Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna, August 22-26 2006

Music preference in adulthood:

Why do we like the music we do?
Alinka E. Greasley

Alexandra M. Lamont

School of Psychology,
Keele University, U.K.
a.e.greasley@psy.keele.ac.uk

School of Psychology,
Keele University, U.K.
a.m.lamont@psy.keele.ac.uk
and organise the music they own; and the way in which
people use music as a form of self-therapy especially
for purposes of mood-regulation. Adults are consciously
aware of the many ways in which they use and engage with
music, and emphasise music as a meaningful and important
personal and social undertaking. The research provides a
rich soil from which to develop hypotheses about the nature of peoples engagement with music, and highlights
important dimensions of preference for further investigation.

ABSTRACT
A wide range of psychological approaches have been used
in the study of music preferences and music in everyday
life, yet none of these have successfully approached the
complexities of meaning involved in peoples everyday use
of music. Two studies were carried out which aimed to
map individual levels of engagement with music; to tap
into the content and quality of peoples emotional experiences with the music they prefer and why this valued; to
investigate how technology affects the ways people engage
with music; and to discover what it is about the specific
characteristics of the music that is preferred. Qualitative
methodology was used to ground the research in peoples
experiences with music, to identify how they account for
their listening behaviour, and to focus on what they perceive to be important in shaping their music preferences.
23 participants (aged 18-47) were interviewed and the transcripts were analysed using thematic analysis. Themes
identified include the use of technology in music listening
behaviour; changes and fluctuations in music preferences
over time; the number of different styles people used; the
complex and idiosyncratic ways in which people categorise

INTRODUCTION
It is undisputed that music is everywhere in our daily lives
even if an individual does not engage in music listening
regularly, it is likely that they will be exposed to music on
a daily basis as a result of the cultural and social environment in which they live. Researchers argue that the prevalence of music in daily life constitutes an informal learning
environment through which we learn and develop our
preferences for music (Folkestad, 1998; Batt-Rawden &
DeNora, 2005). More specifically, it is stated that our music listening practices are methods of getting by and making do in real time and rapidly shifting circumstances
(Batt-Rawden & DeNora, 2005, p. 292). This has been
clearly demonstrated in studies which explore peoples
uses of music in everyday life. People choose to listen to
different types of music for different reasons (i.e. people
have goals and purposes that engagement with music fulfills), and their motivations for listening are contextdependent (DeNora, 2000; North, Hargreaves & ONeill,
2000; North, Hargreaves & Hargreaves, 2004; Sloboda,
ONeill & Ivaldi, 2001).

In: M. Baroni, A. R. Addessi, R. Caterina, M. Costa (2006) Proceedings

of the 9th International Conference on Music Perception & Cognition
(ICMPC9), Bologna/Italy, August 22-26 2006.2006 The Society for
Music Perception & Cognition (SMPC) and European Society for the
Cognitive Sciences of Music (ESCOM). Copyright of the content of an
individual paper is held by the primary (first-named) author of that paper. All rights reserved. No paper from this proceedings may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information
retrieval systems, without permission in writing from the paper's primary
author. No other part of this proceedings may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopying, recording, or by any information retrieval system, without
permission in writing from SMPC and ESCOM.

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Of particular interest are the two studies which used Experience Sampling Methodology (ESM) to investigate mu960

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sic in everyday contexts, as both found that the degree of

choice people had over the music affected the psychological outcomes they experienced: North et al. (2004) found
that when people could choose what they were listening to,
they were willing to differentiate the reasons for listening
to different musical styles; and that people had the highest
degree of liking for the music they could hear when they
were on their own, and the results of Sloboda et al. (2001)
showed that the greater the personal choice (over the music
being heard), the more likely it was to be associated with
positive mood change along some dimension. Concerned
with the possible therapeutic effects that music listening
may provide within clinical and hospital settings, MacDonald (2000) carried out a music listening study which
involved participants selecting music from their own collections and bringing this into hospital to listen to before,
just after, and 4 hours after a minor operation. The participants listened to a range of genres and pieces of music and
these differing music styles all had the general effect of
reducing anxiety.

