The Hundred Day Reform, 1898

Estimate the importance of the Reform Movement of 1898 in the

history of China. How would you account for its failure?
Causes and Background
The advocacy of institutional reform by progressive officials
During the Self-Strengthening period (1862-1894), China developed
Western techniques and military technologies. Yet several more
progressive officials like Feng Kuei-Fen argued that for real selfstrengthening, China should develop basic Western institutions (like
government organization and education) that gave rise to those
techniques and military technologies. Such an advocacy formed an
underlying cause for the 1898 reform.
The reform-minded scholars' recognition of the inadequacy of the
Self-Strengthening Movement (1860-1894)
Ever since 1885, when Qing China was defeated by France in IndoChina, more and more scholar-officials knew the Self-Strengthening
Movement was inadequate to save China. Institutional reform was really
necessary. Although officials like Chang Chih-tung (a governor-general)
and Weng T'ung-ho (an imperial teacher) were Confucian conservatives,
they nevertheless advocated a limited administrative reorganization based
on Western methods to supplement the traditional, basic Chinese political
structure. Weng himself had advocated war against Japan in 1894. But
with China's defeat, he realized that changes more fundamental than those
of the Self-Strengthening period were necessary.
The introduction of Western ideas of reform
Besides preaching their religion, foreign missionaries, especially the
British and American Protestants, introduced Western knowledge and
culture to China.
They established schools, gave public lectures, opened libraries, and
published newspapers and magazines. In particular, missionary schools
educated many of the late Qing's reform-minded intellectuals. By 1889,
some 16,000 Chinese had studied in such schools.
Through discussions, foreign missionaries convinced quite a number
of Chinese scholars and officials of the need for reform. K'ang Yu-wei,
the most important reformer in the 1898 Reform, admitted that many of
his ideas on reform came from missionaries.
Western social and political ideas were most easily learnt by the Chinese
who lived in treaty ports and cities.
In treaty ports, a new Chinese intellectual class began to appear. In the
International Settlement of Shanghai, where foreigners enjoyed self-rule

free from the Qing government's control, these Chinese intellectuals had
the opportunity of observing Western institutions firsthand and the
freedom to learn foreign things. They convinced other Chinese scholars
outside the treaty ports of the need for institutional reform.
Owing to the increased penetration of European goods and ideas
South China was more progressive than the north.
The rise of a generation of politically conscious and more
progressive-minded young scholars
Translations of Western books on a variety of subjects were abundant
in late 19th century China. They were read by many young Chinese
scholars, who therefore became increasingly reform-minded.
The improved communications between different places helped in the
growth and spread of national consciousness among Chinese scholars.
To a certain extent, educational reforms before 1894 made it possible
for Chinese students to receive a Western-style education.
The scholar class in China had the responsibility of saving the country
in time of crisis. With the repeated national humiliations that China
suffered after 1840, the young scholars became especially sensitive to
national problems and were ready to defend their country. By the late
1880s, this generation of progressively minded young scholars had
already become a considerable political force.
The effects of the Sino-Japanese War (1894-1895)
China's quick defeat in the Sino-Japanese War further convinced many
Chinese scholar-officials that more fundamental reform was both urgent
and necessary. The humiliating treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 aroused
much public anger in China. Some 600 young students from all over
China signed a 'Ten Thousand Words Memorial' that rejected the
Shimonoseki agreement and advocated institutional reform. The leader
was K'ang Yu-wei (Kang Youwei). Despite the official and traditional
prohibition against any political grouping, young scholars began to form
associations known as hsueh-hui (study societies) to save the country.
After 1895, many patriotic societies of this kind appeared. Their local
branches spread over the provinces.
These societies had four aims:
To urge the Qing government to reform its institutions.
To carry out reform activities in the provinces.
To popularize Western ideas by translating more Western and Japanese
books and publishing newspapers to advocate such ideas.
To fight against Christianity by changing Confucianism into a state
religion. Social programs were to be worked out to compete with the
social welfare measures of Christianity in China.

