1

Introduction: Identity and the Natural

Environment
Susan Clayton and Susan Opotow

Like many others, both of us value the environment, and this value has
come to shape our professional and personal lives. For the past 15 years,
we have worked as social psychologists to understand the deep-seated but
unexamined beliefs and values people have regarding the natural environment (Clayton & Opotow, L994;Opotow & Clayton, 1998).'We share
an abiding interest in the psychology of justice, and in our own research
explore how people think about issues of fairness with regard to the
natural environment (e.g., Clayton, 1,996,2000; Opotow, 1.993, 1.996l,.
Because we live far apafi, we meet to exchange new ideas and enjoy
the camaraderie of collaboration. One evening, over dinner at a vegetarian restaurant in Ann Arbor, Michigan, we discussed the powerful
way that fairness and identity interact in environmental conflict. After
dinner we saw our ideas crystallized with bracing directness in a graffiti
exchange on the wall of the women's restroom. A first comment admonished: "Eat organic-no poison food. Love Earth-don't poison your
home." A crude response jeered: "Eat shit you tree hugging faggot." This
call and response captured a reality that we had observed both anecdotally and in our work on environmental perspectives in citizens' '$7ise
Use environmental groups (Opotow & Clayton, 1998): People are
impassioned about environmental issues, their environmental beliefs can
affect other aspects of who they are, and environmental positions perceived as different than one's own can elicit a violent reaction.
The graffiti exchange prompted us to think about what drives such
statements. They are not primarily about justice, although they have
implications for what is seen as fair. Nor are they simply expressions of
attitudes. Although the first writer was clearly taking an attitudinal
stance, the second writer probably would not have responded as

Swsan

Clayton and Susan Opotota

Introduction

to a more factually based command. This exchange

was
more personal. The first statement evoked an
emotional relationship
between an individuar and the natural environment.
The second statement not only stereotyped the first writer,
but also demonstrated

vehemently

hostile, emotional, and aggressive reaction

to that stereotype. we understood this exchange to be about identity, but
identity in a larger and more
powerful way than it is usually defined. This
exchang. plul.d our relationship to others within the larger context
of how we view our relationship to the natural world.
ril/hy does it matter if
the natural environrnerrt and environmental
issues have ties directly ro our core identity?
As the graffiti exchange
illustrates, issues that are relevant to our
sense of self attract attention,
arouse emotion, and connect to other aspects
of our life more than issues
that are less personally significant (Kihlstrom
et al., 19gg). concerns
about self-image and self-presentation are
also a strong motivation for
behavior (see Baumeister, 199g; Onorato
& Turner, ZO01).
undersranding identity and its role in mediati,g
behavior toward the
natural world not only has provocative implications
for research, but it
also has important practicar implications. If
we better understand

what

makes people passionate about the environment,

we can understancr the
psychological mechanisms capable of fostering
prorecrive environmental
policies and behavior. At a rocal level,
researchers in many countries have
begun to find that environmentally sustainable
behavior requires a strong

community identity because both personal and

collective identity determine whether the values of sustainabirity are
adopted (see pol, 2002; see
also van vugt' 2001). At the globar level,
analyses of intransigent political conflicts suggest that they too are often
fundamentally .orr"fli.,, o.,r.,
identity and such crucial environmental resources
as water (Matthews,
1999).

Identities describe sociar roles, and roles

entair responsibirities. An
environmental identity-how we orient ourselves
to the natural world_
can describe the way in which abstract global

issues become immecliate

and personal for an individual. An environmentar
identity also prescribes
a course of action that is compatible with
individuals'

are.

sense

of who trrey

The topic of rdentity rrrrd envirorrmcrrt is orrly

[rcginning to ilttrilcl
vlricty of srrhtlisciplirrt,s. '['his lrool< [rrirrgs sorrrt. ol

rcst'arch frorrr a witlc

tlris work together in order to capture its variety, energy, and relevance,
,rrrtl ro impose coherence by placing the work within a descriptive framerv,rrl<. Our goal is to present empirical research and theory on the ways
rrr which

identity matters in determining human responses to the natural

lrr v ir<tnment.

It:rckground
.

l,

clate, environmental scholarship has given insufficient consideratioi

to thc deep connections between identity and the natural environment.
I rrrl'rirical research on environmental topics frequently poses questions

for natural science: Is the average global temperarrrr.r'increasing? \7hat are the likely effects of the destruction of rainlort'stS cln the extinction of species? Because environmental problems

,r.. ohjective matters

rrrrti:rlly were seen as the result of technological advances that produced

rrVironmental degradation as by-products, environmental problems

rr,,'r.t' rtlso seen as requiring technological solutions.
'l lrcrc has
been increasing recognition that environmental degradatiofl
r', n()t pLrrely a technological question, but is partly behavioral and atti-/
rrr,lrrrrl as well. This recognition has focused more attention on the ways
,,, rvlrich people think about the environment (see, e.g., Geller, 1992;
\l, l..r'rrzie-Mohr & Oskamp, 1995; Oskamp, 2000, 2002; Zelezny k
lrrrltz., 2000.) Even social scientific research, however, often conceptilr,
",
.rlrzts thc human relationship with nature as a disinterested one. peopid
rr. tonstrued in economic rather than affective terms-as caring for the
r rrr il ()rillteut primarily because it furnishes us with resources. The major,

rt*I

rhc rcscarch considers factors associated with sustainability, focus-

,rr,()n lrow;leople can be induced to make personal sacrifices for the

, ,\ r()nnrcnt through recycling or reducing their resource use. Along
',r,,rrl.u lincs, cconomic research has estimated the value of the environ,r( ,r rn lt'rrrrs of tlrc financial sacrifices people will make for it (Knetsch,
1't't '1, 'l'ht'sc rr1',proirclrcs have obvious pragmatic as well as theoretical
rrrpr)rt.urr'(', lrut tlrcy providc an incomplete picture. Focusing on eco,,',r u( r rrrtlt'ol l s lrrtl corrcrt'tc ;rhysical payoffs has significant limitarions
,, .rrt( nrl)ls lo t'lr:rrrgt'or rrrrrlt'rstrrncl hchevior. As with the dilemma of
rlr, ,,1111111,,',s(ll:rr-rlirr, l()6li), t'nvilorrrrrt'rrtrrlly rlt'stnrctivc bchavior may
l', ,r ''lrr)r'l r('r'nl, r:rrrorr;rl tlrortt'lor'.rrr inrlivi.lu,rl .,r:r srrr:tll gr'()u[). cvrrl

\trs,ttt ()l,tYlrttt rlrtrl ,\tr.s,trt ( )f,t)lt,tt,

Ittltrt,ltt,

it hirs cottttterprrtclttctivc outc()nlcs for thc lorrg

larger collective.
when

tcrrl arrrl firr

rlrc

well as intuition and anecdote indicate that the naturar

environment has value beyo,d its immediate or potential
.
utility. Economic analyses are increasingly compricated by findings
that people do
not calculate the utility of nature in an economically logical
wry. Irrrterd,
people use environmental behavior and contributions
to environmental
organizations as a way to make statements about their personal
and collective values-to define who they are through th.
.rrr", they support
(Ritov & Kahneman, 1997). surveys have shown
that environmental
values have strong religious and/or moral overtones
for rnany Americian
citizens (Kempton, Boster, & Hartley, 1995); for example
, a 2000 survey
Research as

,l, of the voting public found that 64 percent

agreed that protecting the

environment is a moral issue invorving beriefs about

what is moralry right

''or wrong (Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundarion,

2000). cross-cultural
studies find that environmental degradation is a source
of concern for
people across countries, social classes, and ethnicities (e.g.,
Kahn,
1999; Morrissey & Manning, 2000; parker & McDo
nough, tl9l,
Rohrschneid er, 1993) .
Almost every day news items describe environmental conflicts
that are

about more than economic interests: questions of whether

the right to
enjoy unpolluted natural resources can override private
property rights;
whether the interests of nonhuman species count as much
as the interests of humans; and why people persist in buying
sport utility vehicles
in the face of mounting evidence about global warming.
A close look

at
these stories reveals people who are passionate about
the issues, moved
ro tears at the loss of their ranch or to angef at the plight
of endangered

species, pleading for the protection of a way

of life or demanding the
restoration of a canyon. These emotions are not limited
to people identified as "environmentalists"; those who are defined u, r.irrg
on the
"antienvironmental" side of the fence-ranchers,

hunters, ,rd p.op.rty

owners-also argue their rove of the land and their desire
to pr.s..rr.
their relationship with it. As a farmer quoted in chapter
13 in this volume
said, in defense of his property r:ights, ,.you can have
my water when
you peel my cold, dead hand off my pump.,'
If the value of nature is not purely economic, what is it?
what makes
our relationship with nature an emotional one? And
what makes an envi_

ltrttt

r,,rrr, rrr.rl r.,.,u, r'volit'slrortg tttot'rtl cortsidcrrtti<lns? We ltelieve that the

,,,.'r, r lr,r: t, tlo willr itlcntity how wc clefine ourselves, others, and
,,rrrr( llrrs l,,rli rs 1.r'r'tttiscd on thc iclea that people have strong felii
rrr1.. .rlr,ut rr:rlur'r.' l,t'crtrrsc of its implications for both social and envi-ll
r,,,r,rr, rrr.rl itlt'rrtily. ln clraptcr 10, a leader of an inner-city tree-planting
I'r('l,r.urr rrr l)r'lroit puts it this way: "it iust makes a difference, your
,

r\r.unr('nl, lrow you act and how you feel about yourself."

\\ lr.rt ls ltlcntity?
l,lr rrrlv is:r corrccpt with broad meaning, traditionally linked with self,(
'.( ( l)l ,rrrrl irrvolving beliefs about who we are and who we want to be.
11,,11'1 1,11' thcrc is little consensus about what identity is. Ongoing
,1, l,.rrts c()r)ccrn the extent to which identity is primarily single or mulrrl,l(. rn(lcpenclent or interdependent, personal or social (Ashmore &
lrr',,,rrn, 1997; Cross & Madson, 1997).ln a psychoanalytic sense, idenr,r\ r:, l()nned by separation: the developing child builds a sense of who
,r r,, l)y rlistinguishing itself from what it is not (Segal, 1973).Identity is
,l',,,,rnsiclered to be a product of social appraisal. lWe form a sense of
,,,,rr.lvcs based on the information we receive about ourselves from
,,rlr.rs (Oooley, 1.902; Mead, 1934). Although identity, as a description
,,1 ,,rrt'sclf, may be intuitively felt to be a stable personal attribute, even
'.,,, lr t'rrcluring characteristics as gender and ethnicity are subject to siturlr,rrrll rnd cultural variations that affect what is salient and how it is
rr rtcr'1r-cted (Nagel, 1.996).
l't'rsonal identity emerges in a social context that includes interper,.,,rr;rl and group memberships. This perspective emphasizes cultural
r,.l)('cts of identity and takes account of social interdependence (Snyder
l'. (irurtor, 1998).Identity in this context is not stable, but is layered,
,,,rrrplex, and changing as it is negotiated in social interactions and conllrtts (Carbatgh,1996). As Martha Minow (1997) describes identity, it
r,, nr()re salient when it becomes fluid, such as when individuals or groups
,rrrtlcrgo geographical, social, and psychological shifts.

A conceptualization of identity in a changing social context is more

r,)nrl)lex than one that is static or purely intrapsychic, but it neverthel, ss rcmains a largely anthropocentric construct, rooted in multiple levels
,,1 social relationships. These analyses of identity miss the larger, nonlnrnrrrn context within which all human relationships occur. In 1960

(t

,\ttstttt ( )ltt\tlrttt ttiltl ,\ils,ltt ( )ltt)ltiltt

[Iaftrld Scarles arg,uccl tltat a hrrrnarr rclati()nship

with tlrr: rrrrtural w.rlcl
is transcendentally inrprrrtanr end ig,ored
at peril to ()ur psych,rogical
well-being (Searles, 1960). (See chapter
2 for a further discussion .f
Searles.) Yet psychological research
has given scant aftention to our rera_

tionship with the natural world. A broadened

conception of identity
would include how people see themserves in
the context of nature, how
people see animate and inanimate aspects
of the natural world, how
people relate to the natural world as
a whole, and how peopre relate to
each other in the context of larger environmental
issues.
What Is Nature?

Like "identity," definitions of "nature" and .,the

natural environment,,

are complex and contested. The predominant

meaning has traditionally

been "our nonhuman surroundings,, (Simmons,

1993,p. 11) with an
understood dichotomy between what is
a result of human influence and
what remains unrouched. The dichotomy
between the naturar ancl the
manufactured is, of course' artificial. Nature
has long been subject to
human influence through what is planted,
supported, or tolerated, and
what is exrerminated either directry or through
erimination of its habitat.
McKibben (1989) has famously made the
case that ri-:Lrrrr is no more

"nature" in the traditional sense: "By changing

the weather, we make
spot on earrh man-made and artificial" (p.
, ".urry
5g). Thus the idea that
the experience of nature is separate from
social experience is misleacring.
This myth may promote the idea that the
preservarion of the natural
environment is irrelevant to the life of
the average citizen, and contribute
to the perception that environmentalists
are misanthropic (see Morrison
& Dunlap, 1996)' In a book on Henry David Thoreau,
David Botkin
(2001) writes "This sense of isolatio,
from nature reinforces the idea,
prevalent today, that nature is 'out
there' and that preservi,g nature is
generally an activity that takes prace
over the horizon. . . . A: a result,
the conservation and protection of wild
living resources is typicary seen
as an activity that is beyond our
day_to_day urban experienie,, (p.94).
.-In this book, we use the terms nature and, the naturar enuironment in
the
average person's sense, to refer to environments
in which the influence
of humans is minimar or nonobvious, to living
components of that environment (such as trees and animals),
and ro nonanimare natural envi_
ronmental features, such as the ocean
shore. \Teigert (1997,p.49) has

Ltlr{)(ltlt llt)tr

r,l, rrr',1 to tlris rrs tlrr' "rclativcly natural envir<lnment." However, we

,rl,lr.r\rz( tlrrr( tlrc cxpcricrtcc of nature can take place in urban settings
,.. u,, ll :rs irr rt'tttotc wilclerness areas.

l,lr-nlily :rntl Naturc

',, lr,l.rrs lronr :r varriety of disciplines have begun to explore the relevance

to the natural environment. Philosopher Carolyn Merchant

(l()().)) lr,rs dcscribed different ways of valuing the environment that
,rr, lrr,lt' cxtcncling the boundaries of what is important to oneself alone
1r y,.tt'rrtric), to humans in general (anthropocentric), and to the bios;,lrlrt (t'cocentric or biocentric). Psychological research (e.g., Axelrod,

,,1 r,h'rrlity

l'r').1; Stcrn 6c Dietz, 19941 has affirmed the significance of these differnr v;rlu(' orieutations in predicting environmentally sustaining behavior.
lir,,lrrrist ll. O. \flilson (e.g., 19841 has proposed a genetically based ten,lr rty to affiliate with nature, "biophilia," suggesting that the relation-

,1,r1,

with the natural world is a hard-wired part of human nature.

',r,'1rlrt'rr

l(ellert (e.g., 1.993,1997) has elaborated the ways in which the

l,r,,philirr tendency might be expressed, and has detailed the adaptive ben, lrr:; lhrrt accrue even today from what he describes as the

"link

between

;r.r:;rrnill identity and nature" (1.993, p.43).