that musics meaningful powers are stabilised through discourse; through consumption practice, and through patterns
of use of time (DeNora, 1986). Both studies (Batt-Rawden
& DeNora, 2005; MacDonald, 2000) emphasise that music
does not simply act a stimulus on an individual peoples engagement and enjoyment of music is shaped by
previous associations they have with the particular piece of
music, and with music in general.
The last study of relevance here is a qualitative study of the
meaning of music in the lives of older people (Hays &
Minichiello, 2005). This study focused on the emotional,
social, intellectual and spiritual well-being roles that music
plays in the lives of 52 older people (age range 60-98 yrs
old). In-depth interviews were carried out in peoples
homes with a focus on life experiences, the importance of
music in their daily lives, the ways in which music functioned in their lives, and the perceived benefits of being
engaged in music-making or music listening. Results demonstrated that music plays a role in identity and understanding of the self; an individuals connection with themselves
and with others; well-being, therapy and health; emotions,
arousal and alignment; stimulus, fantasy and imagination;
and beauty, aesthetics and spirituality. Hays and Minichiello (2005) conclude that peoples experiences with
music are individualistic and intensely personal (p.449),
which resonates with the findings from MacDonald (2000)
and also earlier research which also argued that people listen to music differently, and respond to music in a variety
of different ways (Hargreaves & Colman, 1981). It seems
axiomatic therefore, that researchers interested in the beneficial effects of music listening should use methodology
that focuses on peoples own accounts of their engagement
with music, i.e. how they perceive, interpret, and evaluate
their experiences with music in everyday life.

MacDonald (2000) argues that the subjective aspects of

peoples engagement with music seemed to be very important in this situation, as follow-up interviews highlighted
that music was generally chosen because it reminded the
individual of happy memories or positive, relaxed feelings,
i.e. for the extra-musical associations, the associations people bring to the music rather than intrinsic characteristics of
the music itself. Overall, the study highlights the importance of taking personal preference into account and calls
for a clearer knowledge about the types of music chosen
and the individual interpretations and evaluations made by
participants (MacDonald, 2000, p.5). Another more recent
study which also focused on therapeutic uses of music in
everyday life has been carried out using a unique methodology which involved both researcher-chosen and participant-chosen music (Batt-Rawden & DeNora, 2005). Participants with chronic illness listened to a range of CDs
over a year and were interviewed 8 times. The purpose of
the CDs was to explore the links between music use, wellbeing and health; to encourage the participants to become
reflective about their use of music for self-care, and to act
as an interactive and dialectical tool (p. 293) through
which participants could talk about past and present states
of health/well-being.

Research aims
Given that preference is commonly defined as an act of
choosing, esteeming, or giving advantage to one thing over
another (Price, 1986, p. 154), and given that the above
research provides comprehensive evidence that we consciously choose music in our everyday lives to serve different purposes (Batt-Rawden & DeNora, 2005; DeNora,
2000; Hays & Minichiello, 2005; North et al., 2004; Sloboda et al., 2001), it follows that further understanding of
the way people use music as a resource in their daily lives;
the level of engagement people have with different styles
of music; and the meaning of their everyday experiences
with music, would benefit from a direct investigation of
participant chosen music. One of the main aims of the
research is therefore to explore and identify the psychological benefits that can arise from peoples deliberate
choices of music in everyday life. Qualitative methodology
is used to ground the research in peoples experiences with
music; to identify how they account for their listening be-

Results showed that engagement in the practical task of

listening, reflecting and talking about the CDs actually created a ritual that may promote health in its own right: finding time, sitting down, relaxing, reflecting, enjoying. Several participants noted an increased awareness of how and
what to listen to as a result of the study, and music was
clearly shown to be a catalyst for self-help and selfextension. Of particular interest was the ways in which
people tied their music together with their memories, associations and listening practices so as to construct their
world, and their situations of healing and coping. These
findings lend strength to previous research which argues
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Enjoy
listening
(n=120)

haviour, and to focus on what they perceive to be important

in shaping their music preferences.

28

84

(1.3%)

(3.8%)

(17.9%)

(53.8%)

STUDY ONE

Importance

20

58

35

(n=120

(0.6%)

(3.8%)

(12.8%)

(37.2%)

(22.4%)

To provide a starting point for the research, it is necessary

to gain an idea of how engaged people are with music, and
what styles of music they prefer listening to. Much previous research shows that many people consider music to be
an integral part of everyday lives, but there may be individuals for whom music is far less important. The first aim
is thus to establish how important music is. It has also
been argued that any comprehensive study of reactions to
music should cover as wide a range of musical types as
possible (Hargreaves and Colman, 1981, p. 16), although
many subsequent studies tend to categorise peoples musical tastes in very broad terms (e.g. pop, classical). The second aim of this initial study is thus to explore the breadth
of preference in adulthood.

