DESCRIPTION OF THE STRATEGY

Readers of a large volume concerned with behavior modification and cognitive therapy may
find sport skill training a curious entry. To clarify, sport skill training (SST) is defined as the
application of behavioral training principles to skill acquisition in sports settings. Behavioral
training principles include the use of state-of-the-art teaching techniques, including, but not
limited to, modeling, role play, feedback, and generalization planning. Although behavioral
techniques have been used for the sole purpose of improving athletic skills, this entry will
focus on sport-related efforts to facilitate the performance of behaviors providing increased
social acceptance.
Interventions that promote social acceptance through skill acquisition can be divided into
athletic and interpersonal approaches. Athletic skill-based programs promote social
acceptance by enhancing athletic performance. These interventions may be thought of as
existing on a continuum from general to sport-specific. For example, developing good
handeye coordination or excellent physical conditioning might be considered general athletic
skills, while learning to hit a baseball is relatively sport-specific. Presumably, children who
perform well athletically would be more likely to gain social acceptance. On the other hand,
only a few children will excel in any given athletic competition, and not all children who are
good athletes are judged to be socially competent. For the above reason, contemporary efforts
to promote social acceptance through athletics utilize sports as a context for developing
interpersonal skills, in addition to promoting athletic competence.
Interpersonal behaviors exhibited in sports settings can be thought of as important in
facilitating social acceptance. For example, the term good sport suggests that a child is likely
to follow the rules of the game and conform to social expectations for reciprocity (e.g., if you
pass the ball to me, I'll pass it to you) that are common to all team sports. Sports-specific
social behaviors might include giving a high five to a teammate following a hit or home run or
knowing the postgame rituals associated with a given sport (e.g., lining up and shaking hands
at the conclusion of an ice hockey game). In our research, we have grouped the above
behaviors under the umbrella of good sportsmanship.
Historical trends in behavioral research and therapy have also influenced the development of
sport skill intervention models. Throughout the 1970s, behavioral and cognitive-behavioral
therapists became dissatisfied with relatively short-term, circumscribed changes in behavior.
Predictably, researchers began to evaluate procedures for producing the maintenance and
generalization of socially valid changes in behavior. For example, many early social skills
programs were conducted in groups outside the context in which behavior change was
expected (e.g., the classroom or schoolyard). Many of these studies sought to increase eye
contact or social entry behaviors. Generally, there was little long-term follow-up (i.e.,
evaluation of maintenance) and little evidence that changes persisted outside training settings
(i.e., generalization). Similarly, it was uncertain whether changes in these behaviors resulted
in meaningful improvement in peer acceptance or friendship formation (i.e., social or
treatment validity).
Whether applied to athletic or interpersonal skills, behavioral skills training typically begins
with the selection of the target skill. The selection of target behaviors frequently requires a
distinction be made between skill or performance (motivation)-based deficits in behavior.
Thus, skills assessment is a generic feature of behavioral approaches. Assessment can take the
form of interviews or rating scales, although performance of the skill in the setting would

generally be preferred. Ideally, the practitioner combines multiple sources of information to

best determine the needs of a given individual.
Following selection of the skill (whether athletic or interpersonal) and a determination of skill
or performance needs related to demonstration of the behavior, the intervention can proceed.
If a skill deficit is observed, then the intervention will begin with a clear demonstration
(modeling) of the appropriate behavior. Efforts will be made to demonstrate the desired
behavior in as realistic a manner as possible. Following the modeling phase, the participant
should be given ample opportunities to practice the skill along with feedback regarding the
quality of the performance (role play with feedback).
The final phase of the intervention, designing consequences for performance of the behavior,
plays an important role in facilitating generalization and maintenance of the behaviors,
whether the problem was initially conceptualized as a skill or a performance (motivation)
deficit. Ideally, the consequences that arise from performance of the behavior should produce
their own social or material reinforcers. For example, the routine display of good
sportsmanship should produce sufficient social reinforcement in the setting to maintain
socially appropriate behavior. Unfortunately, many social settings (e.g., the classroom)
provide insufficient opportunities for either skill acquisition or skill development. Even
assuming a child has developed an appropriate repertoire of social skills, some settings
provide insufficient reinforcement for appropriate social behavior. It has been argued by many
that the sports setting provides an ideal environment to develop and monitor change in social
behavior. Moreover, because many children find physical activity and athletic competition to
be highly rewarding in their own right, they exhibit less resistance to training efforts.