S,,rrrc have moved from theory to advocacy in arguing that people need
1r,1111111s.1 with nature at a deep and personal level, even to redefine
r lr, rrsclves in a way that includes the natural world. A philosophical per',1rr'r'tivc known as "deep ecology" (Naess, 1989; see also chapter 2 in
rlrr,; volume) describes this as necessary

in order to live a life that is in

with nature. "Ecopsychology," similarlS represents a therapeurr( ()r'icntation which holds that humans need to rediscover their ties to
rlr. rntural world in order to experience full mental health (Roszak;
't't r; Thomashow, 1998; Winter, 1996).
( )rrr own work exploring distinct conceptions of justice with regard to
, rrvir'<rnmental issues (Clayton, 2000; Clayton & Opotow, 1994) led udi
r, tlrc question of identity because beliefs about what is fair are funda-)
rrrt'rrtrrlly entwined with who we are, how we relate to others, and wh{
rlr.rt means in terms of rights and obligations (Clayton & Opotow,2003).
( )l)otow (1987,1990) has argued that we distinguish persons and envir(,nnrcrltal entities with moral worth from those without such worth by
l,.rl.rrrcc

\rr,s,ur ( llrt\rlo11,111,1,\tl.r,rl ( )ftrt!1y11,

Ittlrodtrt ltott

cxclrrcling the lafter f.on.r corsiderati()rs

of f'airncss, justice, or the r.rorxr
c,mmunity. In other words, identity underlies
beriefs about deserving and
fairness. Research by Clayton and others (e.g.,
Clayto n, 1,996; Kahn,
1999) st'rongly suggests that nature and natural
entities (trees, species,

ecosystems) are given moral consideration

by indivicluals who care about
environmental issues. (See also Nash, 1ggg,
and Stone, 1g74, forhistorical and legal perspectives on the moral standing
of

nature.) Several
writers have introduced terms that are similar
to the focus of this book.
Thomashow (199s),for example, has written
about .,ecological

identity,,,
meaning, in part, "the ways people construe
themselves ir rerationship
to the earth" (p. 3). SimilarlS weigert has written
about ,.environmentar
identity," meaning the "experienced social understandings
of who
we are

in relation to, and how we interact with, the natural

enyironment as
other" (1997,p' 159). others have described an
"environmentar self,, or
an "ecological self,, (e.g., Cantrill & Senecah,2001;
Naess, _19g9), but
none of th.,. tl.r* has succeeded in claiming
definitionar turf or achiev-

ing consensus about its meaning (see Neisser,

1997 onthe ecological self).
This lack of consensus on terminology reflects
the sripperin.r, o] th. .orr'when
cepts.
even "nature" and "identity', are hard to pin
down, it is dif_

ficult-and not

necessarily

desirable-to construct a rigid definition of

environmental identity. The fact that the

concept has been approached
from a number of disciplinary and theoretical
perspectives, however,
reflects growing interest in the intersection
between rderrtrty and environment as well as awareness of its practical
significance.

Environmental Identity Elaborated

rfe

propose an integrative construct of environmentar

identity that
encompasses mulriple meanings as we[
as a recognition of the dynamic
nature of identity' one way of thinking about
environmental identity
concerns the way in which we define the
environment, the degree of
similarity we perceive between ourselves and
other components"of the
natural world, and whether we consider nature
and nonhuman natural

entities to have standing as valued components

of our social and moral
communify (Opotow, 1993, 1996). For example,
pretechnological cul_
tures sometimes ascribe identity to naturar
forces and oblects such as
trees, animals, mountains, or winds, endowing
them with intentionarity,

*rrrr,rr.rl r( (,1)()ns( i sulrjcctivc pcrspcctive, or simply spiritual signifi, rr,, (..(, ,lr.rqrlt r- ')). Although srrch conceptions of nature are consid! r,,l rn',( r,'rrlrlir :rrrllrrol'rorrtorplrism by current'Western standards, they
rr,,r r, ll,, r .r nr()r'('sophistic:rtccl understanding (see, e.g., Nelsonr1993)
,

l, r ., ,l ,,rr .r lrt r.t t'ivt'rl sirrrilrrrity rather than equivalence (cf. Kahn, chapter
r, rrr rlrr,, v,,lrrrrt',:trrrl Kirlof, chapter 8).
!l.r ,rrlv is llrt'rrrrtural world given an identity through the way in

', lrr, lr 1,,',,1,1t' vicw rrnd experience their relationship with it, but it also
rrrllrr, n,,',, rrrtlivirlLral identities. Merely by existing as an important sym1,,,Ir,,1,1rysit,rl,encl politicalreferencepointthatisencounteredinbooks,

,r,,rr,.,, lrulrlic clclrates, and experiences, the natural environment serves

rrr rrl,r rrr pt'oplc about who they are. Consistent with psychological
rr..l..u( lr orr "place attachment" (see Altman & Low, 1992), emotional
r ,,rn('( rr()ns to particular environmental aspects of places people have
lrr,,l r'otl<y tcrrain, harsh winters, and the ocean shore-serve to shape
rrrrlr'rtlrr:rls" sclf-clefinitions. Similarly people may define themselves
r1,r,,111,11 tlrc ways that they interact with nature as environmentalists,
lrrl.r'r:. ,rncl/or landowners; or through the relationships they form with
rrurrr.rls (scc: Plous, 1993) and their perception of being both similar to
rrr,l ,lrllcrcnt from animals (see chapter 8).
I lrt'st' strong attachments to and contrasts with nature can contribute
r, rlrt' lrorrnation of group identities in environmental contexts. Bird
rr'.rlr lrt'r-s, urban dog walkers, hikers, and hunters develop bonds of
lr r.rrtlship as well as engaging in collective action, battling private develrrpnrcnt and public initiatives as they advocate land protection or fight
lrrrrrtirrli restrictions or leash laws. Thus nature-oriented activities can
,lr.il strong social connections that take on intensified meaning in envi,,,rurrcrrtal conflicts between those who want to interact with nature in
(,n( way and those wishing to interact in another. Those working to pre,,( rvc il forest, for example, become "us," while those who log the forests
l,, r'onre "them." As the graffiti exchange illustrates, stereotypes that are
.rlrrched to particular environmental values, attitudes, and behaviors can
pl,ry out as social and political conflict.

A Model of Environmental Identity

Wt' propose that environmental identity can be usefully conceptualized
,r,. occurring along a dimension anchored by minimal and strong levels

l0

Susan Clayton and Susan

epotaw

Introduction

11

of social influence. Environmentar identities inevitably

contain a social
componenr because they depend on and
ultimately contribute to social
meaning. How we understand ourselves in
nature is infused with shared,
culturally influenced undersfandings of what
nature is-what is to be
revered, reviled, or utilized. Social variables
affect how much we are able
and choose to focus on the naturar environment
and how we interpret
what we see. However, although social influence
is inevitable, the degree
of influence varies.
rTith an environmentar identity that is minima,y
influenced by social
factors, individuals or groups view themselves
as experiencing and
understanding nature directrg with littre
or no social mediation. Nature
is seen as distinct and apart from sociar living,
anic social conflicts and
group memberships are less prominent (tabre
1.1). In contrast, with an
environmental identity that is sffongly influenced
by sociar factors, individuals or groups view themselves as situated
within potent ,o.rrt .ur._
gories, in which political realities, activism,
and social conflicts are
prominenr. Described in terms of the gestart
figure-ground shift (Kohrer,
1959), at times the naturar environment is
the figure (the main focus of
a picture that is central in importance) while
the social contexr is the
ground (peripheral elements that serve
as background). A shift in perspective, however, can make social groupings
into the figure and the
environment merely background (figure 1.1).
Between these two per_
spectives are conceptions of environmental
identity in which the sociar
and natural environment exert a roughly
equivalent influence; they are

interdependent.

Table 1.1
Environmental identity
Influence of social identity

High
Social group identity is prominent
Positions self in a social world
Political reality is influential

Group focus
Social conflict prominent

Low
Individual experience is prominent
Positions self as interacting with nature
Nature is seen as apart from human

activity
Individual focus
Social conflict less prominent

lirrtirrl nncl natural influences as figure and ground in environmental identity.

Although this depiction of environmental identiry is static, in actuality,

nrvinrrtmental identity is complicated by a dynamic interplay berween

tlrc srrcial and environmental. As this book's chapters illustrate, figure
r:lrtl ground continually encroach on and envelop each other as change
ix l,q,cucrated by growth, understanding, experience, and conflict. For
r,xtrnple, as a consequence of environmental experiences such as tree
plrrnting or exposure to wild animals in a zoo, an environmental iden-

tity that was initially rooted in social, communify experiences can

expand to include the natural world. Like Max's bedroom in the story
Wbere the Wild Things Are (Sendak, 1,963), which gradually morphed
irrto a jungle, the environment can transform social identity, increasingly
plrrying a larger role in one's sense of self and one's world view as a
l)trson in nature. Similarly, an environmental identiry that had been
rrttuned less to social forces and more to the rhythm, challenges, or
lrauty of the natural world, can become more politically and socially
charged as threats to the environment are discerned. As social concerns
irrtrude on what had previously been a more direct relationship with
rlrture, environmental identity comes to include social issues, affiliations,
rrnd oppositions.

In sum, one's social orientation leads to ways to position oneself environmentally, while one's environmental orientation leads to ways to

12

ln*oduction

Susan Clayton and Swsan Opotou

position oneself socially. Environmental identity, therefore, involves a

dynamic interplay between what is perceived as central and as peripheral, with the social and environmental encroaching on and redefining

13

r,'rrr( nlirl iclentity, but to bring together a range of conceptualizations

and
,rr .rtltl to better understand the many ways that environmental
,,, r,rl itlt'rrtities entwine.

each other.

ch Methods
and
llrr. :.trrrly of identity and the natural environment presents logistic
approaches'
,,r, rlrrtlological challenges that require diverse and creative
context
lr r', rnl)()rtant not only to understand a particular environmental
also to attain internal
,,r.1 tlrt'ways people respond in that context but
conclusions' The
rrrrl t.rrcufldl validity in order to develop generalizable

l(r
Purpose and Structure of the Book

This book demonstrates that identity is relevant to understanding human

interactions with the natural environrnent. All the chapters approach the

topic of identity and the natural world from the perspective of social and
behavioral science. In addition to offering theoretical advances for identity and environmental studies, the chapters address the practical and
puzzling question of why concern about, and regard for, the natural environment does not always lead to action to protect it. The diverse methodologies, environmental contexts, and orientations toward human-nature
interaction presented here offer perspectives that have relevance for
policy makers, those involved in local and global environmental conflicts,
developrnental theorists, environmental educators, and people studying
justice and values. By bringing together a variety of conceptual, conrex-

tual, and methodological approaches, we hope to suggest an overall

structure for an emerging field and ro propose fruitful directions for
future research.
When we began this book, we sought agreement on a working term
and asked the contributing authors about their preference for "environmental" or "ecological" identity. (See Thomashow, 1995, and \7eigert,
L997, for earlier uses of these terms.) Instead of a consensus, we had a
lively e-mail exchange in which the authors disagreed about the connotations of each term. Some authors preferred the term ecological identity, arguing that it better describes a sense of the self in relation to
nature, or the self as part of an ecosystem, as well as avoiding the confusion caused by the fact that "environment" can include the built and
even the social environment. Others preferred enuironmental ideutity,
feeling that it has more intuitive meaning for the averagcr incliviclual,

relating more clearly to what are known as "environrlcrrtrrl issrrcs."

IThile we (Clayton and Opotow) prcfcr cnvirorrrncntal ic['ntity rrntl rrsc
it in this introclttcti<ltr, it is ch:rrrrctclistic ol thc {it'ltl tlrrrt Iittlc t.()ns('nsus
t'risls. ()trt irtltrttion r\ n(,1 lo,rssil',rr.r sirrl',1t.. lirt..l tlt.lirrrti{)n t() r.nvi

.,r'.tr

research
,lr,rlrtt't's in this book meet these criteria by utilizing multiple

data with powerful

Qualitative methods produce rich
These
, ., 1,,,r*i.rn. of individuals' responses to environmental issues'
interviews' focus
,1,1,,,,,rches include structured and semistructured
of archival
rr(,ul)s, case studies, participant observation, and analysis
by utilizing
rrr.rlt.r.i:rl. other studies provide more experimental control
r1,1i1rv;1gl1sq.

'rr, lr tlurrntitative methods as questionnaires and experimental research'

range of environmental
I lrt' chapter authors have examined a wide
of ages' socioecorange
broad
a
(,'nr(\ts and groups. The latter cover
consider
,,,,,rric lrackgrounds, and cor'rntries of resiclence' The studies
adults, rural and urban dwellers'
r
r )nr11e rtal identity for children and
rr\,r

protection
, ,r,, lrcl.s and biologists. They also consider environmental
at several levels of analysis-from the loss of a partic-

tlt.srldltion
other' Just
,rl.rr licld or tree at one end to global climate change at the
,,,,1

identity
t.rrvironmental changes can be understood at different levels,
show'
ably
authors
1,.r,, l() lre understood at these levels as well' As the
Taken as
..rrur(' is significant for individuals, communities, and regions'
and soci, rvlrolc. this book depicts a variety of ways in which individual
about, relate
, t,rl (.()nstructions of identity influence the ways we think
r,,

r.. :rr(l

bchavtr towarcl the natural world'

t )rgrutizirtiotr of thc Btlok

,,lt.vt.rr.l . ll()lnrcs bcgins thc considcration of environmental identity by

tltt't'xtrtttt litcrrtttrre r:clating to identity and the natural enviin

r.nnr('lrl rrrttl lry tlisctrssrng tlrc irltcrscction of nature and ldentity
field
the
on
r,illrt.r tlrt.()rit.s,rrrtl irr tlrt, livcs ol ofllcr writet's. l{cflecting
relationship
.r,..r wlr,,lt., Ilolrrrt.s r-,rist.s rrt.rv tlrrtsl iotts;tlrotll tllt'cotttplcx
r( \'r('\\/inll

l.l,fz.r,lz

( )ltt1tl911,111,1,\trs,1r I)ltrtl1111,

Itrlrrttltrt

bctwcen s'cial and environrncntal iilcntities irr

tlrc c.rrtt'xt ()l c,vir(),mental awareness, conflict, and change.
The remaining chapters all report original
empirical research. They are
divided into three parts based on the degree
of sociar influence orr envi-

ronmental identity: mi,imal, moderate, or

strong. In the work discussed
in the first pafi, a direct relationship to the natural
world is more influ_
ential than social aspects of environmentar identity.
In the second part,
direct and social aspects of environmental identity
are roughly in
balance. In the third part, the social aspects

of environmental identity

are more influential than a direct relationship

with the natural world.

Part I' Experiencing Nature as Individuals These

chapters describe
environmental identity in abstract and holistic
terms. Social forces,

although relevant, are ground rather than figure;

the focus is on the way

that environmental identity emerges through immediate

and personal
experiences with the naturar worrd that change
peopre,s understanding

of themselves and nature.