How much

18

59

29

(n=119)

(3.2%)

(37.8%)

(18.6%)

(5.1%)

(11.5%)

A large number of musical styles was listed, with only a

few of the participants stating just one or two genres for
their music preferences generally, participants listed several styles of music they liked. Some participants stated
preference for up to 10 or 11 different styles, for example,
one male listed his main preferences as hip-hop, r 'n' b,
alternative, indie, rock, drum 'n' bass, 80s slow jazz, classics, dance, ambient chillout, and electric beats.

STUDY TWO

Method
First and second year Psychology students were recruited
from two universities in England (Keele and Aston) and
asked to fill out the short questionnaire. In addition, they
were asked to leave their contact details if they were willing to be interviewed (which most did). The sample contained 120 participants in total (mean age = 19.77, SD =
2.92), of which 92 were female, 21 were male and 7 did not
state gender.

Having established that there are participants who have less

engagement with music in their everyday lives than others,
and that there is a wide variety of musical styles within
individuals musical preferences, the second study aims to
explore peoples experiences with music; to identify how
they account for their listening behaviour, and to focus on
what they perceive to be important in shaping their music
preferences.

A short questionnaire was developed which required participants to rate (on a 5pt. Likert scale) how much they
enjoy listening to music; how important they considered
music in their life, how much music they own, and what
styles of music they listened to. The scale ranged from
dislike very much to like very much for music listening
enjoyment; from not at all to extremely for the importance of music; and a few CDs to 500+ CDs for the
amount of music owned.

Method
This study consisted of twenty-three participants (11 female, 12 male), aged between 18 and 47 (mean age =
27.45, SD = 9.34) who were recruited by convenience sampling in three different ways. Some of the participants
were personal acquaintances; some were recruited through
a messaging board on the University email server asking
for volunteers who would be willing to talk about their
music preferences; and some were either first or second
year undergraduate students chosen specifically by the researcher in response to the short questionnaire they had
completed regarding their general level of engagement with
music. The resulting sample contained people of varying
ages, with varying levels of engagement with music, and
preference for many different musical styles.

Results
This simple questionnaire was useful in differentiating between participants with a high level of engagement with
music (for example, owning 500+ CDs and rating 5 for
importance of music in life), and those with a lower level
of engagement (for example, owning a handful of CDs, and
rating 1 or 2 for the importance of music in their life). The
results of the questionnaire can be found in table 1 below.
The average ratings for enjoyment of music listening; importance of music, and the amount of music owned were
4.62; 4.00 and 3.16 respectively. With the exception of the
amount of music owned, the data was skewed a far
higher percentage of the sample find listening to music
very enjoyable and feel music to be important in their lives.

Interviews were carried out in participants homes for two

main reasons: firstly, the nature of the questions required
them to have access to their music collections, and secondly, it permitted a thorough investigation of preference
in some cases asking participants to actually play the music
in question and encouraging them to talk about the specific
musical attributes that influenced their preference. The
interview schedule was designed to encourage people to
think about the music that they have acquired and liked
over the years, and thus started with broad questions, such
as how has the nature of your collection changed over
time?, and what styles of music does your collection con-

Table 1. Frequencies and percentages for each rating

1

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tain?, and progressed through to more specific questions

relating to participants reported preferences such as when
might you go to listen to this particular album? or what
would make you decide to put this particular track on?.
Interviews were transcribed verbatim and were analysed
using thematic discourse analysis, the focus being on the
reading, re-reading and interpretation of the data to observe
patterns and generate themes; and to a lesser extent on the
discursive devices used in the talk (Potter & Wetherall,
1987). All quotes will be followed by gender and age, for
example (M:19yrs).

