is a means-tested benefit, the only such benefit apart from social
assistance. Families with children as well as spouses and single persons are entitled to housing
allowance, if they are Swedish residents. It exists in two main forms:
The income tested housing allowance that varies according to age, income, housing cost, and the number
of children;
Rent payments, which are fully covered for social assistance claimants with a supplement to the housing
allowance.
Reconciliation of Work and Family Life
The general culture in Sweden stresses the importance of maintaining a balance between work and family
life. Government policies support this, in particular the extensive system of subsidized early childhood
education and care, and the extensive and generous parental leave policies including post childbirth, post
adoption, and sick-child policies
Youth
Full-time upper secondary pupils are eligible for financial support through the first half of the calendar
year in which they turn 20. Universal monthly student grants are given to all pupils without application,
and means-tested extra grants and, under certain conditions, grants for boarders, are also available.

Effects /Results
Sweden has a population of about 9 million, and is the largest of the Nordic countries. Children
constituted about 17 percent of its population, slightly below the OECD average (about 19 percent) but
slightly above the EU 15 average (16 percent) in 2005. The elderly constituted about 17 percent of its
population, well above the OECD average of about 14 percent, but about the same as that of the EU
15. Its total fertility rate in 2004 was 1.75, slightly above the EU average. About 55 percent of births
occur outside of marriage, but most are to two cohabiting parents living in consensual relationships
with their biological children. Its teen birth rate is very low. Seventy-three percent of children under
the age of 18 live in a two-parent family, with their biological parents, regardless of whether or not
the parents are legally married. About one-third of Swedish children are likely to experience a parental
divorce or separation. Homosexual partners have the right to qualify as adoptive parents. Thus Sweden
has reversed its fertility decline it experienced in the 1970s.

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