The authors consider the way in which individuals

construct the ,,idenexperiences foster
awareness and an environmental identity in

tity" of nature, as well as ways in which environmentar

chirdren anJ adults. A naturalist quoted in chapter 4 expressed this abstract,

horistic, yet direct
relationship with nature: "There's a feeling rike
you don,t end at the trps
of your fingers or the top of your head. Because
what,s going on has ro
do with what you,re doing, and with other things
th"t *. *Iirg ,rrr, ,u
you're kind of a part of this whore thing, and
very small b".nrrJ there,s
so much more out there. " This direct relationship
with nature also seems
to evoke ethical standards for human behavior toward
nature based on
a recognition of the macrolever significance
and standing of nature. As
a child quoted in chapter 5 says, "trees have
a right to stand there, and
bushes, they have the right to grow.,, It
then follows, as another child
quoted in chapter 6 says, that "when you're
dearing with what nature
made, you need not destroy it.',
Susan clayton elaborates on the concept
of environmentar identity as

a meaningful source of serf-definition

and discusses why the naturar envi-

ronment might be particurarly relevant to

the serf. She presents research
on the construction and varidation of an environmental
identity scale to
examine individual differences in the salience
or strength of an enviro.-

ltttrt

i,,

rrr rl i,nrl)()n('nl irr tlrc scll-c()nccpt. Her research shows that envir,,rnr, nr.rl rtlcrrtity rclrrtcs in a rncaningful way to values, attitudes, and
1,, lr rr r,,r,,, .ur(l is prcrlictivc of the position people take with regard to

rr'rrn( ll;rl r'onflicts.

t,, rr. lVlyt'r.s arrrl Anrr Russell discuss the ways in which an environrr, nr.rl rtlt'rrtr(y crur crmerge through interaction with the natural, nonIrrrrrr.rn crrvironrrrcnt, parallel to the ways in which identity emerges from
,,, r.rl rrrtcrrrction. They specify criteria for claiming that interactions
l,n, rc['vrlncc for identity and draw on in-depth interviews with ten
,,,, rr \vlro hilvc interacted with black bears to illustrate the way in which
r1,,,,,' rr.itt'rir are met. Myers and Russell point out that even identity
l,'rn('(l through interactions with animals is partly mediated through
,
', ',rlly tlt'tcrmined interpretarions.
tllntlr (lebhard, Patricia Nevers, and Elfriede Billmann-Mahecha
,,rrlrzc focus group discussions to explore environmental reasoning in
,lr t.rrl, iurd find that children use human identity to construct an anthrot)( 'nr()r-phic identity for such natural objects as trees. The authors contend
rlr,rt tlris anthropomorphic reasoning allows the children to feel empathy
\\ rrlr nrture and endow it with moral standing. A greater use of anthro;,,,rrrorphic reasoning among younger, compared with older children,
'.u1,.1',('sts the influence of socialization on the way in which we think
.rl)()u[ nature. The authors discuss the relevance of their research for
, llsirning environmental education programs.
l)cter H. Kahn, Jr., describes cross-cultural research on environmental
rrr.ml reasoning. His findings suggest that the natural environment is
rnportant to children and that they consider it to have moral standing.
1..:rhn finds two principal ways in which children think about environrrrcntal issues: anthropocentric, in which the environment is merely a
:,()rrrce of human value, and biocentric, in which nature is given moral
stlrnding. The development of biocentric reasoning suggests that there
rrrrry be a maturational component in the way we think about our relationship with nature. Kahn suggests that the disconnect between attitrrdes about nature and environmental behavior is a consequence of the
lact that people have multiple identities that vary in significance from
one situation to another.
Elisabeth Kals and Heidi Ittner report research on children's
rrrotives for nature-protective behavior. According, to Kals and lttner,
, !rt

\tr.s,ut ( )l,tl,torr ,tu(l ,\nj,ut ( )ltrtlrtrt,

Ittlro,ltt, ltott

Lrllvil'()lllllclltal idelltity irr cltilclrc, is cvircccl

by ir c.rrrbirrrlti()rl ()l crl()
tional attachment to nature a,d morar concern
ab,ut trrreats to,:lture.
Their studies of German a,d British children
show that eve, young chirdren have developed a view of the natural
environment based in part on

emotio,al reactions and morar reasoning, and

that this view affects their
attitudes toward environmental protection.
Part

II'

Experiencing Nature in social and community

contexts In
these chapters social and natural forces
exert an interdependent effect on
environmental identities. Experiences and
u,derstandings of nature are
fundamental, but onet rerationship to nature
is understood as pervasive
and ordinary, resulting from the specific socioculturar
practices of every,
day life. The studies elaborate some of rhe
intervening levels of analysis
that structure and moderate the human-nature
rerationship.

A,

activist
quoted in chapter 9 describes the relationship
between social and envi_
ronmental forces in the context of a tree-planting
program: ..r'e don,t
know if we're organizing communities to plant
trees oiplu.rtirg trees to
organize communities.,,
The authors examine the rerationships between
people and nature in

such diverse contexts as people's perceived

similarities

to

animals,

people's connection to plants in their

communities, and people,s perceptions of nature in a coastal community. Ethical
concerns about fairness

and justice at this lever are likery to be constructed

at the microlevel,
attuned to the fairness of procedures or
distributions of resources within
a specific neighborhood or locale, or specific instances
of animal

treatment.

Linda Kalof explores the rerationship between

how people think about
themselves and how they think about
animals and discusses the role of
culture in constructing attitudes toward natural
entities. Based on questionnaires, she finds that people think about
themselves and animals i,
similar ways' Her research also examines more
traditional, demographic
features of social identity such as race
and gender, finding .ffI.t, of
ethnicity but not gender on how animals are
regarded.
Robert Sommer discusses how and why trees
are significant to people.
He reviews five theoretical approaches relevant
to tree-human relationships and summarizes research on how involvement
in tree_planting pro_

grams, compared with passive exposure

to city trees, affects city dwellers,

r..( , rl

grt'rsolrrrl ('nrl)()w('nu('nt end cotlmunity identity. Sornmer

,1r., rr,,,,r': tlrc irrrplicirtiorrs of thc firrdings on tree-human relationships
t,,r Iurrrrt'r'r'scarch irncl for the development of effective urban
!

' l!\ ilI[ilil('nl,tl llrogratrls.

Nl.rrnt'r'rr l'1. Ar-rstin and Rachel Kaplan focus on the people who

fill

tree-planting programs: the leaders

rr lr. rrritr:r[c thcm, and the maintenance workers who ensure their
,i. ( \\.'l'lrrough interviews, the authors explore the ways in which indi,,,lrr.rl rliffcr-ences in experience and knowledge affect involvement in
rl,, l,rogrrtrns, and how involvement in such programs can transform
r1,, 11,;1ys in which the participants think about themselves and their
rrr.rr urrrt'r)t:ll

rolcs

ir.r irnplernenting

,,rrrrrrrrttities.

V,,llicr Linneweber, Gerhard Hartmuth, and Immo Fritsche explicitly

r,l.rrt' cnvironmental identity to social position. In their study of the
rrrlr,rlritrrrrts of a threatened coastal zone, the authors found that perceprr.rrs ()f local environmental issues varied according to the social posirr()n ()f the respondent. They suggest that an environmental identity
,,'rstitutes a set of cognitions about the environment that is relevant for
r l)r'rson in his or her specific social and geographic context. As such,
, rrvironmental identity mediates the importance of environmental issues
1, ,r. rrdividuals.
l':rrt III. Experiencing Nature as Members of Social Groups In the final
t,.rlt, environmental identity is defined within a strongly social context
rrr which group affiliations and conflict play an influential role. Identity,
rvhcther chosen or ascribed, is partly determined by how individuals and
rir'()ups position themselves with or against others on environmental
r.,sucs. The perspective on environmental identity in these chapters is sen..rtive to the group, institutional, regional, and national levels, as well as
tlrc nuances of ecology that take account of multiple natural and human
lorces on nature.
'l'he first two chapters describe groups that find themselves in opposition over specific environmental issues, while the final two chapters focus
,,n people who self-identify as environmentalists, and who thus come
into conflict with some of the values of the dominant social paradigm
(c.g., consumption as a goal, economic considerations as primary). Issues
of justice and fairness, which become overt in situations of conflict

18

Introduction

Susan Clayton and Susan Opotow

(Lerner, 1981), are important for the individuals described in these chapters; procedure, outcome, and inclusion are particularly significant in
regard to groups rather than individuals. Environmental issues are seen
at least partly in terms of how social groups are treated, as illustrated
by a rancher who asserts in chapter 12 "Don't ask me to be the only
person that pays the burden. . . .If the population in general wants to
protect endangered species, which I think is great, then the population

in general should be willing to pay for ir."

Susan Opotow and Amara Brook describe environmental identity in
the context of rangeland conflicts. Their chapter" connects to those in
parts I and II by showing how social position can affect the moral standing given to a natural entity. On the basis of interviews with ranchers
and surveys of landowners, they report on reactions to the endangered
species listing of the Preble's meadow jumping mouse. Opotow and
Brook show how both social and environmental identities can polarize
ranchers and nonranchers, and how this can lead to a moral exclusion
that delegitimizes the needs and concerns of those perceived as being on
the opposing side. They discuss the implications for more constructive
ways of handling environmental conflicts that take identiry into account.
Charles D. Samuelson, Tarla Rai Peterson, and Linda Putnam examine
the way in which group identities frame competing views of a dispute
over water resources. They seek to understand the conditions under
which knowledge motivates action in environmental issues, and propose
that the answer is identity. They describe public participation in a watershed restoration project that attempts to overcome intergroup tensions.
The authors argue that by facilitating communication under the right circumstances, this approach can encourage the development of a superordinate identity based on concern for the watershed and can increase the
possibility of consensual action.
Stephen Zavestoski bases his chapter on the recognition thar a committed ecological identity, although vitally important to at least a subset
of the population, is not supported by society at large. Drawing on interviews with and observations of members of the deep ecology movement,
he discusses the ways in which ecological identities have to be actively
maintained through both social interaction and interaction with the
natural environment. He defines ecological identity as a set of cognitions
that could allow us to anticipate the environmental consequences of our

L9

behavior. Thus, when it is activated, an ecological identity necessarily

nlotivates proenvironmental behavior.
tJflillett Kempton and Dorothy C. Holland draw on interviews with
rrrcmbers of diverse environmental organizations to discuss how differ('nt types of environmental identity emerge. They explore ways in which
rclf-identification as an environmentalist develops out of action. For
Kcrnpton and Holland, an environmental identity is composed of the
inlportance of environmental issues, the identification of oneself as an
ircror, and knowledge. Identity and action then build on each other in a

positive feedback loop.

lirrvironmental conflicts

will

be neither understood nor constructivefi

rcsolved unless we recognize the ways in which they reflect individqaf

*tttl group identities. SimilarlS attempts to change behavior in a proenvinrrrmental direction that ignore people's underlying environmental and
rolial identities may have only a short-term effect; their behavior may
t(,vcrt to earlier forms when incentives to change are removed. Because

nlvironmental problems are increasingly important, and because envilrrrrncntal issues appear to engage moral reasoning and beliefs in a
uni(lue and powerful way, we need a better understanding of the conilertions between environmental issues and identity.
lirrelt arspect of environmental identity-at minimal, moderate, and
iltunl{ levels of social influence-can be understood as a different lens
!ut' hroking at the human-nature relationship. Each person has the capac-

lly to rclete to nature at an abstract and a holistic level (minimal social

llllttrttcc), in practical and culturally grounded ways (moderate social
Ittllrruce ), and in ways that are attuned to the complexity of multiparty
Flrvironrlrcntal conflicts (strong social influence).
Wr r:itrt use these different lenses to examine why environmental identlty tlors ttot always predict environmental action and understand when
ll lr trlrrc' likcly to do so. When social influences are minimal, individu-

wlro otherwise have a strong environmental identity may overlook

well as societal actions that
4rer llar socir:tirl threats to the ecosystem, as
tilr be trtken to protcct it. It is easy for individuals to talk about the
llglrlr uf niltrlre, irs in some of these chapters, because there may be little

llr

20

Susan

Clayton dild Susdn ()ltolotu

Introtluctktt 2l

of corresponding responsibilities. when social

infl,ences are moderate and a human*nature interaction exists
within a specific social
context' it can be easy to miss the big picture-a
sense of how oneb own,
local environmental experiences can relate
to global phenomena. Finally,
when social influences are strong, poritical
and social conflicts may lead
to a focus on specific political detairs and strategies
that overwhelm a
more general concern for nature.
An awareness of environmental identity at each
of these revels can
reveal the different ways that people ,nde.stard
and respond to the psy_
chological and moral significance of nature,
as well as the practicar ways
in which that response can be translated into
specific actions within a
social context. without minimizing the
differences among the chapters
in this volume, we suggest that they imply
that pro.rruirorrlental action
can be facilitated at three levels:
sense

1' First, proenvironmental action will be facilitated

when individuars see
nature as an entity with moral standing rather
than merely ,o,rr.. of
resources to exproit.
This should read to a recognition that we"
have some

responsibility to protect nature.

2' Second, proenvironmentar action wifl be facilitated
when social environments (both physical and conceptual)
are designed ,o-rrr*rr.. u
feeling of connectedness to nature ,.rd
u., u*urrrr.r, of the rocal impact
of global environmental issues.
3' Third, proenvironmental acdon wiil be facilitated
when social contexts support proenvironmental identities
and encourag. ;,;!ririo,
of shared concern for the .rui.orr-.rt ,l*
..orr", and blurs &isting
group boundaries.

l), lt. (2(X)l). No man's garden: Thoreau and a new uision for ciuiliza,wl ,rutur(. Washington, D.C.: Island Press.
I elrtltll,,1. (i., & Senecarh, S. L. (2001). Using the "sense of self-in-place" conrlurr I in tltc contcxt of environmental policy-making and landscape planning.
Hrrllrlrr,
lhtct

Altman, I.,

t t t t t

t t' t t I d

I S cicnce and

olicy, 4,

18

-203.

selues. Albany: State University of New York

Ptert,

!'ldylou, S. l). (1996).Vhat is fair in the environmental debate? In L. Montada

ft M. l. [,crrrcr (Eds.), Current societal concelns about justice (pp. 195-211).
New Yolk: l)lgrum.

t lrrytnn, S. l). (2000). Models of justice in the environmental debate. Journal of

rrrl /tsrrcs, .t 6(3), 459474.
I l,tytrrrr, $. D., & Opotow, S. V. (Eds.) (1,994]t. Green 1'ustice: Conceptions of

,{rrr

l,ttrrress rrrrd the natural world. [Special issue]. Journal of Social Issues,50(31.
I ,l*ylon, S. D., & Opotow, S. V. (2003). Justice and identity: Changing per-

rlx,rtivcs on what is fair. Personality and Social Psychology Reuiew,7.

H. (19021. Hwman natwre and the social order. I\ew York: Scribner.
S. li., & Madson,L. (19971. Models of the self: Self-construals and gender.

rlt'y, C.

{ itrr*s,

22, 5 -37 .
{,rllt'r; 11. S. (1992). Solving environmental problems: A behavior change pertlrt.ttivc. In S. Staub 8c P. Green (Eds.l, Psychology and social responsibility:
l',t, ittg gl<tbal cballenges (pp.248-268). New York: New York University Press.
tt *\,,' I t r tl

ogical Bulletin,

(l lirtlirr, G. (1968). The tragedy of the commo ns. Science, 162, 1243-1248.
Ilr,rrry.f . Kaiser Family Foundation (2000). 'Wasbington Posr (Sept. 7-17). 2000
l',lrr'lirvn Values Suruey. Retrieved March 25,2003 from Lexis Nexis.
lrirlrrro f).

H.,Jr. (1999). The human relationship with nature: Deuelopment and

t,tllure. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT

Press.

Irtllclt,

ft
References

t' i t t

*= H

t *tlr,rttglr. l). (1995). Situating

S. (1993). The biological basis for human values of nature. In S. Kellert

li. O. '!7ilson (Eds.), The biophilia hypothesis (pp. a2-69). \Tashington D.C.:

lr,lrrncl Press.

& Low,

S.

M.

(Eds.) (1992). place attachment. New york: plenum.