main ways in which downloading programs have influenced their music preferences. Firstly, downloading programs have increased the breadth of musical styles people
have access to, which has in turn, opened people up to new
music. Secondly, with mass storage facilities, downloading
programs have increased the speed and ease with which
one can acquire music, often listing (and making available
to download) all the music that a given artist has written /
produced, or featured on. Thirdly, the participants reported
listening to music on the Internet as a means of checking
the extent of their liking, and thus deciding whether it is
good enough to buy; and lastly, participants reported that
the Internet was particularly useful when it came to preference for specific tracks: (theres often artists that you only
like one track of theirs, but you really, really like it, and
that sort of thing, and thats where downloading comes in
as well, thats where downloading is the best M:24yrs).
This seems to have revolutionised peoples engagement
with music, as they no longer have to wait until the weekend to go and hunt through the record stores to find the
music they like within a matter of minutes, they can access and download the music onto computers, Ipods,
phones and various other pieces of technology that store,
hold and playback music. The participants report using
this process as a filter enabling them to listen to new music
and decide whether they really like it before copying it to a
CD, copying it from a friend or actually buying it.

Results and Discussion

This section will illustrate firstly the similarities between
participants of varied musical engagement, highlighting the
use of technology and changes and fluctuations in music
use over time. We then explore differences between more
engaged and less engaged participants, focusing on style
preferences and categorisation processes. Finally we consider conscious awareness of music use and meaning in
peoples everyday lives, focusing on music as self-therapy.

Similarities in music use

Technology
The important role of technology in shaping and influencing music preference behaviour was clearly demonstrated
for all participants. Participants reported listening to music
on a wealth of different sound media and sound reproductive media: vinyl, tapes, CDs, MDs, MP3s, CD Walkmans
and players, digital radios, MD players, MP3 players,
phones and iPods all for the purpose of listening to and
recording music for personal and everyday use. Some
more engaged participants owned the same music on up to
four different types of media. On pursuing the reasons
behind this, it became clear that it was out of a necessity to
be able to listen to the music they needed to hear whilst
carrying out daily activities: getting up in the morning,
walking the dog, on the train / bus / in the car, playing
sport, chilling after a hard days work, getting ready to go
out, going to sleep. In addition to this, individuals can now
up-load music onto game consuls, such as an Xbox or
Playstation enabling them to listen to their preferred music
whilst playing computer games, rather than the music that
is provided with the games. This necessity to have personally chosen music at the touch of a button emerged as a
clear theme in the interviews, for example, music everywhere if possible M:24yrs.

Changes and fluctuations in music use over time

Participants reported a number of fluctuations and changes
in music use over time in relation to their preferences, time
periods, age, and access to music. The majority of our participants reported going through phases of preference, that
is, a waxing and waning in their liking for certain types of
music. As they elaborated on their past and present music
preferences, they described going through time periods of
listening to certain types of music, and these phases were
described at different levels, for example, at the broad
genre level (after rave it was, erm, hip-hop, then it was
heavy metal, so, and then it was rave again, then it was hiphop, and then it was heavy metal, and I went through
phases M:24yrs old) or in relation to specific artists. The
way in which participants account for their listening behaviour supports the theoretical pattern proposed by Russell
(1987) which states that music preference increases as familiarity with the music increases, and decreases with repetition. However, the current research takes us a step further
by highlighting how this pattern actually works with people
as they engage in everyday music listening. Participants
reported self-regulating their own levels of familiarity with
the music they owned over both short and long-term intervals, demonstrating a reflexive awareness of this pattern
over time: (although Id just reached a point where Id
heard, Id listened to the album just enough, I wasnt sick
of it, but Ill be giving it a break for a while M:24yrs old).
Of particular interest was the ways in which the partici-

A novel point to emerge was the dramatic effect Internet

downloading programs have on shaping music preferences.
Many of the participants drew attention to the specific role
downloading plays in allowing them to access and retrieve
music they have heard (perhaps on the radio, or through a
friend) and subsequently liked. Participants identified four
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pants reported going back to the music in relation to specific time periods:

really totally into musicIll kind of fit in with everyone

elseIm not really fussy what music I listen to F:20yrs).
In addition to this, they were more likely to listen to other
peoples music, more likely to acquire music from friends,
and less likely to purchase many CDs themselves. Their
collections were thus more eclectic, and they were more
likely to report music as reminds me of a context / time
period / person(s) as their reason for owning a song rather
than any physical characteristics of the music. Finally they
were more likely to the radio on a day-to-day basis.

after listening to them [the songs on John Lennon Best of

Collection] a lot, I just got sick of him really, so I just need a
period where I dont listen to it, probably for the next two or
three years, and then I will start listening to it again
(M:29yrs)

Another way in which this self-regulating mechanism was

reported to work is through the use of the random play
button on hi-fi systems and walkmans. Participants reported choosing the random button to vary the order in
which they listen to the tracks in order to avoid overfamiliarity.