The political struggle within the Qing court

Meanwhile, a political struggle took place between the Guangxu
Emperor and his aunt, the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (Cixi), within the
Qing court. Although Guangxu was the Emperor, real power was held by
Tz'u-hsi. A 'northern' group of conservatives like supported the Empress,
while a 'southern' group supported the Emperor. Although both agreed on
the need for reform, the two groups struggled for the leadership. The
Northern Party attempted to bring Chang Chih-tung to Peking to lead the
movement. This led the Southern Party to call in many reform-minded
young scholars, including K'ang Yu-wei, to support itself.
Dissatisfied with the Empress Dowager's continued domination over the
Qing court, Guangxu intended to make use of a reform movement led by
himself to regain power, though on the other hand he really wanted to
save China. On June 11, 1898, he issued the first reform decree, telling
the people to learn foreign knowledge. The Hundred Day Reform had
begun.
Motives, Contents and Results of Reform
Motives
The Emperor and the young reformers like K'ang Yu-wei believed that
institutional reform and more fundamental changes would strengthen
China's defence against Western imperialism. Institutional reform was of
two kinds:
i. A new educational structure would replace the old, traditional one, so
that the people would become modern citizens of a modern nation.
ii. The political system would be re-organized to achieve a greater degree
of efficiency.
K'ang Yu-wei, however, expected more changes. He intended to establish
a constitutional and parliamentary government for China. All other
reform measures, to K'ang, were secondary to political modernization.
Contents
From June to September 1898, K'ang Yu-wei and his young followers
prepared many edicts and decrees for the Emperor to sign. Some 200 or
so reform decrees were issued in quick succession. A broad program for
'reform of institutions' was attempted. The reform measures included the
following:
Education
Abolition of the 'Eight-legged essay' in the Civil Service
Examinations. Introduction of a new syllabus based on current political
and economic problems.

 Abolition of swordsmanship and marksmanship in the military

examinations. Introduction of a new syllabus based on knowledge of
modern military tactics.
Opening of a special examination on political economy.
Establishment of an Imperial University in Peking. Founding of a
medical school under it.
Establishment of primary and secondary schools in the provinces for
the study of both Chinese and Western subjects. Change of traditional
private schools into modern government schools. Change of Buddhist
temples into public schools.
Publication of an official newspaper.
Government administration
Abolition of salary jobs with no involvement of work and unnecessary
offices, including the governorships of a few provinces.
Appointment of progressive-minded officials in government.
Introduction of stricter disciplines for civil servants. Measures to
check corruption.
Improvement in administrative efficiency by removing delays and by
developing a new, simplified administrative procedure. Creation of 12
new Ministries to replace the old 6 Boards.
Encouragement of reform suggestions from private citizens.
Military reform
Reorganization and modernization of the army.
Founding of militia forces (part-time soldiers for local self-defence).
Economic reform
Promotion of railway construction.
Promotion of agricultural, industrial and commercial developments.
Founding of banks.
Encouragement of inventions.
Preparation of a government budget.
Others
Visits to foreign countries by high officials.
Improvement and simplification of law codes.
Results
The reform movement only lasted for 103 days.
Most of the reform decrees were not carried out. Only in the province
of Hunan, where there was a governor sympathetic to the reform, was a
serious attempt made to put into effect the Emperor's decrees. In the rest

of the empire, reform measures met with either passive non-cooperation

or outright resistance. Some officials were willing but had not the ability
to carry out the reform. Many officials did not even understand the
reform measures.
At first, the Empress Dowager and other high officials like Chang
Chih-tung and Weng T'ung-ho were not opposed to the idea of reform.
But as conservatives, they disliked the radical changes proposed by K'ang
and the Emperor. Opposition to the reform grew.
Many top conservative officials, eunuchs and Manzhus begged the
Empress Dowager to take over power and rule herself so as to stop the
reform movement.
The young reformers feared that the Empress Dowager would sooner
or later interfere and depose the Emperor. They therefore planned to carry
out a palace revolt by capturing the Empress. They asked Yuan Shih-k'ai
to support them with troops. However, Yuan betrayed the Emperor and
the reformers by telling the Empress Dowager everything about the
intended revolt.
The Empress Dowager immediately imprisoned the Emperor, took
over the government, and gave orders to arrest the reformers, six of
whom were captured and killed. K'ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch'i-ch'ao
(Liang Qichao) were, however, warned in time to escape abroad. Most of
the reform measures were cancelled:
a. The Eight-legged essay and the abolished governorships were
restored.
b. Study societies (hsueh-hui) were prohibited. The government press
was closed.
c. The people were forbidden to make suggestions to the government.
However, the Peking Imperial University and some of the provincial
schools that had been established were allowed to remain. Some
unnecessary offices were really abolished. The Empress Dowager
opposed only the radical methods and nature of reform by men like K'ang
Yu-wei, not the idea of reform itself.
Reasons for the failure of the Hundred Day Reform
Reform on paper - Many of the reform measures were not put into
practice.
Opposition to the reform - The reforms attacked both Chinese tradition
and the self-interests of many people.
Conservatives felt that the political tradition of the dynasty had been
violated by the reforms. They felt that K'ang and his followers intended to
destroy Chinese culture.