RESEARCH BASIS
Both behavioral and pharmacological interventions have been incorporated in SSTs in order
to improve performance, to decrease negative behaviors, and to increase the child's enjoyment
and interest in sports. The research literature suggests that SST may result in enhanced
sportsmanship, self-esteem, game knowledge, and social competence.
As noted above, early research examined the relationship between athletic skill and social
status for school-age children. Descriptive research suggests that in less structured sports
environments (e.g., physical education classes, sandlot games), the most competent players
are typically designated captains, and teammates are systematically chosen according to
ability. Children picked last are not only considered the least skilled but are also rated least
popular. To compound these problems, children who struggle in sports are often assigned
nonintegral positions (e.g., right field in baseball or a blocker in football) that limit
opportunities for practice and social recognition, further reducing the likelihood of skill
enhancement and social acceptance. Children frequently relegated to nonintegral positions
generally become disinterested, report feeling rejected, and ultimately choose to withdraw
from sports participation. This rejection has led several investigators to examine the role
sports plays in self-esteem and self-efficacy. The extent to which a child values sports may
mediate the negative impact however; thus, devaluing sports and sports participation may be
adaptive for some children.
The correlation between skill and social acceptance resulted in the creation of a number of
protocols targeting improvements in athletic skill proficiency as a means of enhancing peer
relations. Peer ratings (i.e., sociometric ratings) of favorite or least favorite playmate or

most popular peers frequently serve as outcome measures in these protocols. Correlational
studies also suggest that both physical competence and peer acceptance are related to the
development of cognitive, social, and emotional functioning of children.

RELEVANT TARGET POPULATIONS

SST has been utilized with girls and boys of diverse ethnicity and socioeconomic status.
Behavioral interventions have been tailored to address a number of specific problems arising
in sports settings, ranging from decreasing aggression to improving dribbling performance.
Recently, researchers have begun to utilize SST with children in clinical settings. One
example is work with children diagnosed with attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder
(ADHD). Same-age peers often exclude children diagnosed with ADHD and other disruptive
behavior disorders from recreational activities because of failure to follow rules, failure to pay
attention to the game, skills deficits, aggressiveness, or some combination of these factors. A
few studies have evaluated the influence of methylphenidate (Ritalin) on sports performance
and social behavior. Medication has been found to decrease negative social behaviors and
improve attention and game awareness; however, gains in prosocial behaviors have not been
as readily observed.
Successful behavioral interventions have employed contingent praise and token economies to
reinforce the occurrence of prosocial behavior. The token economy-based protocols have
included other behavioral techniques such as modeling and mastery-oriented learning
procedures in addition to more common features of token systems (e.g., immediate token
delivery followed by exchange for secondary rewards). It should be noted that in many cases,
combined pharmacological and behavioral interventions have been found to be superior to
either alone. However, singlecase studies suggest exceptions to this oft-stated maxim. When
synergy between behavioral and pharmacological treatments has been observed, the
phenomenon may be attributed to medication-induced reductions in impulsivity and
hyperactivity that render environmental contingencies more salient.

COMPLICATIONS
Several practical challenges confront mental health professionals seeking to utilize SST with
their clients. First, less structured sports (e.g., soccer, relative to baseball) without clear
breaks in the action make identification of specific measurable target behaviors,
implementing contingencies, delivering feedback, and data collection difficult. Much of the
recent sports training research has been included in intensive summer treatment programs.
These programs often have small staff-to-child ratios and other controls that may poorly
reflect the conditions existing in organized athletics in community settings (e.g., Little
League), much less informal playground activities. Moreover, because of limited resources,
therapeutic sports camps are likely to be insufficient in number or size to accommodate
existing clinical needs.
Perhaps most important, it remains to be seen if improving competence, awareness, attention,
and sportsmanship in athletic settings results in clinically meaningful gains in the child's
natural social environment. Both pharmacological and psychosocial interventions lack
evidence of generalization and maintenance beyond training settings. The impact of
pharmacological interventions, while frequently impressive in the short-term, appears far less
compelling when longterm outcome is evaluated. Similarly, enhancements in performance

arising from behavioral interventions has diminished after discontinuation of incentives. To

address this shortcoming, psychosocial interventions should design their interventions with
generalization in mind. Research has shown that generalization can be maximized by
promoting contact with naturally occurring sources of support (e.g., teaching a child to recruit
feedback or praise) and, wherever possible, by conducting training in the setting in which
skills are needed. Admittedly, efforts to promote generalization and maintenance of social
skills in sports settings are in their infancy.