Ashmore, R' D', &.|ussim, L. (1997).Introduction:

Toward a second century o{
the scientific anarysis of serf and id."tityr, n. D. Ashmore & L. Jussim (Eds.),
Self and identity: Fundamental issues (pp.
S_-iS). N._ york: Oxford.

(Rxelrod, L.

l. flg94r-,Barancing personar needs wirh environmenral preservatde,nffuing the uarres that"guia. al.irr.r*in
ecologicar diremmas. Journar
In31:
I ssues, S0(3), 85_1 04.
YSocial

Baumeister, R.

E (199g). The self. In D. T. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske,

& G. Lindzey
H?!4!ook
of social psychotogy 6ti ed.,'pp. esoiobi-ri.*
\\d':),
McGraw-Hill.

"*,.,

l(r'lltrrt, S. (1997). Kinship to ffiastery: Biophilia in human euolution and deuelttl,tnent. \Tashington D.C.: Island Press.
Kt'nrpton, '!7., Boster,
S., & Hartleg
A. (1995). Enuironmental ualues in

J.

J.

t\rtrarican cubure. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

Kilrlstrom, J. F., Cantor, N., Albright, J. S., Chew, B. R., Klein, S. B., &
Neidenthal, P. M. (1988). Information processing and the study of the self. In
1,, llerkowitz (8d,.), Aduances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 21, pp.
l,l 5*180). San Diego: Academic Press.
Krrctsch, J. L. (1997). Reference states, fairness, and choice of measure to vaiue
r,rrvironmental changes. In M. H. Bazerman, D. M. Messick, A. E. Tenbrunsel,
Si I(. A. Wade-BehToni (Eds.), Enuironment, etbics, and bebauior (pp. 13-32).
Srrrr l-rancisco: New Lexington Press.

22
Kohler,
Lerner,

Susan Clayton $flil liu$dn ()pototu

lntroduction

w. (19J9). Gestart psychorogy. New york:

Menror Ilo.ks.
s' c' (1gg1). Adapting ro scarcity and change

(I): stating the problem.

In M. J. Lerner and.S. C.
@ds):T;; iustice motiue in sicial behauior:
1.*.i
Adapting to times of scarcity
ard
:_fOf. New york: plenum.
"bangr lff.
M' (1999). Politics of water
stalls peace process. Babimore

sun,Dec.

ilX:tfft,

N4cKenzie-Molc p.,

Or\:-0,

S. (Eds.) (tggS). psychology and the

promo_

.t ISpeiial issuel.
rryt1r_"fl. *ture
1oumal of Social Issues, SI(4).
..hl^r,o:,:*,r
tc McKrbben, W'. (j
999). The end of nature. New york:
Random House.
Mead' G' H' (1g34)' Mind, self, and
society.
______,
,chicago:
University
uruvErstly Of
pfeSS.
of Chicago
Merchanr, c' (1992). Radical ecorogy:
The searcb for a liuabre world. New
Routledge, Chapman, and Hall.

york:

Minow, M. (1997). Not only

for myself: Identity, potltl"r, and. the lau. New
York: New press.
Morrison,
P. E., & Dunlap, R. E. (19g6). Environmentalism and elitism: A con_
ceptual and empirical ana[ysis. p,rriron*rninl
Monogu*rnt, L 0, 5 g1_S g9.
Morrisseg .l', & Manning, R. (zooo).
Race, residence, and environmental
concern. Hwman Ecology Reuiew,
7, 1;_24.
Naess, A. (1989). Ecology, community,
and lifestyle (D. Rothenberg, rrans.).
York: Cambridge University p..r*'

(-\.*
Nash' R'

(1989)' Tbe- rights of nature:

A
.' history
of enuironmental ethics.
"
University
\ygdison,
of Wi"sconsin pr;;;.-'
Nagel, J' $996). American Indian
ethnic renewal: Red power
and the resurgence

2.1

llputnw, S. (199(,). ls justicc finite? The case of environmental inclusion. In

t-, Mrrrttntlrr cY M. l.crncr' (Eds.), Social iustice in human relations: Current
,t*.lctnl r't,n(fftts about justice (Vol. 3, pp. 2t3-230). New York: Plenum.

llpltow, S., & Olayton, S. (1998). S7hat is justice for citizens'environmental

Ifcltltr/ l\rslcr presented at the meeting of the International Association for
Applr*',I I'syr:lrology.

lhllllrll,

S. (2000). A sustainable future for humanity? How can psychology

vr i r.:an. l'sy ch o lo gist, 5 5, 49 6-5 08.
thLnrrrlr, S. (2002). Environmentally responsible behavior: Teaching and prolluftinH it cffectively. Analysis of Social Issues and Policy,2, 1,73-182.
help I

An

hl I 1lllw ww,

rsap-spssi.org/pdf/asap034.pdf.

I*r'ker; .f. D.,

Anlr,t'ir'nns:

&

McDonough,

M. H.

(1999). Environmentalism

of African

An analysis of the subculture and barriers theories. Enuironment

$*l tliltouior, 31, tS 5-L77.

lflrtrn, S. (Ed.) (1993). The role of animals in human society [Special issue].

Irwrntl of Social Issues,49(L).

Itrl, li. (2002). The theoretical background of the city-identity-sustainability

)rk. l)nuironment and Behauior, 3 4, 8-2 5.
I., & Kahneman, D. (1,997). How people value the environment. In
M, ll. Bazerman, D. M. Messick, A. E. Tenbrunsel, 6c K. A. Wade-Benzoni
llrdx,.l, Enuironment, ethics, and behauior (pp. 33-51). San Francisco: New

trt

w(

ltttrrvo

rrirrgton

Press.

Itnhrschneider, R. (1993). Environmental belief systems in Western Europe:

A lricrrrchical model of constraint. Comparatiue Political Studies,25,3-29.
t{rrszrrl<,

T. (L992). The uoice of the eartb. New York: Simon and Schust"dil)

u. (1997). The roots of self-knowredge: perceiving

serf, it, and thou. In
J. G. Snodgrass & R. L,-Tfompson tfir.liin, self
across psychology (pp.
18-33). New york: New york A.ua"_foi'!'.i..,..r.

\r,,r'lr:s,

H.

Nelson, R' (1993). searching for the

lost arrow-. phy.sicar and spiritual ecorogy
in the hunter's world' tn s' R. rc",.ri-e.
r. b. wt.or, (Eds.), The biophilia
hypothesis (pp. 2Ot-228). rJ7ashington,

1! rol<s.

of identitv and curture- New york:

o;.J u;;.rsiry

press.

Neisser,

OlC]:'tirra pr..r.

Onorato, R. S., & Turner, C. (2001).

J.
The ..I,,, the ..Me,,, and the ..Us,,: The
psychological g_r9up and i.lf-.or..p,
;r;r;;r;;.. and change. In C. Sedikides
tk M' Brewer (Eds'), Indiuiduar self, reratlonai
,-"rf,
self (pp. r47-r70).
Philadelphia: psychology press.
"orr"tlue

(1960). Tbe nonhuman enuironmenf. New York, Internfii6rnal

lrrivcrsities Press.

Sr,p1rrl,

H. (1973\. Introdwction to tbe work of Melanie Klein. New York:

Basic

M. (1963). Where the wild things are. New York: Harper & Row.
\inrrrrons, I. G. (1993). Interpreting ndture: Cubural constructions of tbe enfi
Sr'rrtlak,

t't,ttilrcnt. New York:

M., &

Routledge.
N.

-J

fairness:

(1998). Understanding personality and social

lrrhrrvior: A functionalist strategy. In D. T. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske, & G. Lindzey
llr,ls.), The handbook of social psychology (4th ed., pp. 635-679). Boston:
Mc(iraw-Hill.

Dissertation Abstracts International,DAl-B

4gl0g, p. 2500, Feb. 19gg.
opotow, s. (1990)' Morar excrusion
and injustice: /ru
An ,rlruuuulr(Jn'
introduct ion. Jout
Journar
Social

ttl Social Issues, 50(.3),65-84.

,-J
Skrne, C. D. (1974). Sbould trees haue standing? Toward legal rights for natural

opotow,

s'

(1997). Limits

of

antecedenrs of the scone of jusrice.

Issues,46(l),

?rffi]}ij;J1'993)'

I-20.

An experimenral examination of
oo.arri Jirr.rartion, Columbia Universiry.
of

Animals and the scope of justice.

lournal of sociat rsswes,

Srrycler,

St<'rn, P.,

&

Cantor,

Dietz, T. (19941.The value basis of environmental concern.

Ior;

rltjects. Los Altop, Calif: Kaufmann.

'lromashow,

M. (i995). Ecological identity: Becoming a reflectiue enuironment,ilist. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

'f

24

Susan Clayton and Susan ()pototu

Thomashow, M. (199S). The ecopsychology of global e,vironmental

change.
Hwmanistic P sy ch ologist, 26, 27 5-300.

van vugt, M. (2001). community identification moderaring the impact

of 6nancial incentives in a natural social dilemma: 'water conservation. personality
and
Social Psycbology Bulletin, 27, 1440-1449.
weigert, A. I. $997). self, interaction, and natural enuironment.
Albany: state
University of New York press.

$cntc Lives and Some Theories

llevltt.f. Ilolnres

w-ilson, E. o. (19s4). Biophilia: The human bond with other species.cambridge,

Mass,: Harvard University press.

[i1ter, D. (1996)- Ecological psychology: Hearing the sprit beh.ueen planet and
New York: Harper Collins.
/r,--\
L. C.,_& Schultz, p. 'w (Eds.) (2000). promoting environmentalism
_self,

!Zelezny,

{ l5pecial

u_

issuel. Journal of Social Issues, S6(3).

i.lrirptcrs in this volume take their place in a broad context, one that
of fields in the
elrtrtr(hi lreyond environmental professionals to a variety
of people'
Irtrrrrrtrritics and social sciences, and to the lived experiences
reguappear
world
natural
Ittrleeel, significant experiences in and of the

,l,lrr,

in informal
l,rrly irr the life srories of individuals from all walks of life,
formal
more
in
as
well
as
plnortrrl reminiscences and storytelling,
il,.rrry and biographical works. Here I review some of the approaches
natural world have
llrr,1;trgh which the intersections of identity and the

by scholars and by writers, emphasizing the implicit diathat is one of the halll,,tr1,,rc l.,etween scholarly study and actual lives
survey, I
rrrurks 9f this field. Without claiming to offer a comprehensive
headings:
tli,ii.rrss relevant scholarship and life writing under three

heerr cxplored

early
l)t'uclctpmental and psychoanalytic perspectiues, including the
recent
more
as
well
as
Searles,
Harold
and
Cobb
Edith
wil'k of

rllrolarship;
. l\ldce theory, as formulated in humanistic geography and environtttrtttirl psychologY; and
, 'l,lte links among identity, etbics, and action, including reflections by

rlee, ccologists, pf,enomenological philosophers, and ecopsychologists'

I t'onclude by noting briefly what seem to me to be some of the most

Itrtportant continuing questions and challenges

of the field' some of

which are addressed by the following chapters in this book'

I

lcvelopmental'-and Psychoanalycic Perspectives

the
Krrry Payne, a wildlife biologist and writer, grew up surrounded by
New
lrroad fields and steep gorges of the Finger Lakes region of central

2o

,\l<,ut,rt .1. I lolntL,s

York. Raised on a family farm and taught by The

.lungle l,ooks, The
wind in the willows, and her father's self-created
Johnny possum stories
that she was "of one blood" with the animals, h..
-ort powerfur early
identity was forged in crose relationship with the natural
world:
I remember my 6rst encounter with myserf, on a high
day in rater summer. standing alone in a field where wirdness crowded up
|e[ow u"a g.; ;;"irr., ou.
garden and house, I said out loud, ,.This is the iappies,
;t .f ;; ilie- rnd I,m
eleven." I raised my skinny arms to the brue sky aniroticed;;;J;y
ragged
c,uffs, and a.mass of golden flowers that was hanging
over me. Their coror against
the sky made my heart leap. Since then I have sJen"the
same y"[o*r, g...r,
blue in van Gogh's harvesr paintings and heard the same
"ra
hr.1Ji;;;ilopkins,s
harvestpoems, but my h.rrrahing, thrt
me
inside
out with .*"rb..u.r.., *",
-rd.
for wildness. (Payne, 1998, pp. JS-:g)

Paynet hurrah for wildness red her to a career studying

the communication of whales and elephants and using that knowredge
to better shape
human interacrion with these species. Having settled
back into her home
range around Ithaca after various personal and professional
sojourns
away, her present life and identity continue to be
shaped by the intimate

and energetic relationship with the naturar world forged

in her

childhood.

Payne's experiences resonate in the lives and memories

of many indi-

viduals, past and present, in the United States and

across the globe.
Reflecting this common experience, the study of chirdhood
development
has constituted one of the major avenues through

which the natural

world has entered into schorarly discussions of serfhood and identity.
That this is so undoubtedry reveals the long shadow of '$Tilriam
wordsworth, whose Romantic formuration of the chird,s speciar
capacities for perception and creativify in nature has infused 'w.rt..r,
culture
for the pasr two centuries (Chawla, 1994,2002).
In work beginning in the late 1950s, Edith Cobb (1977) found
\x/ordsworth's basic conception of the child's creative interaction
with
the world (especially nature) echoed in the autobiographical
reminiscences of a wide range of writers and artists. These
often highlight the
child's experience of "a revelatory sense of continuity-an
immersion of
his whole organism in the outer worrd of forms, colors,
and motions in
unparticularized time and space" (cobb 1997, p. gg).
Such experiences
reflect "an aesthetic logic present in both nature's formative
pro..rr.,
and the gestalt-making powers and sensibilities of
the child,s own devel_

27

as one in these
HFlltE gt,t,vogr*iysfenl. lrrrter atrd outer worlds are sensed

t*ltlttttlli ol lorttt-crcating expansion and self-consciousness" (p' 110),

for the
pt,+rvlrlrtrg, plr,rlrcls $gth for a childhood sense of identity and
of course, this
inl*1t,. (u,irciti(.ri f.r artistic creativity. On the one hand,
Itttplr*:ir, ott irtt iclcal unity of self and world based in childhood expericonIpre r *rr (;rrttl shpglcl) lre criticized as itself a cultural and historical
but
people,
lllltt f kttt, rrllplicablc to specific times, cultures, and groups of
(As one element
hf il,, rrrc,rils irn objective description of universal reality.
is appliHf 4tr lr rr t'ritirpre, chawla, 1990, suggests that cobb's analysis
g6hl1, ilrrly t() the creative artists and writers who were her subiects, not
on the other hand,
11 1*.r.rgrrs wlrp ended up in other careers as adults.)
'Wordsworthian beginnings have led psylfue 1rrig,[r irlcl power of these
tltplrry,i*rl thcorists and researchers to more nuanced explorations of
experit.lrtlillroorl cttvironmental experiences and the impact of those
Fth l,,it (,lt rrclLrlt identity.
trr lx.rlrr;rs tlre most sustained and insightful psychoanalytic treatment
trl llrr. hrrnrtrn relationship with nature, Harold Searles (1,960) uses the
a process
thrilr.y o[ cgo development through object relations to outline
nonhuman
his
1l rlrvclopment from "the infant's subiective oneness with
Fpvgotrrllcltt" to a more mature sense of a relationship with the nonIrrl'rr'rrr rcrrlm. Searles proposes that for the young child, the "crucial
0[ clifferentiation involves the infant's becoming aware of himself

lrlr*nc
his
dr rlrllt.rcltiated not only from his human environment but also from

In
firtttlttrntan enuironment' (1960, pp. 29-30; emphasis in original).
of
experience
initial
the
I I rpt I ilst to the Romantic perspective, for Searles
association with what
ltrf irnl i[r oneness is marked by the deep anxiety of
environment'"
nonhuman
lq dl sornc times a "chaotically uncontrollable
At 0tlrcr times during infancS however, the world is experienced more
world-embracing self"lrllritivcly-as "a harmonious extension of our
anxieties
dtrrl s9 the subsequent process of differentiation carries its own

39). Later, especially during adolescence, the natural

wrrlltl in particular provokes in the individual a "sense of inner conllict
and yet apart from
r ilrrr,.t.rning his awareness that he is part of Nature
,rll the rest of nonhuman Nature; and the two great ingredients of this
nonIrrrrr.r conflicf-64n,5 yearning /o become wholly at one with his
Irrrrrrrrl enyironment, and his contrasting anxiety lesthe become so and
tlrrrs lose his own unique humanness" (1'960, p' 1\4; emphasis in
rrr wcll (1960,

p.