 The Empress Dowager and her followers believed that the reform was
just an excuse used by the Emperor and K'ang Yu-wei to struggle for
political power.
The abolition of the Eight-legged essay, together with changes in the
educational system, ruined the future of students who had been preparing
for the traditional government examinations.
The abolition of sinecure posts and governorships ruined the future of
many officials. The appointment of young, new and progressive minded
scholars to the government endangered the political career of many
existing officials. When promotion was not based on seniority but on real
ability; the old and inefficient officials felt that their career prospect
would be endangered.
The lack of effective political power - Without strong political power,
no reform could be effectively carried out.
The Empress Dowager's powerful influence at the Qing court Although the Empress nominally retired in 1889, she was still in firm
control of the Qing court. Her followers controlled top government
departments and the imperial armies. Her eunuchs watched every move
of the Emperor.
Regional decentralization - Ever since the Taiping Rebellion (18511864), the dynasty's political power had been decentralized. Peking's
control over the provinces was getting weak and was on the decline. As a
result, the Central government's reform decrees did not receive much
attention in the provinces.
Weaknesses of the Study Societies - The Study Societies formed
between 1895 and 1898 depended heavily upon official support for their
existence. When these societies became too radical, such official support
was withdrawn and they quickly fell apart. The young reformers at the
Qing court had therefore lost a social power base for support in 1898.
The lack of popular support from the common people - Reformers like
K'ang Yu-wei came from the scholar class. They had little contact with
and enjoyed no support of the common people.
Conclusion
Many of the reform measures were not actually practiced. But one could
doubt whether they would succeed even if they were really put into
practice. The Hundred Day Reform was a sharp break with the gradual
changes of the Self-Strengthening Movement. The reform movement
lacked effective power and experienced leadership. It invited all kinds of
opposition.
Effects of the Hundred Day Reform

The re-establishment of conservative power - The failure of the

progressive reform attempt in 1898 led to a re-establishment of
conservative influence. The Empress Dowager came back with full power
to the Qing court and re-appointed die-hard conservative Manzhus to top
official positions. The introduction of an anti-Chinese policy began,
which furthered the growth of anti-Manchu feelings among the Chinese.
This indirectly led to the 1911 Revolution.
The growth of an anti-foreign attitude at the Qing court - In 1898, as
the Empress Dowager tried to arrest the reformers; K'ang Yu-wei and
Liang Ch'i-ch'ao were helped to escape from China by the British and the
Japanese respectively. In addition, foreign ministers in Peking prevented
the Empress from dethroning Guangxu and choosing a new Emperor
immediately after 1898. Consequently, anti-foreign feelings were strong
at the Qing court. This factor partly led to the Boxer Uprising in 1900-01.
The disappointment with reform as a way to save China - The failure
of the Hundred Day Reform seemed to prove that reform from the top
was useless. More and more Chinese came to believe that in order to save
China, the Manchu dynasty (which opposed change) must be over
thrown, and revolution from the bottom must be carried out. This
contributed to the growth of Sun Yat-sen's (Sun Yixian) revolutionary
movement.
The way for continued reform efforts
Although the Empress Dowager was opposed to the Hundred Day
Reform, the reform measures that were introduced had an unforgettable
impression on her. After the Boxer Uprising of 1900-01, the Empress
announced an official reform movement on her own. Reform measures
similar to the 1898 ones were carried out between 1901 and 1911. In
short, the Hundred Day Reform quickened the Empress Dowager's
decision in favour of institutional reform.
Some of the 1898 reforms were allowed to continue. They paved the
way for the Late Qing Reform (1901-1911).
The movement for constitutional government continued.
1. After the 1898 failure, K'ang Yu-wei formed an important political
group in Japan to advocate constitutional rule. Liang, on the other hand,
began to become an influential political writer.
2. Although the idea of constitutional rule was not actually put into
practice in 1898, it was at least introduced to China. This made it easier
for the adoption of constitutional government in the Late Qing Reform
(1901-1911).
3. The advocacy of constitutional government brought with it ideas of
people's rights which indirectly helped the revolutionary movement.

The beginning of mass political movements in China - The

establishment of Study Societies from 1895 to 1898 marked the
beginning of Modern China's mass political movements. Whereas
scholars in the past had been traditionally unwilling to form political
associations and had kept themselves from being involved in political
matters, they voluntarily joined societies of a political nature after 1895.
The birth of modern Chinese nationalism - The enthusiastic
organization of nation-saving groups like the Study Societies represented
the beginning of Chinese nationalism among the young Confucian
scholars. Nationalistic consciousness among them grew. In addition, high
Qing officials began to use a new, nationalistic policy in foreign matters.
They were conscious of China's national rights in dealing with foreign
powers. Concessions made to foreign powers were held to the minimum.