CASE ILLUSTRATION
Brady was a 6-year-old male attending first grade at a public elementary school. He had
previously been diagnosed with ADHD, and his parents were pleased with his increase in
classroom attentiveness following the combined treatment of stimulant medication, classroom
behavior management strategies, and a school-home note. On the other hand, Brady and his
parents continued to express concerns regarding peer relationships at home and school. Most
notably, Brady was excluded from playing with most of the other children during recess
because he hated soccer and kickball, the two most common recess activities at his school.
Brady's parents enrolled him on a T-ball team in the community; however, they withdrew him
from participation because he reportedly did not pay attention during practice and was
disruptive to his teammates.
The assessment of sports skills occurred at the beginning of a summer treatment program for
children diagnosed with ADHD. The assessment centered around skills related to kickball,
because this activity was known to the children and provided sufficient structure for training
in a camp setting for young children. On the first day of assessment, Brady attempted to
answer five key questions about the rules of the game (i.e., where to run, number of strikes,
number of balls, number of outs, and how to make an out) and one question regarding how
much he liked kickball (i.e., Point to the face that shows how you feel about kickball).
Brady answered all of the rule questions incorrectly and then pointed to the sad face,
indicating that he did not like kickball. Brady also participated in a kicking drill in which he
kicked 40% of slow-paced pitches and 10% of medium-paced pitches within the field of play.
During several baseline games in the first week, Brady assumed the ready position (a skill
taught on the first day of camp) during 33% of the pitches while playing in the field, and he
did so only following the coaches' verbal prompts to the team. Finally, Brady demonstrated
sportsmanlike behavior (e.g., cheering for a teammate) during 0% of the pitches and
demonstrated disruptive behavior (e.g., playing with sticks) during 45% of the pitches.
During the second day of camp, a limited number of rules were reviewed verbally, and the
children were required to demonstrate knowledge of the rules nonverbally (e.g., run to the
correct base after striking the ball) and verbally (e.g., Answer 3 when asked How many
strikes is an out?). Three consecutive correct responses were received for each question.
Follow-up checks for rule knowledge continued during the beginning of several subsequent
practices. During the second week of camp, training in kicking began. Athletically based skill
training began with Brady kicking a still ball within the field of play 10 times in a row.
Training continued with Brady running forward to kick a still ball and then progressed (via
modeling, guided compliance, shaping, and fading assistance) until he could successfully kick
a medium-paced ball within the field of play 10 times in a row (the mastery criterion). By the
end of the second week, Brady demonstrated mastery. Following the achievement of
intermediate goals along the way to mastery, Brady frequently chose from a prize box

containing small toys (e.g., cars, pencils) and activity coupons (e.g., staying up 10 minutes
late) previously identified by Brady and his parents as powerful incentives.
During the second week, Brady's attentiveness (i.e., as measured by assuming the ready
position) and sportsmanlike behavior continued to be low, and his disruptive behavior
continued to occur at a relatively high rate. In an attempt to increase attentive behavior, a
counselor (standing just outside the field of play) inserted tokens into a can each time Brady
assumed the ready position while saying, You get a token for being ready. After the game,
tokens were exchanged for items selected from the prize box. With the use of tokens, Brady's
attentive behavior quickly increased. During the third week, sportsmanlike behavior also
increased after the application of a token economy. Interestingly, disruptive behavior
significantly declined during the second and third week of camp, despite the fact that
disruptions were never directly targeted for reduction.
By the end of the month-long summer camp, Brady demonstrated increases in rule
knowledge, athletic skill, attentiveness, and sportsmanlike behavior while also demonstrating
significant reductions in disruptive behavior. On the last day of camp, Brady answered the
question regarding how much he liked kickball by pointing to the happy face. Anecdotally,
his father reported that Brady frequently came home sharing stories and statistics following
each day's kickball game. During the final week of camp, several efforts were made to
promote the generalization of skills to other settings. For example, tokens were delivered
intermittently, games were played in different settings, and on one day soccer was played
instead of kickball. Brady's parents also participated in a training session in which they were
encouraged to (a) incorporate several aspects of the camp-based training in special homebased practices, (b) enroll Brady in a recreational team sport of his choice, and (c) create a
sport-home note in which the coach could rate his attentive and sportsmanlike behavior
during practices and games. During the end of the summer, Brady's parents enrolled him in a
soccer camp, and they indicated this experience was much more enjoyable than his previous
experience on the T-ball team. Brady's parents reported he looked forward to recess once
school started, and he usually enjoyed playing sports with the other children. Also, during the
second grade, Brady developed a close friendship with another boy at his school who was in
his soccer camp.
David Reitman, Stephen D. A. Hupp, and Patrick M. O'Callaghan
Further Reading

Entry Citation:
Reitman, David, Stephen D. A. Hupp, and Patrick M. O'Callaghan. "Sport Skill Training."
Encyclopedia of Behavior Modification and Cognitive Behavior Therapy. 2007. SAGE
Publications. 15 Apr. 2008. <http://sage-ereference.com/cbt/Article_n2123.html>.