28

Steuen

Sotntr l,ittcs and Some

J. Halmes

original). Thus, negotiating this conflict, rather than either total rejection of nature or Romantic identification with it, opens the adult to a
more mature and healthy adult selfhood and relationship to the world:
It

is my conviction . . . that the more directly we can relate ourselves to the nonhuman environment as it exists-the more our relatedness to it is freed from perceptual distortions in the form of projection, transference, and so on-the more
truly meaningful, the more solidly emotionally satisfying, is our experience with
this environment. Far from our finding it to be a state-of negativity and deadness, we find in ourselves a sense of kinship roward it which is ,. ,liu. as it is
real. (Searles, 1960, p. 115)

'I'lteories

2')

of the human relationship with nature has been

of ecological crisis and comttttrlertrrkt,n in the context of awareness
From whatever
lHlilllrtll lrl ctl,ical, pracdcal, and political responses'
scientific research and
dht tplirtnry location-even one valuing

ruprttetttrtl tliltrcnsiorrs

descrip,rhlr,rivity-such work is always simultaneously an attempted

intervention in that
lkrrr ul irrclividual development and an actual

devrloptttttrt.
Pl*ce l'hcory

'sThatever

one thinks of his specific convictions or conclusions, searles

establishes an important framework for discussing the affective, sym-

bolic, and interpersonal dynamics of an individual relationship with

nature. A number of more recent theorists have also developed the object
relations approach in exploring the psychodynamics of environmental
experiences from childhood onward, both with respect to place in
general (Hart, 1,979) and with special attention to the natural world

(Holmes, 1999; Kidner, 2001.).

Revisiting these themes with the help of theorists from wordsworth
through Jean Gebser, environmental psychologist Louise chawla (1,994)
explores the persistence and use of childhood memories of nature in the

adult consciousnesses of five contemporary American poets. In chawla,s

analysis, these poets actively use and rework their memories of childhood to forge (or to rransform) their adult self-identities and their poetic
and personal visions of nature, with widely differing results-from
joyous affirmation to defiant resignation. (For rerated work within
more
strictly empirical environmental psychology, see, e.g., Sebba, 1991;
Daitch, Kweon, Larsen, Tyler, & Vining, 1996.)
Focusing on more specifically environmentalist research subjects

and concerns, chawla (1998, 1999) and others have researched the
significant life experiences that contributed to the career paths and
commitments of environmental professionals, with implications both
for psychological research and for educational practice. Similarly
Thomashow's (1995) notion of "ecological identity" stands as both a
focal point around which to discuss previous research and a guiding ideal
or life-path clarification tool in environmental education. Indeed,
Thomashow's book reminds us that most of the recent work on the devel-

nonhuman environment" or
I'rtt' tttittty people, broad terms such as "the
abstract to have any meaning
"e'ulugicirl identity" are too general, too

is not "the planet" as

Itt tlreir lives' !7hat really matters to most people
tbis soll' tbis towt' atea'
n wltrrle, but rather specific places-tbis home,
of the people living
rx' rep,iotr. As one example, the lives and identities
have historically
states
rtr tlrr s()uthern Appalachian area of the united
the hills and hollows that surerrrl r.trlturally been closely entwined with
in Tennessee in the 1960s,
Iilrrrrrl tr]rem. For one mountaineer interviewed
was forced upon
lhr possibility of having to leave his home place-which

his sense
lrr,r,,y l',y economic circumstances-tore at
Itlrrttity, a dilemma he placed before his son as well:

of self-worth and

you leave' ' ' ' But he knows

W"r't' born to this land here, and it's no good when
going away or else
between
have,
we
*f,,,i r;,, ielling him: fo, ,r. itt a choicJ
the.land' like we
on
working
all,tut
at
money
much
.tori,,u l',.r. urrl not seeing
else'
and.no,one
you're you'
h'r*,,*'ir.,* to do, living h"ere, whett you can feel
you
calling
and
you
kicking
,ttt,[ tlrere isn't the n.*i g,y pushing'on you and
17-18)
pp'
evrry ba<1 name there is. (Coles, 1'967,

this mountaineer'
" Wltere you can feel yow're yow, and no one else"' Fot

tlli(.llscofgroundinginplaceisabsolutelyessentialtohisindividual
irIt'rrtity.

SirrrilarlsAfrican-Americanfeministbellhooksfindsanimportant
continuity with
rlcrrrctrt of identity through a historical and communal
options for carrying that identity with her to
lrlircc, but with greater
s,rrttcwhere new:

Arirchildllovedplayingindirt,inthatrichKentuckysoil'thatwas.asource
the south*l lilc. Before i rr.ra".rtooi anything about the pain and exploitatlon.of
loved the
folks
,,r,' ,yrr.- of ,l"r..roppi,g,'L"'it"tood that grown-up.b.lack
l,rrtl. I could rt"rra

*iii-i

grandfather Daddy Jerry and look out at fields of

30

Steuen

l.

Somt Liues and.

Hctlmes

growing vegetables, torlatoes, corn, collards, and know

that this was Jris handsee the look of pride on his face as I expressed
wonder and awe
at the magic of growing things. I knew that my grandmother
Baba,s backyard
garden would yield beans, sweet potatoes, cabbages,
and yellow squash, that she
too would walk with pride among rhe rows ,id .o*r'of g.o*];;;eg.tables
showing us what the earth wil gi;e when tended lovingly. (hooks, -J.999,
pp,
s1-52)

iwork' I could

The power of these memories chalrenges hooks to work

to transplant
that sense of place from Kenrucky to New york city through
her adult
experiences of urban gardening: "I feel connected
to my ancestors when
I can put a meal on the table of food I grew,, (1999,p. 56).
our experience is never of "the earth" as an actual whole, but of some
particular place on the earth, a place defined both by physical
boundaries and by the actions, concepts, meanings, and feelings
that we enact

within (or with) it-boundaries and behaviors that in tr.r, pluy

a role in
defining us. Indeed, it is the specificity of place that allows

it ro serve as

a basis for or reflection of individual identity; or perhaps

place and selfhood are mutually codefining. In any case, a focus on place
recognizes
that some parts of the world are more important to an individuals
identity than other parts, or at least contribute to identity in different
ways
than others do-and sees this not as a limitation but as
a source of
strength. (For a history of the phirosophicar concept of prace,
see casey,
1ee7.)

Although most formulations of place theory stress built and

even imag_
ined or symbolic dimensions as much or more than naturar
ones, such
analysis is relevant to the importance of the physicar
environment for
identity (both personal and social). In a sense, the entire
field of human_
istic geography takes this as its central concern: "we humans

are geographical beings transforming the earth and making

it into a home, and
that transformed world affects who we are,, (Sack, 1997, p.1).
For many
geographical theorists, place plays a central role in
this process: .,The
mix of nature, meaning, and social relations that help .orrtitut.
us are
possible and accessible because of the activities
of place and space. . . .
The interthreading of place and self can thus oscilrate
from having places
make us more aware of ourserves and our distinctivenerr,
,o ,,ulkir,g ,.r,
less aware, to the point where place and self are fused
and conflated,,
(Sack, 1997, pp. 131, 136). phenomenologically
stress the constant creation of place as

inclined geographers
"world,, or ,.life-worid,,1h.orgh

Some'['heories

:]1

lriltlily bascd sr"rhjectivity of perception, feeling, and action (e.g., Relph,

l4 /(,; Scirrn<n, 1'979).
wit hin cnvironmental psychology, the intersection of self and place has
hrctt t'xplored in a variety of ways, giving varying degrees of importance
i1 thc rronhuman world itself. For some theorists, place is psychologically
*rrrarringful primarily as a means of regulating human interactions
with
lhl[rrtrih ;rrivacy, territorialitS and the personalization of space'
lrillxrf.rilnr implications for identity (e.g., Altman ,1,97 5). Acknowledging
itself
tlrJ psychological and symbolic importance of the material world
lrnrlt rrs ckrser to the notion of place identity. In one formulation, "place
lillrtif y is conceived of as a substructure of the person's self-identity that

rr

lr t.,rrrprised of cognitions about the physical environment that also serve

pp' 22)'
lrr tlrfittcr who the person is" (Proshansky & Fabian, 1'987,
with
relationship
of
sense
deeper
Morc recent work has proposed a

Low'
flrt, ttorthuman world through attachment to place (Altman &
l9tl2). tn particular, home-one of the most important places for
enviltrlrrirrrs, as for any species-has received special treatment from
'Werner, 1985) as well
rrrrtttctttal psychologists (see, e.g., Altman &
di lr()nr philosophers (Csikszentmihalyi & Rochberg-Halton, 1981;
Although
flut'lrclrtrcl, 1964) and, design professionals (Marcus, 1995)'
of the
tlilrrr. Of these approaches specifically stresses the importance
Irattrrirl world, they all analyze the ways in which identity is shaped
places
throrrgh cxperience of or relationship with particular nonhuman
ottrl hcings.

'l'lre l,inlcs among Identity, Ethics, and Action

of personal relationship to nature or place evokes an

rltrrr,irl commitment to practical action to protect and care for the natural
ellvir0rrrnent-that is, environmental identity can lead directly to an
public
1[.rrtity as an environmentalls/. Such identities are writ large in
careef as one
flp,rrres such as John Muir and Rachel carson. Muir',s
ill thr. tourrders of the turn-of-the-century conservation movement is
irrrlt.lifiy associated in the public mind both with his beloved California
the
rlr,rrilrlrrius (especially Yosemite Valley) and with the sierra club,
filvt|olltnclltalist organization that he founded in 1894 to help protect
tlrrrr tttout1tains. (See Holmes, L999, for a theoretically informed
I'ur

l.rrilrry, a sense

12

Steuen

J. l-lttlmes

Srirrtet Liues

analysis of the genesis of Muir,s attachment

Turner, 1985, for the fuil story of how

to

y<rscurite, and,
e.g.,

that attachment constituted the

center of his subsequent environmental

activism.)
In a similar manner, Carson proceeded from
a fascination with and
scientific study of the ecology of ocean
and shore (which led to her initial
literary fame and public recognition)
to a broader enyironmenr al awarcness: "I am not afraid of being thought
a sentimentalist when I stand
here tonight and te, you that I believe
naturar beauty has a necessary
place in the spirituar development
of any individual or any society,,
(carson' 199g, p' 160). This sense
of an ecorogically grounded personal
identity would lead her to a more specific
public identity as we,. Forlowing the 19 62 pubrication of silent
spring, hergroundbreaking

of the environmental and health dangers

of pesticides, carson
the archetypal modern .rruirorr.r.rt-ulist-the

expos6

became

knowledgeable citizen

whose understanding of the connection

between environmental damage
and human health ,eads to forcefur
action for governmentar regulation
of industrial pollution and corporate power.
The relationship berween environmental
identity and ethical action
embodied in figures such as carson
and Muir has been anaryzedphirosophically in a variety of ways. Perhaps
the most influential recent discourse relating identity and environmental
ethics-in poprrt* curture
and environmental activism as well
as in schorarry circles-has

that
of deep ecology. while the dominant tradition
in environmental philosophy is concerned with extending the
concepts of rights or varue to nonhuman beings (see, e.g., Nash, iggg),
deep ecology explicitly calls for
the extension of the sense of personal
identity to include or encompass
natufe: "spirituar growth, or unfording,
begins when we cease to understand or see ourselves as isolated urd
,r.ro- competing egos and begin
to identify with other humans from our
family u.,a rri.rri, to, eventuallS our species. But the deep ecology
sense of self requires a further
maturity and growth' an identification
which go., b"yorrd humanity to
include the nonhuman world,, (Devall
& Sessions, ilSS, p. 67). The
process of awakening to this ecological
self includes tott-u p.^orr"l
dimension, "a humbling but also gratifying
shift to a more expansive,
accommodating, and joyous identity,,,
,rrJ u *or. public and active
aspect, as a "ground for effective
engagement with the forces and
pathologies that imperil us', (Macy
Dgb, pp. ZO3, Z0Z). Given irs norbeen

Iil,rlrv('Ntilllccr and cottcertr

and

Some'['heories

for practical transformation, it is not

.33

sur-

with issues of personal lifertylr. (l)evnll, l9B8) and with community building and ritual (Seed,
lvl*.y, lrlotting, & Naess, 1988). Fundamentally, deep ecology is not so
tuur lr ;r tltcory as a practice; to echo Marx, the real point is not so much
iu rllrtrilrc the relationship of self to the natural world, as to change it.
( ll r"'orrrsc, if understood simplistically, the basic deep ecology asserllurr ol ittt cxpansion of selfhood to include nature can be absurd,
lrr ierrrti

llritt

cleep ecology concerns itself both

vdrtullrir ancl/or arrogant, and so some deep ecologists have taken pains
lri rlevckrp the approach in more philosophically nuanced ways:
Wlrat itlt,rrtification should not be taken to mean ...is identity-that I literally
rlrr tlrrrl trcc over there, for example. What is being emphasized is...that
Itrrrrrrpilr tlrc process of identificationmy sense of self (my experiential self) can
e,,!,,lrrl to irrclude the tree even though I and the tree remain physically "sepatitlr"' (cvcn here, however, the word separate must not be taken too literally
lrr.r,iuse t.c<rlrrgy tells us that my physical self and .the tree are physically interltxlt,,,l h rrll sorts of ways). (Fox, 1990, pp.23l-232; emphasis in original)

l'lrr' lrroposed fusion of person and planet should not be taken to deny
llrl vrry real differences between the human and the nonhuman, or
tu'lwc.'tt various members of the nonhuman realm: according to one symp*tlrlric: fcminist critic, "What is missing from deep ecology is a develrrgrt'rl srnsc of difference. . . . A sense of oneness with the planet and all

lts lrlt'.{rrrms is a necessary first step, but an informed sensibility is

llrr lrrcrcquisite second step" (McFague, !993, p. 128; emphasis in
rxtxl,inrtl).

Irr rttt cffort to avoid such difficulties, other environmental philosoplrers propose a similar expansion of the sense of self, not through sheer
"trlt'rrti{'ication," but through a more active and relational approach; our
elruI ions, relationships, actions, and intellect take us outside of ourselves
*rrrl into contact with the world and it is (in part) through this contact
ah*t wc come to be and to know who we are. In phenomenological terms,
"rlrc individual may profitably be thought of not as a thing but as a
rt range of integrated actions and emotions; in particular' "[i]f we
11lr.t'(,to rcgard ourselves as'fields of care'rather than as discrete objects

lirkl,"

ltr rr neutral environment, our understanding of our relationship to the

wnllrl rnight be fundamentally transformed" (Evernden, 1985, pp. 43,
{ /; lor other uses of phenomenology in environmental ethics, see' e.g.,
Alrr',rrtt, 1 99 6; Clayton, 1.998).