Conversely, participants who were more engaged showed

strong commitments to musical styles and a sense of necessity and urgency about buying or obtaining music: (I cant
listen to reggae without having listened to some Ska, and I
cant listen to new wave without having listened to some
punk, even though I dont particularly like punk, Ive gotta
have an association, or a reference point, so I build up
comparatives, so my record collection goes all from the
fifties right through to now M:47yrs). Their music collections were often very comprehensive as well as substantially larger than the less engaged participants.

All of the participants identified early adulthood as a period in which their music listening behaviours developed
and music preferences fluctuated. In this time period, participants reported that they had acquired, bought and listened to more music; made different choices about which
genres they preferred; and made decisions about what
styles of music to purchase in the future. In particular, reference was made to university years and to the important
(and positive) relationship between social interaction and
breadth of preference. Whilst it might be self-evident that
the more people you meet the more likely it is that you will
be introduced to new styles of music, participants explicitly
mention the role of others in increasing the breadth of their
music preferences. Every participant reported acquiring
music through friends, and/or gaining knowledge of different styles of music/artists through friends. In some cases,
participants acknowledged that they would not have heard
about some of their preferred artists if it were not through
friends (youre never gonna hear it [Aphex Twin] unless
you know someone that listens to it theyre never gonna
play it on the radio M:25yrs).

Both types of participant categorised their music at many

different levels, for example, a specific sequence from
within a track; a song/piece; an album; an artist/band; an
album series; an implied genre; a named genre, or an implied set of genres. However, more engaged participants
also talked about more complex ways of categorising and
organising their music collections. They made categorisations on the basis of their use of the music rather than its
genre (down there is the stuff you could handle in any
mood M:24yrs); on the basis of historical context or time
periods (stuff from the seventies M:29yrs); on the basis
of their own preference (the less good stuffthe crmede-la-crme M:24yrs); or in some entirely different way
(Ive got a different section for film music F:24yrs).
Furthermore, more engaged participants also expressed
difficulties with the notion of defining music in terms of
simple style categories. For example, when they were describing music at the genre level, they often subdivided this
category into other distinct types of music (sub-genres);
and when they were describing music at the level of an
artist or band, they would sometimes identify the artists
music as spanning several different genres. Participants
also talked about the problem of overlapping musical styles
(so many things that cross over. some hip-hop stuff that
is beatz as well, and you know, one album may cover from
hip-hop to beatz, one album may be beatz by a hip-hop
artist M:24yrs); and the problem of categorising music
which was a fusion of two different genres (its a brilliant
fusion of hip-hop and drum n bass M:24yrs; Aphex
Twin and his blend of acid techno and classical music
M:24yrs).

In some cases, participants identified ways in which they

actively influence other peoples music preferences (I like
turning people to different, to my kind of music, I like
making them realise that it is actually good and its not just
as its been stereotyped M:25yrs), and reported an active
role in increasing their own preferences, for example, by
talking to others on Internet discussion groups (through
which they learn about new music); or by purchasing album series/compilations (typically containing tracks by
different artists, but which exemplify a genre) as a way into
finding other good artists and styles.

Differences in engagement
Two areas of clear difference were identified between more
engaged and less engaged participants: style preferences
and categorisation processes.

These difficulties with definition lend support to earlier

research by Hargreaves and North (1999) who concluded
that the boundaries between different styles and genres are

Participants who were less engaged tended to show a lack

of strong commitment to any given musical style (Im not
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becoming increasingly blurred and subject to rapid change:

we could say that musical styles are becoming democratised, and perhaps also demystified, as access to them increases (p. 73). These findings present clear challenges
for studies which use broad genre categorisations to investigate music preferences.