.34

Steuen

J. Iktlmes

kmre l,iues and Some'l'heories 35

Moreover, it is within this tradidon
of philosophical ancr cthical speculation that I would rocate rhe development
in the 1990s of ..ecopsychology." Ecopsychologyt image of ;u
pry.he the size of the earth,,

echoes the expansion

of self-identification proposed by deep

ecologyr
"unlike other mainstream schoors of psychology
that limit themselves to
the intrapsychic mechanisms or
to u ,rr.o* social range that may not
look beyond the family, ecopsychology
proceeds from the assumprion
that at its deepesr level the psyche
,.Lrir* sympathetically bonded to
the Earth that mothered us into
existence,, (Roszak, Gomes, &
Kanner,
1.995, pp. xvii, 5). Despite the
occasional theoreticat lrright,
indi_
vidual observations to be found in
its writings, ecopsychology "rrd
is not so
much a descriptive or empiricar psychorogy
as it is.an ethical and practical outlook in response to the present
.ruiror_.rrtal crisis; like deep
ecologg ecopsychology constitutes
a self-transformative practice, and
indeed has been formulated as
a therapeutic approach (e.g., Clinebell,
1996). At the same dme, these normative
philosophi.ul p.rip.oru., ur.
by no means irrerevant for more conventional
scholarly or scientific
approaches, and the packaging
of ecopsychology as ,,Orr.t oioir,, _uy
help it serve as a moral guide or
irrrpi.utio.r to the field of environmental psychology proper (Reser, 1995iBragg,
7996).
Conclusion and Future Directions

This brief consideration of some lives

and theories is not intended to

a comprehensive survey

be

ofthe issues but rather an,lustrative

and evocative tour through some of the intersections
of environment and identity:
the primal importance of bodily
or kinesthetic self-awareness in conditioning one's sense of identity; a sense
of continuiry across the rife-span,
especially the integration of ch,dhood
memory in adult serf-image; environmenral experiences in the growth
and maintenance of indiviiuafity
or uniqueness; self-definition and self-worth
through urr..tiorr, *o.k,
and achievement; the importance
for identity of communar or regional
identity and of morar and politicar
commirment; and what might be
called "ecological identity," or a
fert rerationship with naturar i.rr*r,
places, and processes on their
own terms (including, perhaps, ..Nature,,
or "the Earth,, as an imagined or symbolic
whole). On the one hand, all

*l

tlrcsl ck:mcnts arc prcsent to some extent in the life and identity of

evt,r'y intliviclr"ral; on the other hand, any one of them may take on a
r;x.r iirl irrrportance in defining the shape and direction of a particular life.
Sorrrc of tlre important directions and challenges for future research in
thr. liq'lrl irrclude increasing integration of interpretive approaches; recogttiritrg thc importance of culture in shaping environmental experiences;

llrr'urporating social and cultural diversity in research and analysis; and

erpkrrirrg a more inclusive range of occupations and activities than the
llrtltl lircus on specifically environmentalist ones. I again take my cues
It'lttt thc life experiences of particular people in particular places.

lrrlcgrirtion of Interpretive Approaches

l/nr I)rrvicl Mas Masumoto, a third-generation Japanese-American peach
l,tlrncr, personal, familial, and communal identity are all intermingled
*tttl rooted in place: "The greatest lesson I glean from my fields is that
I r,rnrr<rt farm alone. . . . When I gaze over my farm I imagine Baachan
fp,r',rrrrlmother] or Dad walking through the fields. They seem content, at
Iturrrt' or.r this land. My Sun Crest peaches are now part of the history of
tlriu plrrce I too call home. I understand where I am because I know where
I t'rurrc from. I am homebound, forever linked to a piece of earth and the
Itvirrg creatures that reside here" (Masumoto, 1995, p. 229). Moreover,
r orrlronting the environmental and economic pressures of contemporary
t l,r[ilirrrria agriculture, Masumoto's decision to "farm a new way,
worl<ir.rg with, and not against, nature" (p. 4) leads to transformations

tlrrrt irre deeper than the merely agricultural. Among other things,
M;lsrrmoto's personal and familial journey leads to a renewed commitrnont to low-impact, organic farming as a practical ethical expression of
lris love for the land-for bis land, for that particular place. Thus,
Mirsrrrrroto's life (and life story) can be best understood through an intelllirt(:d approach that incorporates all of the dimensions mentioned in the
rarlicr literature review-psychological development, sense of place, and
rtlrical action. Indeed, perhaps the most important lesson afforded by
llrt, stLrdy of personal life stories is the need to question and to cross disr iplirrary and intellectual boundaries in pursuit of more integrated, holistir', and encompassing perspectives on the complex reality of human lives
rrrrrl cxperience.

.36

Steuen

S()me l,iues

J. Holmes

The Importance of Culture

As noted earlier, Katy Payne's rural childhood was filled not only with
animals and open spaces but also with books and stories, both published
and unpublished. In her adult work as a wildlife biologist, her ground-

breaking investigations of elephant vocalizatron and communication

were guided at important points not only by scientific research but also
by her musical sensitivity and training (such as her childhood memories

of feeling rather than hearing the low organ notes in

According

Bach,s passion

to st. Mattbew). similarlg

Rachel carson notes the crucial

influence of literature in shaping her early interest in the ocean, quoting
Emily Dickinson:

I never saw a moor,

I never saw the sea,
Yet know I how the heather looks,

And what a wave must be.

Indeed, carson "never saw the ocean until

I went from college to the

marine laboratories at woods Hole. . . . yet as a child I was fascinated
by the thought of it. I dreamed about it and wondered what it would
look like. I loved Swinburne and Masefield and all the other grear sea
poets" (1998, p. 148).
As these examples make clear, human experiences of nature-even in
childhood-are never direct and unmediated; rather, perceptions are
formed into experience and identity in part through the power of cultural symbols, ideas, and visions. This power has increased with the
advent of mass media and electronic communication; for many young
people, nature shows on television and stories of environmental destruction in the media and on the Internet may be as or more important than

hands-on outdoor experience in forming an environmental consciousness. Thus, in fully understanding the genesis and shape of environmen-

tal attitudes and identitll we musr attend to what people are reading,
hearing, viewing, and fantasizing in school, at home, and in cultural settings, as well as to what they are doing and observing in the natural and
built environments themselves. (For a broader statement on the cultural
construction of nature, see Cronon, 1996.)

ail

kYm,e

'l'beoties

'17

Iltvenrity of Subiects
have already suggested' the
Ae rotttc of the life stories mentioned here
and identity is inextricar,rk, ()1. thc natural world in each person's life
gender' race' class' sexlrly [,utrlrcl r-rp with sociocultural factors such as
rr*lity,,,ccuiation, ethnicit5 and nationality-each factor .historically
to the life of the subiect in question'
t ilrrtrxtunlized in ways appropriate
climber" has emerged in
li,r.t.xanrple, in Borneo, the profession of "tree
'western scientific expeditions for workers to
needs of

Ir.hp{}llsc to th"
canopy of the rain forest
trk.trtil'y ancl gather specimens from the high
as Jugah Tagi
(l'r'rrrrrrek, Goh, & Kalu, 2001)' Master tree climbers such

public recognition*ttrl lhnyeng Ludong gain both personal pride and

their skills in
Iroitr scientific as well as local communities-through
and in identifying plant
t ltnthirrg high trees with minimal equipment
incorporating both \Testern
rgrn'it:s at a glance; such work often involves
illustrating the blendnrrrl irrcligenous systems of botanical knowledge,
the meanings of nature in inditupl ol'tradition and modernity in shaping

vl.lttrtllives'Atthesametime,thetreeclimbers,particularenvironmental
the clash of cultures;
itlr.iltity also includes an element of resistance to
intlrrir stories of using their superior knowledge and skill to save
though
rainforest'
the
r,rp|ricnced'Western scie,,tists from the dangers of
assertion of self and
an
represent
perhaps
tnlrl with characteristic humor,
of the outside
trrc in the face of the changes wrought by the invasion
r rrlt

w,rrkl.

schollior reasons of academic methodology and popular mythology,

to middle- and upperurly rrttention has traditionally been paid primarily
ignoring the diversity of
t lirss white persons (particularly males),
and communities'
t'rpcrience and perspective to be found in individuals
and power
political
M,,r.,ru.., placing issues of gender, race, class' and
goes beyond
rr,lrrtionships at the center of our research and interpretation
as
(important
groups
trrr sheer inclusion of previously underrepresented
questions and categories
tlrrrt inclusion is) to require a reshaping of the
ll irrtalysis overall. Not only the people of whom we ask the questions'

lrrrtthequestionsthemselvesmusttakeintoaccountsociallocationas
and idenl,otlt shafing and being shaped by environmental experience
the Borneo
trty.'lb note just one such axis of analysis, the example of
trt.cclimbersSuggeststhewaysinwhichthenaturalworldcanprovide
or oppressed peoples
rrr0tlcs of identity and action from which dislocated

38

Steuen

Setme Liues and Same

J. Holmes

those quiet, unassuming people living

can forge stances of power and resistance (even as the environmental

justice movement emphasizes the increased risk of toxicity and environmental degradation borne by such groups). Toward the other end of the

llther from

power spectrum, we must critically analyze the roles of gender, race, and
class status in the lives and identities of the traditional environmental
villains and heroes alike, from the Carnegies and Rockefellers to the
Muirs and Carsons.

nBtttrrrl world.

Inclusive Range of Occupations and Activities

Their engagement with nature defines the identities of working people

and communities as well as academics and environmentalists (see also,
e.g., White, 1,996). For example, in the northern wobds and mountains
of the Adirondack region of New York State, anthropologist Katherine
Henshaw Knott (1998) analyzes the "indigenous knowledge" possessed
by loggers, guides, trappers, and maple syrup producers, exploring the
implications of that knowledge for personal identity and social continuity. For Ross Putnam (one of Knott's interviewees), a lifelong relationship to and knowledge of the woods supports both his personal
self-image and his role as father:

"I

always liked the woods, even when we were small," he says. His boys used
to go hunting with him all the time; he taught them all he could about survivalthe quickest way to build a fire when it's wet, and the different kinds of trees.
"Usually anything in the woods I norice, but I don't know a lot of the names.
The bark on the yellow birch-you can eat it. It tastes just like wintergreen.,,
(Knott, 1998, p. 145)

For another interviewee, Pierre LeBrun, a logger, the woods have shaped
his selfhood in more bodily and sensuous ways: "In the woods is rough,
but is good for yourself, for your health, the fresh air ... I feel good.
'!7hen
you go into the.woods, you change, you are not the same. It is so
beautiful-the birds, the deer, the porcupine" (Knott, 1998, p. 114).
From a humanistic perspective, studying the environmental experiences and identities of workers and others-even those who participate
in the destruction of the natural world-is valuable simply for acknowledging and exploring the widest range of human experience. At the same
time, for purely environmentalist ends, it seems as crucial to learn how

to stop

destructive orientations as

moreover,

it

to promote

conservationist onesl
may well not be from the political and social activists but

Theories i9

with the land-

others-that we have most to

irrn,ar*, workers, housekeepers, and
of identity and action within the
in f,rrt{ing rich and enduring patterns
learn

tluildingupontheseandotherintellectualandculturalresources,the

in this volume are important in forrcholnrly upprou"h., represented

questions and insights about the
ffiuloting rnor. d..p, rich, and specific
world' However' the topic is
lntcr.".iiurm of identity and the natural
be completely captured within any
mueh too important and elusive to
one of the common provocations'
nne l',,,dy of scholarship, but rather is
and cultural life in general'
shullcnges, and joys of hrr-"t intellectual
this
a variety of life stories, theories' and data' the work in
Juxtnposing

fleltlpossessesmorethanmerelyacademicinterest'Itcanhelpusall
of selves and the
l.nah'o deeper understanding of the interconnections
ttrttttrllworld,asaguideandinspirationtowardthefuturehealthand
flourishing of both.
Refcrences

Perception and language tn a

Ahrnnr, D. (1996). The spell of the sensuows:
-iuuo-thon-hrman
world' New York: Pantheon'
social behauior: Priuacy, personal space,
Altrrran, |. (1g7 5). The enuironment and

tiir:it,,,r), uowdiog. Monterey, Calif': Brooks/Cole'

Place attachmezf' New York: Plenum'
Alitrrrtn, I., & Low, S. (Eds')' (7992)'
.Werner,
C' (Eds')' (1985)' Home enuironments' New York:
Alttttan, I., &
Plenrrrn.

New York: Orion'

[uchclard, G. (1'964). The poetics of space'
selfi Deep ecology meets constructionist
llrrrgg, E' A. (1996).Toward ecological
16' 93-108'
Psvcholo1!'
;;iili;;ty. lournai of Enuironmental
Carson
(1998). Lost wood's: The d'iscouered writing of Rachel

(lnrson, R.

Ed'). Boston: Beacon'

Berkeley:
(luscy E. S. (1'997). The fate of place: A philosophical history'
tltriversity of California Press'
7(4),
(lhrrwla, L. (1990). Ecstatic places' Children's Enuironments QuarterlY,

(1,. [,ear,

llt-23.
( lhrrwla,

poetry' and cbildhood

L. (L994). ln the first country of p-laces:-Nature'

York Press'
nrt',nory. Albany: State Universiry of New

of Enuiron'
(ihnwla, L. (1998). Significant life experiences revisited' Jowrnal
tttr,utal Edwcation, 29

(3), 1'1-21"

40

Steuen

J. Holmes
Some Liues and Some

chawla, L. (L999). Life paths into effective

environmentar action.
Journar
Enuironmental Educatioi, 3 1 (1,), $i;.
chawla,

L'

of

(2002)' spots of time: Manifold

ways of being in narure in ch,d-

Theories

41

Mdfcrr,,, (1, (1. (1995), House as a mirror of self: Exploring the deeper meaning
af hwrc. Ilerkeley, Calif: Conari.
tYltrrrnr,rt<,, D. M. (1995). Epitaph for a peach: Four seasons on my family farm.

i:f;,i:-';ffl*:,'il,?i;5:"""t,ii-'-cnui'""i-',,,,).iii'\gr-zza.

3ln liruncisco; HarperSanFrancisco.

P. H.
_connection on tbe ice: Enuironmental etbics in theory
and practice. philadelphia:
Temple Uriu.rrity'l..rr.

clayron,

Mtltnprrc, S. (1993). The body of God: An ecological theology. Minneapolis:

clinebell, H' I' G996). Ecotherapy: Healing

ourselues, healing tbe earth: A gui.de
to ecologically grounded personaiity tb"ori,,
spiritwality, therapy, and education,
Minneapolis: Fortress.

Nnrlr,

cobb, E. (L977). The ecorogy of bnagination

in chirdbood. New york: corumbia University press.

t{

coles, R' (1967). Migrants, shdrecroppers,

mountaineers. Bosron: Littre, Brown.

Amol,lia 60(4),2-9.

(1ggg).

cronon, w' (1996)- "Introduction: In search

of ,ratu.e,, ,.,a

"m.r.ouut. -itr,
wilderness: or,_Getting. back to.,fr" *rorrg
.W..
tr,
Cronon (Ed.), tJncom";i,rr..,,
the human plice in nature (pp. z3_s6,'69_;0).
New

?;-,_Kf*!"Retbinking
Csikszentmihalyi, M.,.&

Rochberg_Halron, E. (19g1). Tbe meaning

of things:
Domestic symbols and the self. Ca:mbridg.,
C1_Uriag. Uri";r;i;rp?;.