the world (p. 21). Several of the participants employed

this music as drug analogy in their accounts, describing
their music choices as a form of self-prescription, through
which they could alter and enhance various aspects of their
self-conceptual states. Music was identified as a way into
relaxation (it makes me feel, it makes me feel good, it
makes me feel more relaxed about life and that I dont have
to, to rush and, and, do everything all in one go, just sit
back and listen and listen and I feel more relaxed and then I
feel good F:24yrs); it was described as a means of achieving harmony with ones environment (I can feel more selfconfident by certain music, I can feel more at ease and
calm with my surroundings, and my outlook on things
M:27yrs); and it was identified as a way into the past
participants referred to musics ability to hold memories
and feelings and described how these have influenced their
music preferences over the years (I think music helps me
remember things, if I wanna sit and think about something,
then if I play a piece of music, itll often help me to remember what it was that I was doing, or where I was, and it
helps me to remember more about the event M:22yrs).

Conscious awareness of music: the case of

mood regulation
Participants described music as a catalyst for achieving
mood-change, mood-enhancement and different psychological states of mind. All participants reported using their
music preferences to reflect/enhance their current mood, or
conversely, to alter/diffuse some aspect of their current
mood: (its just what mood Im in, sometimes I do put
music on to get into a mood as well F:26yrs); (a certain
piece of music will make me feel in some way or whatever,
but its usually the other way round, usually its like I feel
that way, so Ill play that piece of music M:29yrs). Participants described their use of music to change an existing
mood as a balance between characteristics of the music,
and their concurrent thoughts and feelings at the time. In
the following extract, one of the participants described his
use of music to diffuse a negative mood, and in doing so,
unfolds his experience of the actual moment of choice:

Music was also reported to serve a transcendental function

in participants lives some identified music as a medium
through which to work through thoughts and frequently
described going off into their own world and letting the
music take over their thoughts, especially when driving
(it takes over what youre thinking about as well, because
you can realise then for about half an hour in your car, you
dont remember how you got there, it takes you away, and
everybody must have had that feeling F:24yrs).

if youre feeling down, you know, you dont want something that
takes you down but you cant necessarily be brought up, if you put
on happy musicit makes you feel worse, so youve gotta have
something that kind of gets the right levelits something that is,
kind of, helping where you are and making you feel good about that
and then so you are able to get back (M:24yrs)

Conscious awareness and engagement

There are also other dimensions to the relationship between

music preference and mood. Some of the participants reported owning music they could listen to in any mood
which was described at different levels of categorisation.
Sometimes a single artist was described as satisfying many
different moods, and sometimes a single track was reported
as satisfying many different moods:

In general, the interviews enabled both less engaged and

more engaged participants to consciously reflect on the
ways in which they use music. The case of mood regulation described above highlights one major difference between more engaged and less engaged participants: they
differed in terms of the level of conscious awareness they
have (prior to interview) of the way they use music in everyday life, but their patterns of behaviour in terms of
choosing and playing music are very similar.

one song in particular on this album can make me cry, can make
me jump for joy, can make me believe that the worlds a brilliant
place, it can make me believe that the worlds a terrible place, you
know what I mean, its just got so much to it that, erm, I couldnt, as
soon as I heard this song, I couldnt believed that Id lived without
that song for so long (laughs)if that makes sense, its number,
erm, 5, Jolene, oh it just gets me everytime. F: 26yrs)

The more engaged participants are consciously aware of

the ways in which they use music to change their mood and
willing to talk about this freely: (I go to music for, either
to express how Im feeling or to find a way of releasing
what Im feeling at the time F:48yrs). The less engaged
participants often expressed surprise at the functions that
music serves for them in everyday life: (I can put that on
and it would help me change my mood and stuff, and I
have done in the past, Ive never really thought about it in
that kind of way M:24yrs).

This last quote in particular, is reminiscent of a description

by Nick Hornby in his recent book 31 songs, in which he
describes his preference for particular songs over the
course of his lifespan. Hornbys stated aim was to write
about his music preferences, focusing on what it was in the
songs that made him love them, and to a much lesser extent
on the associations he brought to the music (for example, in
the way of memories). In his description of a song by
Nelly Furtado Im like a bird, he writes: I will always
be grateful to her for creating in me the narcotic need to
hear her song again and again. It is, after all, a harmless
need, easily satisfied, and there are few enough of those in
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One of the more engaged participants drew an analogy between the interview and a specific event from his past
which served to highlight that musics value in peoples
lives may be implicit, and that talking about music actually
makes it explicit: (I was just chatting like I am now, and I
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ended up saying, you know, talking about it made me appreciate how much I appreciated it, you know, I, I, it was
always there but I hadnt consciously realised how much I
appreciated it M:24yrs). As a consequence of this enhanced conscious awareness, the interviews with more engaged participants often lasted for several hours, exploring
their musical engagement in considerable detail. Conversely, less engaged participants often found it more difficult to articulate why they liked music (its got me annoyed now, cause I cant explain why I like it, but I just
do theres very few songs I could explain why I like it
M:22yrs).