Daitch, V,.Kweon, 8., Larsen, L., Tyler,

E., & Vining, J. Gg96).personal envi_
histories: Expressions of ,"U u"a pi" ,r.
nuliin.Brrt.i i-rJiw,

;fH."r",

3(7),

Devall, B. (1988). Simple in means,

ricb in ends: practicing deep ecology.
Sa*
Lake City, Utah: peregrine Smith.
Devall, B., & Sessionr.,
Deep ecology: Liuing as if nature
mattered.
Salt Lake Citg Utah: i. !.,tfS.S].
HA. S*lrh.
Evernden, N. (1995). The naturar
alien: Humankind and enuironment.Toronro:

University of Toronto press.

Fox' w' (1990)' Totuar( a transpersonar,ecorogy:

for enuironmentalism. Boston: Slambhala.

Hart, R. (1979). Children's

'

Deueroping new foundations

of place. New york: Irvington.

Holmes, S. I. g9g9). Tb.e young
lobn Muir: An enuironmental biography.
Madison: University of nflisconsin"press.
ercperience

hooks, b' (L999). Touching the earth.

In D. L. Barnhill (Ed.), At home on the
earth: Becoming natiue to_ our place:
A *uhl"ohrral antbology (pp. 51_56).
Berkeley: University of California prers.
Kidner, D' w' (2001) . N.Tture and psycbe:
Radicar enuironment*lism and tbe
politics of subiectiuity. Albany:
so,. u"r.^ii|lr
york press.

Knott,

c' H- (1ggg). Liuing with

N.*

the Adirondack forest: Locar perspectiues

on

land use conflicts.Ithaca, N.y.: Cornell

U"iu.rri,y nr.rr.
Macy' J' n9s9)' Awakening to the
ecorogical self. In J. plant (Ed.), Hearing
the
wounds: The promise of ecofeminis* (ppT.tizittl.philadelphia:

New Society.

Fttrt rens.

ll.

(1989). The rights of nature:

history

of

enuironmental etbics.

'Wisconsin Press.
Mntllnon: University of
Pnync, K. (1998). Silent thunder: In the presence of elepbants. New York: Simon
Sr'lrtrster.

Ftlttruck, R., Goh,

M., & Kalu, M. (2001). The view from the forest

canopy.

IttorltrrnskS H. M., 8c Fabian, A. K. (1987). The development of place identity

Itr tlre child. In C. S. Weinstein & T. G. David (Eds.), Spaces for children: The
hulh enuironment and child deuelopment (pp. 21,40). New York: Plenum.

ltrlph, E. C. (1.976). Place and placelessness. London: Pion.

llerer; .f. P. (1995). Whither environmental psychology? The transpersonal

ccrrpsychology crossroads. Journal of Enuironmental Psychology, 15,235-257.

Rrrnrnk, T., Gomes, M., & Kanner, A. (Eds.). (1,995). Ecopsychology: Restoring
lltp earth, healing tbe mind. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books.

tiauk, R. D. (1997). Homo geograpbicws: A framework for action, awareness,

elnl moral concern. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
tirrrnron, D. (1.979). A geography of tbe lifeworld: Mouement, rest, and
ptrfi,unter, London: Croom Helm.
Srnrlcs, H. F. (1960). Tbe nonhuman enuironment, in normal deuelopment and

yb irryhrenia. New York: International Universities Press.

lirlrba, R. (1.991). The landscape of childhood: The reflection of childhood's

crrvironment in adult memories and in children's attitudes. Enuironment and
llthauior, 23,395422.
Seerl, J., Macg J., Fleming, P., 6< Naess, A. (1988). Tbinking like a mowntain:
'litu,ards a council of all beings. Philadelphia: New Society.
'l'homashow,

M. (1995). Ecological identity: Becoming a reflectiue enuironmenMIT Press.

'lirrner, F. (1985). Rediscouering America: John Muir in his time and owrs. San
&l/rsr. Cambridge, Mass.:

lirrrntisco: Sierra Club Books.

Vhite, R. (1.996).'Are you an environmentalist or do you work for a living?':

Mrrk and nature. In W. Cronon (Ed.), Uncommon ground: Rethinking the
human place in nature (pp. 1,7L-1,85). New York: Norton.

9
Trees and Human Identity
Robert Sommer

'S7hen

was approached 15 years ago by the USDA Forest Service to

survey residents' attitudes toward city trees, I wasn't certain that most
people had clear opinions. It was possible that trees, like lampposts and
fire hydrants, were street furniture passed by unnoticed. Our interviews
with city dwellers quickly disabused us of this naive notion. \We received
responses like this:
"The Chinese pistache on our street makes it attractive to us and a prime choice

of location when we bought the house."

"The community looks very good with trees in all the yards. When one is cur
down, it is not the same, even if another tree is planted in its place."

"A city without

trees is like a day without the sun."

Personal pronouns frequently preceded a species name in written comments; e.g., "our elm tree," as distinct from others'elm trees. Street trees
were viewed as an integral component of the house and lot, the neigh-

borhood, and sometimes of the city. The return rate on mailed questionnaires was surprisingly high, indicating a strong interest in the topic.
Mailings to street addresses without family names produced returns in
excess of 50 percent in repeated surveys (Sommer, Guenther, & Barker,
1990). Spontaneous comments thanked us for undertaking the survey,
and people alerted us to gaps rn city maintenance, or reported that a
favorite tree was ill or injured.'We relayed these comments to the appropriate city agency.
Trees are more than a decorative feature of the landscape. Many street
and city names are based upon tree names. All this helps to shape individual and collective identities. The family tree is both a metaphor and
a possession. Connections between trees and human identity can be indirect, as in trees enhancing home and neighborhood and raising property

Ill0

liolt1,11,\11111111,,1

r'r':,tttrl I lttttr'ttr l,lr'ttltll'

I,\

Table 9.1

Identity effects of trecs :'ls sccn in tliffcrcnt Iirrt.s ol

r-(.s(..Ir(l)

Physical factors

Tiee c:rnopy :rifi:cts :rir rltrelity, t('n)l)(.t ittur(.,

wind speed, noisc, wafcr rrrrroll, rrrrtl otlrt,r'
natural pfocesses thrtt ntay itrflrrt'rrtt' lrurrrrrrr
health and well-being.

Aesthetic factors

Trees make hornes ancl nciglrlrrlrhoorls rrrorr.

desirable, thereby enhar-rcing inclivitlu:rl ;rn,l
community self-irnages. Converscly, trct, loss t,rrr
produce grief responses, rcflectiltll, l tlirrrirrrrr iorr

of

self.

Economic factors

Trees add to the value of homes :rncl

neighborhoods, and this has a positivc cf lt.t.t orr
self-image

Social factors

The presence o{ trees can improve neighlror-hr,,,,1

interaction. Peopie identify more with trrt.s llrlr
have planted themselves. Organized planting ;rrr,l
maintenance programs lead to individuirl :rrrtl
collective empowerment.

Psychological factors

In both self-report and physiological stuclics,

contact with greenery has restorative valur'.'l'lrir
can restore equilibrium to a person's relatiorrslrlr
to the natural environment and heal a clarrr:rgt.,l
self.

values, thereby contributing to the residents' self-images. As tirbk. .). I

indicates, trees not only make economic and physical contributi.rrs rrr

human well-being and sense of self, they also contribute

in

aesrhcrit

social, and psychological ways. There is something deeper, spiritual, rrrrrl

almost ineffable about people's attachment

to trees (figurc

9. l)

(Schroeder, 1991).
Tree loss is another area where identity issues are apparent. sorrt.

rl

our respondents made us aware of the psychological outcomes ()f rr.(.(.

loss, which seemed similar in form to the grief accompanying thc clc:rrrr
of a family member. Samuels (1999) describes the responses of farrrt'r.s
in colorado who lost most of their elm windbreaks to Dutch elm disc:rst.:
"You want to cry, but you are too damn big." .,It,s like losing a l<itl."
In 1989 hurricane Hugo came inland and destroyed much of rhe Lrrb,rrr
forest in charleston, South carolina. The following spring and sunrrrt.r,
Hill (1992) undertook a telephone survey among Charleston resid.rrrs

Figure 9.1
t;hilclren feel a special affinity for trees that can be developed through environntental education.

182

Robert Setmmar

T'recs

and L"luman

ldenritY

183

More than 30 percent identified rhe trees as the most significant singlc
feature of the city that was damaged. The respondents gave detailed
explanations of how trees had given charleston a special ambiencc,

my base
sure I get 10 gallons of water a day. But don't drown me' I(eep
pcat and weeded. . . . Don't salt near me in winter" (Kay, 1976, p.26).
Given the precarious situation of city trees, there seems nothing odd

beautified and differentiated neighborhoods, and provided benefits such

as shade, energy conservation, increased property values, and touriem.

about this plea from a tree to its human neighbors (frgate9'2)'

People also mentioned the spiritual dimensions of trees, how treet

expressed the beauty of life, hope, God's work, and the belief that nature

Harmful Aspects of Urban Trees

nourishes the soul. They saw the trees as an indication of civic concern,
providing connection to the past, both in terms of personal memoriec
and family history.

Although most of this chapter concerns their benefits, city trees can be
maior liabilities when strong winds or ice storms bring them crashing
down on people, houses, roads, parked cars, and power lines' Even
ciry
during tranquil times, not all tree species are equally appreciated by
someresidents. Some are regarded as messy and dirty (always dropping
trip
can
people
that
detritus
thing) or as dangerous (falling limbs or
over); some have roots that disrupt the sidewalk or sewer lines or

Efforts on Behalf of Urban Trees

The focus of this chapter is on trees in urban areas rather than forest
trees. In urban areas, environmental organizations use tree planting as a
means to build local identity, turning a street of strangers into a community. One activist admitted, "'We don,t know if we,re organizing communities to plant trees or planting trees to organize communitie8rn
("Forest Service," 1996, p. Y21). The strongest community building
occurs in neighborhoods that focus their efforts on common spaceg
rather than yard planting (Mclain, 1996). Trees create a canopy over
residential streets, putting a "roof', over a neighborhood, forming
natural bridges that unite rwo sides of a street.
ciry trees are heavily dependent upon people's actions for their sur.
vival. Those who maintain city trees have concluded that the social
milieu surrounding the tree is as important as the physical milieu (sklar
& Ames, 1985). Discussing the national decline in mainrenance budgets
for municipal trees, Kay (1,976) concludes, "our city trees are in trouble
because our cities are in trouble" (p. 21), adding that ,,you will find no
tree-mourner like the apartment dweller watching the death of a tree
before the front door. The urban-dweller,s pain is personal,' (p. 2Zl,
Adopt-a-tree programs enlist local residents to care for individual ffees,
attempting to develop a personal relationship by giving the tree a specific identity.'when new trees were planted in a Boston neighborhood,
pamphlets appeared in mailboxes announcing, ,.I,ve just moved in, actually, and there are a few things you should know about me. There are
some things you can do to keep me alive and well. you shourd make

branches that interfere with power lines; and some release allergenic
pollen. Birds and squirrels roosting in trees are considered by some rescrime
idents to be an amenity but by others to be a nuisance. In high
safe
to
areas, trees may block light and make a neighborhood seem less
refer
pedestrians (Schroeder & Anderson,1,984). Some traffic engineers
.ity trees as FHOs (fixedhazardous objects) that impede the smooth

io

flow of traffic (Duany k.Plater-zyberk, 1992). The relationship between

humans and trees is not without ambivalence'
Having summarized some of the ways that trees are important in
people,s lives, the next sections of this chapter describe research findings
and theories about the psychological significance of trees, with special
attention to identity issues. A final section discusses the implications of
the special bonds between people and trees for environmental theory'
research, and Practice.
Research on Tree-Planting Programs

their
Because city trees are so dependent on human assistance during
early years, urban foresters have concluded that the social environment
a tree is as important as the physical environment for ensur-

around
ing early tree survival and well-being (McBride 6c Beatty, 1992)' Sklat
in
and Ames (1985) report higher survival for parkway trees planted
neighborhoods through block parties than for trees planted without

I8.1

lir tl tt' r1,\1

11 1

Itr','s,ttt,l Iltntt,ttt lrhrrltll'

11,,',

I'li

orrrrrrrrnity l)ilt'ti(il)1rti()rr. l)wyt'r'rrrttl Scltr<>ctlcr (1994) bclicvc tlrat par-

tit ilt;rtiorr irr ltlrrrrting lll-()grilll)s crcrltcs a stronggf Sense of cOnlmunity,

('llll)()wcrs inncr-city rcsiclcnts to inrprove neighborhood conditions, and
(figure 9.3a-c) (see
l)r()ulotcs crrvirtllrtrerttal responsibility and ethics
..hrrprer 10). Resiclcnrs learn they can choose and control the conditions
ol-thcir environment. The national research agenda for urban forestry in
rhc 1990s (ISA, 1991) considered community involvement to be critical
for the continued vitality of the urban forest.
'fhe past two decades have brought extensive multimethod, interdisciplinary documentation of the benefits of city trees, and there are some
cxcellent reviews of this research (e.g., Dwyer & Schroeder, L994;
l(rrplan 6c Kaplan, 1989; Ulrich, 1'993). The findings include the
following:
Physical scientists have shown that the urban tree canopy moderates
rcmperature and lessens the heat island effect; reduces wind speed, noise,
end water runoff; and contributes to energy conservation. They have
cleveloped global models on forests'effects on carbon dioxide emissions,
..o.ro*ists have translated these findings into monetary benefits
"rrd
(Bolund & Hunhammar, 1999; McPherson, Simpson, Peper, & Xiao,

'

t9ee).

of unimproved lots and homes

& Strom, 1975), and homes
!989;Payne
Appel,
(Martin, Maggio, &
asset for many families.
capital
and
investment
are the i".g.rt single
. Behavioral scientists have shown the aesthetic, stress-reducing, and
restorative effects of trees and other greenery in a variety of environmental contexts for adults and for children (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989;
Kuo, Bacaicoa, 6c Sullivan, 1998, Ulrich et al', 1991)'
. It has been shown repeatedlS both in simulation studies and in comrnunity surveys, that will-treed streets are preferred over those with few

'

Figure 9.2
People organize to save ciry rrees anci they feel grief
when one is lost.

Trees increase the property values

trees (Schroeder

&

Cannon, 1983).

research team explored ways of increasing public involvement

with city trees, first in planting, and then in maintenance' The planting
studies used a replicated design in three California cities. In each location, we compared the attitudes of householders who planted front-yard
trees themselves, either as part of a community program or on their own,
with residents in the same neighborhood whose trees had been planted

My

by the city or by a developer (Sommer, Leatey, Summit, 6c Tirrell, 1'994)'

The results showed that residents who planted trees themselves were

lir tl tt' rl,\r

tr t t

nlr

I rr'r't ,trrrl I lrrrrt,trt lrlr'trttlI

ffi
,1

F'igure 9.3 (a-c) (continued)

%-.,-,--.*
--*'%

more satisfied with the following: how the tree was staked or supported
at planting time, the location selected for the tree, tree maintenance, the
perception that the tree improved the yard or neighborhood, and the
species planted. They also had a reduced desire to have the tree removed
or feplaced. There were additional benefits for those residents who had
Lreen part of a community shade tree program: increased mutual assistance during planting, becoming better acquainted with neighbors,

*!!,,@.!.e%

greater access to maintenance information and technical assistance, and

more willingness to use a telephone information service operated by a

voluntary organization for future maintenance problems (Nannini,

Sommer,

g,?

Figure 9.3

a-c) community tree plantings. Tree-planting programs empower

and educ;rrr

'esidents and enhance their sense

of

.o--rrrity.