DeNora, T. (2000). Music in Everyday Life Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press
Folkestad, G. (1998). Musical learning as cultural practice
as exemplified in computer-based creative music-making.
In B. Sundril, G. E. McPherson and G. Folkestad (Eds.)
Children Composing, pp. 97-135, Lunds University:
Malmo, Sweden.
Hargreaves, D. J. & Colman, A. M. (1981). The dimensions of aesthetic reactions to music. Psychology of Music,
9, pp.15-20.
Hargreaves, D. J. & North, A.C. (1999). The functions of
music in everyday life: redefining the social in music psychology. Psychology of Music, 27, pp. 71-83.

CONCLUSION
This study builds on recent research showing the importance of music in adults everyday lives (DeNora, 2000;
North & Hargreaves, 2003; North et al., 2004; Sloboda,
1999; Sloboda et al., 2001), by highlighting subtleties in
both patterns of engagement and ways of thinking about
music and its functions.

Hays, T. & Minichiello, V. (2005). The meaning of music

in the lives of older people: a qualitative study. Psychology
of Music, 33, pp. 437-451.
Hornby, N. (2005). 31 Songs. London, Penguin Books.
MacDonald, R. A. R. (2000). Popular music: a pervasive
and neglected art form? Proceedings of the 6th ICMPC,
Keele, UK.

The first important finding from this study relates to style

categorisation. Individuals music preferences cannot simply be categorised in terms of genres such as pop, or even
subgenres such as indie: the results from Study 2 in particular highlight the complexities of music categorisation
and the importance this has for individuals.

North, A. C. & Hargreaves, D. J. (2003). Is music important? The Psychologist, 16 (8) pp. 406-410.
North, A. C., Hargreaves, D. J. & Hargreaves, J. J. (2004).
Uses of music in everyday life. Music Perception, 22, 4177.

The second main finding relates to individuals level of

conscious awareness and ability to discuss and explain
their uses of music. Although less engaged listeners do not
possess a sophisticated vocabulary for talking about music,
or a readily-accessible understanding of the ways they use
music in everyday life, they do nonetheless demonstrate
very similar ways of using music to change the way they
feel.

North, A. C., Hargreaves, D. J. & ONeill, S. A. (2000)

The importance of music to adolescents British Journal of
Educational Psychology, 70, pp. 255-272.
Potter.J & Wetherell, M (1987) Discourse and Social Psychology: Beyond Attitudes and Behaviour. London: Sage.
Sloboda, J. A. (1999). Everyday uses of music listening: a
preliminary study. In Suk Won Yi (Ed.), Music, Mind and
Science, pp. 354-369. Seoul: Western Music Institute

Future research must meet the challenges of finding ways

of exploring music preferences in a way which reflects
these complexities, and uncovering these less conscious
ways of engaging with music, in order to more fully understand why people like the music they do.

Sloboda, J. A., ONeill, S. A. and Ivaldi, A. (2001) Functions of music in everyday life: An exploratory using the
experience sampling method. Musicae Scientiae, 5, pp. 932.
Tarrant, M., North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2001). Social categorization, self-esteem, and the estimated musical
preferences of male adolescents. Journal of Social Psychology, 141, 565-581.

REFERENCES
Batt-Rawden, K. & DeNora, T. (2005). Music and informal
learning in everyday life. Music Education Research, 7, pp.
289-304.

Tarrant, M., North, A. C., & Hargreaves, D. J. (2000). English and American adolescents reasons for listening to
music. Psychology of Music, 28, 166-173.

DeNora, T. (1986). How is extra-musical meaning possible? Music as a place and space for work. Sociological
Theory, 4, pp. 84-94.

ISBN 88-7395-155-4 2006 ICMPC

966