&

Meyers, 1998).

Because program membership and tree planting were correlated (r =

0.34, p < .01) while at the same time each correlated with overall satisfaction with the tree, partial correlations were used to identify the
relative contributions of each to overall satisfaction.'When program affiliation was correlated with overall satisfaction, holding planting participation constant, the resulting partial coefficient was nonsignificant, r =
'When planting participation was correlated with overall satisfac0.08.
tion, with program affiliation held constant, the partial coefficient was

U7
1,1,1

lirtlttrl.\tlttttrr,t

tr'r'.s

,trtrl I ltrttr,trr l,lr'trltlt'

0'31, (p < .01).The clcar irrrPlicrrrion of tlrt' P:rr'ri:rl r-ot.llitit.nrs r:, rrr,rr
planting the tree oneself is a nrore inrl-roltrurt colrtt'ihrrtor-lo lt,sitllrrt
satisfaction with the front-yard trec tlrrrn bcing pirrt .f rr errrurrrrrr,y.
program.

Nannini, Sommer, and Meyers (1998) lo.l<ed at the usc,f vrlrrrrrt.r.r,,

for Dutch elm disease. Dutch elnr clisc:rst'is;r srli
rificant threat to the elm population in many American citics. Sire c rlrt.r,.
s no effective treatment for the disease, the best availablc,rcrhrtl rs
:areful monitoring followed by quick removal of infectecl trccs. ()wirr11
:o shrinking municipal budgets, resident participation in crlrurrrrrrirl,
)rograms provides a way to economically maintain urban scrvict's. Arr
rlliance of professionals and volunteers is potentially more cost-cffcr.rivt.
rnd successful in monitoring tree condition than either group opcratinlg
tlone. A systematic comparison in Brookline, Massachusetts, fourrcl tlr:rr
ree data collected by trained volunteers were valid and their accur:l(.y
:ompared favorably with levels found among a control group of ccr-rr
ied arborists (Bloniarz & Ryan, 1996).
In the early 1990s the first case of Dutch elm disease was detecrcrl i,
;acramento county, california. The sacramento Tree Foundation, srrP
rorted by the city council and local businesses, started the Save the Fllrrrs
)roject (srEP) (figure 9.4). The municipal
utility distributed 20,0(x)
rrochures in neighborhoods containing a lot of elms, asking for v.lrrrr
eers to conduct periodic tree inspections. There were 269 residents wh,
nitially expressed interest in joining the program, but owing to schcrl
Lling conflicts and time constraints, only half of them received trainirrg.
'he participants were given a full day of training, after
which thcy
dopted areas in their neighborhood containing an average of thirty-fivt,
lm trees each. Throughout the year, but most intensively during spri.g
nd summer, the volunteers examined their trees and reported on tl'rcir.
ondition to the sacramenro Tree Foundation. The participants got r()
now individual trees, which helped in detecting the changes that
ccurred at the onset of disease (Gemmel et a1.,7995). since the progrerr
egan, the number of newly infected trees each year has steacriry
ecreased, from forty in 1993 to eight infected tr:ees in 1996.
rwe undertook a survey in
1996 to investigate the effects of commrr
ity participation on volunteers' knowledge of their urban forest a.(l
ttitudes toward their community. The survey was mailed to the sarrr.
:o inspect street trees

Figure 9.4

I{ecruiting volunteers for Save the Elms Program.

269 residents who expressed initial interest in STEP. The 6rst section of

the questionnaire contained a series of statements that indirectly

of community and sense of empowerment.
The second section contained questions from Gruber and Shelton's
(lgg7) Resident Satisfaction Scale. The third section included nine
rnultiple-choice questions that assessed individuals' knowledge of Dutch
elm disease and the local urban forest.
More than 85 percent of those who volunteered for the community
effort indicated that they were motivated by their conceln for Sacramento's trees. Of the reasons provided by nonparticipants, only 9 percent
cited a lack of interest in contributing to the efforts of the community
project, while the majgrity named scheduling difficulties and time c6nstraints as the primary obstacle to participation in STEP' A one-way
ar-ralysis of variance indicated that indivicluals who participated in STEP
wcre significantly more pleased with their neighborhoods than those who
clicl not participate; F(l ,777) = 4'75, p <'05'volunteers were significlntly more knowledgeable about Sacramento's urban forest than indivicluals who did not participate in STEP; F(1, 118) = 52.24, p < '001'
rtcldressed individuals' sense

190

'Trees

Robert Sorumer

volunteers answered an average of 5.10 (sD = 2.0.i) questions correctlyf

compared with an ayerage of 2.59 (SD = 1.68) answered correctly by

Table 9.2
Thcories of the psychological significance of trees

those who did not participate in STEP.

Darwinian Approaches
(S. R. Kellert Ec

There was more neighbor assistance among participants

in

trcE.

planting programs than among nonparticipants; rhis in rurn led particl.

pants to become better acquainted with their neiglrbors (sommer, Learc$
Summit, & Tirrell, 1,994). Observations in several cities reveahd
instances of neighbors meeting for the first time during tree planting
(Learey, 1994).Interactions among neighbors in our study included such
mundane activities as borrowing or lending tools, informal visits, and
asking for assistance. Through these interactions, neighbors provided
each other with instrumental, personal, and informati<lnal support.
Participation in the tree-planting programs also appeared to increase
community ties, which form the basis for a sense of communiry identity.
Again, the relationship is reciprocal: programs of neighborhood en.
hancement, including tree planting and maintenance, increase identification with the neighborhood (Rohe, 1985). As people identify with
their neighborhoods, they personalize their homes, which increases community ties (Brown, 1"987; Taylor, 1988). In rurn, community ties will
facilitate projects to improve the neighborhood environment.

E. O. Wilson;

I. O, Quantz)

Phenomenological
approaches

(Davies, 1988;
Fulford, 1995;

Theories on the Psychological Significance of T}ees

The human species developed over millennia in contact with trees; it was
both influenced by trees and exerted a major influence on tree growth
patterns. Trees are extolled in myth, song, poetry, and religion. These

Ecopsychology

with specific trees associated with evenrs, people, and neighborhoods. A

number of complementary theories have been developed concerning
the relationship berween people and trees. As indicated in table 9,2,
Darwinian approaches (Quantz, 1,897), depth psychology (Jung, 1979),
phenomenological approaches (e.g., Davies, 1988), affordance theory
(Gibson, 1979), and ecopsychology (Roszak, 1992) elaborate on the
psychological significance of trees for people.

1e1

The role of trees in natural selection has

influenced latent and manifest preferences' This
theory looks more at approach and avoidance
rathei than identity per se, although preferences
arc part of self-image (I am what I like; I like
what I am). Myths of belief that people who were
created from trees or were transformed into trees
have influenced cultural Practices, are embodied
in stories and song, and find expression in
children's animistic perception of trees' The life of
a specific individual and a specific tree can be

intertwined.
Depth psychologY
(C. G. Jung)

Tuan,1979;
Altman, 1993)
Affordance theorY
[. J. Gibson)

historical connections are expressed today in feelings of kinship, protectiveness, and mutual benefit. People identify with trees in general and

and Human ldentitY

(T. Roszak)

a focus on parallels between human and

arboreal development, the tree is seen as an

Vith

archetype in the human collective unconscious'

Personality tests such as the H-T-P use tree
drawing to investigate identity issues'
Relies heavily on metaphor between the natural
and the human world. Roots, trunk, and canopy
mirror the infernal, earthly, and heavenly
domains, respectively; other features such as
flowers, fruit, and color supply subsidiary themes
relating trees to people and society'
Real-world perception is shaped and refined
through inteiaction with the outside world'
Duririg first-hand encounters, individuals learn
propeities of obiects and their own place in the
world. The theory gives more emphasis to
perceptual learning than to identity'
Beyond the individual self, there is an ecological
self that is nurtured through contact with and
concern for the natural environment' A person
should feel at one with nature, and if these
feelings are absent or distorted, a healing process
is needed.

'92

'Irees and Lluman

Robert Sammer

)arwinian Approaches
. O. Quantz (1897), aL eatly developmental psychologisr, was heavily
nfluenced by both Darwinian functionalism and the anthropology of his
lay. Quantz suggests that a belief in tree spirits is as old as human civ.
lization and traces religion to sacred groves, observing that "the grove0
yere God's first temples" (p.471). The sound of rustling leaves was
inter.
,reted as the oracular speech of tree spirits (p. 480), and the divining
od used for detecting water derives from the sacred tree with its magic
rowers. Even today, some wilderness managers describe themselves as
keepers of the sacred grove." Quantz considered the common practice
,f planting and dedicating trees to the memory of heroes and great eventg

o be a modern residue of dendrolatry (tree worship).

Quantz describes the special characteristics of the Life Tree. variations

f this concept, central to concepts of human identitg including the

florld Tree and Tree of Paradise, appear in accounts of sacred trees (e.g.,
,ltman, 1,993 and Davies, 1988). The Life Tree is host to a spirit that
stablishes relationships with humans. In some instances, humans are
reated from these treesl in other instances, mortals are transformed into
:ees. From these two concepts-creation from trees and transformatiorl
rto them-arises the more specific notion of a sympathetic connection
etween the life of a person and that of a particular tree. Hill (2000)
rovides a contemporary illustration of the bond formed between an
rdividual and a specific tree. Some of today's tree-planting organizations
)onsor Memory Tree programs, in which family members plant and
raintain trees in honor of a departed loved one. In some cultures, trees
re planted at the birth of a child and twin trees at a marriage. There is
n obligation for the individual or couple to look after the birth tree or
rarriage trees and a perception that the fate of the individual and the
'ee, as a green alter ego) are intertwined.

An ancient form of medical

'eatment was the supposed transfer of the ailment from person to tree.
the illness could be passed into a tree, the person would be relieved.

Quantz was given access to interviews with children and teachers conucted by the noted developmental psychologist G. Stanley Hall (1904).
r these interviews, the children ascribed anthropomorphic qualities
trees, including reasoning, intelligence, emotions, and morality. Trees
rssessed feelings and suffered when they were trimmed or cut (see also
)

rapter 5). The children found parallels between the tree and the human

ldentitY

19')

leaves its
body: the limbs, trunk, and roots are its arms and feet, the
the tree
when
blood
as
clothing, the bark its skin, from which sap oozed
feelings; they
was injured. They reported that trees reciprocate their own
make
lonesome,
when
cry
like to have little children around and will
and talk to chilshade jurst for little boys and girls, watch over the house,
considdren who can understand what trees are saying' Some children

to those
ered all trees to be good, but the maiority restricted goodness
birds'
providing specific benefits, such as shade, fruit, or protection to
but others considSome children expressed sympathy for crooked trees,
believed that trees
They
actions.
ered deformity to be retribution for bad
all
put on new dresses during seasonal changes and are ashamed when
l.ru., fall off. Irhile the children saw individual trees as friends,

,h.i,

to be associated with darkness and

up by a
danger, a threat to identity, as in becoming lost or swallowed
forest or attacked by a wild animal'

based on affordances, forests tended

MorecontemporarymanifestationsofDarwinianapproachesto

(1993) biopeople-tree relationships are found in Kellert and lTilson's

phifiu ,n"o.y, Appleton's (1990) prospect-refuge theory' and Orians's

-$ggq

savanna hypothesis. According

to the concept of biophilia'

living
defined as the innate emotional affiliation of humans with other
through
organisms, many human preferences were shaped over millennia
to the
interactions with features of the environment that were helpful
1.993).
survival of the species in its early development (Kellert Ec \rilson,
strands
Through a process of gene-environment coevolution, the multiple
of environmental stimuli become part of human culture' This allows
a rapid adiustment to environmental changes through adaptations
(Wilson'
invented and transmitted without precise genetic prescription
originally pro1,gg8). Even when humans are removed from the stimuli
the convoking an emotional response, biophilia theory maintains that
and
nections remain in latent form and find expression as preferences
aversions.

prefer
Landscape preference studies have shown that most people
or
dry'
natural, verdant, and open landscapes to those that are built'
which evoluenclosed. The desired landscapes are assumed to be those
has "taught" our species to be beneficial and worthy of approach

tion
of a
rather than being avoided (Hull & Revell, 1959)' The appearance
tree evokes expectations about the fecundity of its host environment,

194

Rcthert Sommer

helping to answer the question: "Is this a goocl place to sray?" Applctein
(1,990) describes desirable trees as offeri,g prospect (for
seei,g prey or
giving early warning of a predator's approach) and refuge, both of
which
provided the evolutionary advantages to early humans of seei,g without
being seen. orians's (1986) savanna hypothesis sees preferred trseg
species as those associated

with optimal habitats in the African savannal

where humankind spent its early millennia. These trees are more broad
than tall and have canopies that are more wide than deep. A preference
for species such as the acacia, which indicated desirable environmentg
with ample water and game possibilities, became ingrained as a biophilic
response through a lengthy process of gene-culture coevolution. Support
for the savanna hypothesis is seen in landscape painting, cultivation prac-

tices, and preference studies among samples on many continents (Heerwagen & Orians, 1993; Sommer & Summit,1996; Sommer, 1997).

Depth Psychology
The tree as metaphor for the course of human life was a favorite theme
of the psychoanalyst c. G. Jung (1979). The potential for the mature
rree is present in the tiny seed just as the potential for an adult human
is present

in the fertilized ovum. considering the tree to be an archetype,

or innate pattern that is part of a collective unconscious common to all
humans, Jung collected paintings of trees done by his patients. He con;idered the tree to be symbolic of the life course, with the roots as geneal-

rgy, the trunk as the evolving personal identity the branches as those
:haracteristics and traits that connect fo the environment, and the fruit
rs the crearive products of an individual life (Metzner, 1gg1).
Jungian
rsychology blurs the inner-outer distinction in making a correspond:nce between the outer wilderness of nature and the ..wilderness,, of
the
rnconscious mind (schroeder, 1991).In a similar vein, shamanistic tralitions describe the central axis of a human being as an inner tree. Trav:ling to this central axis, one encounters the axis mundi, or pillar of
the
vorld, the cosmic hub (Metzner, 1981).
Drawing a tree is part of the House-Tree-person projective test used
o assess deeper levels ofpersonality (Buck, l94g). In the original version
rf this procedure, the person was requested to draw in succession a
Louse, a tree, and a person. Hammer (1986) modified this technique
by
sking the participant to imagine being that house, that rree, or that

'l'rees uncl

Flwnan

ldentitY

19S

person, trnd to speak for it. Metzner (1981)goes even further by asking
..draw the tree of your life," which connects directly to
his clients to
grow and
identity. The drawn tree is seell as expressing the yearning to

for
move from earth to the heavens, making it an important metaphor
self-enfoldment ancl the building of personal identity. The branching
and
symbolizes protection, shade, nourishment, growth, regeneration'
determination (Burns, 1.987).

Jungiandepththeories,becausetheyareindividualcentered,speak
role
directly to identity issues. Projective tests that ask the person to
The
merger.
in
identity
play being a tree represent pefhaps the ultimate
spiritual dimensions of trees fit well into the framework of depth
psychology.

iff]ffi'Jffi tlfl','#$henomenologicaldiscussionsortreesretv
canopy mirror the infernal'

h"aully on metaphor. Roots, trunk, and

as
earthly, and heavenly domains, respectively; other features such
(1988)
Davies
themes'
flowers, fruit, and color supply subsidiary
good to
observed that "Trees are not simply good to climb, they are
(p.
34). He
fires"
think. Much of their wood is fuel for metaphorical
refcontrasted the importance of trees in metaphor with the infrequent
has
which
plants,
of
erences to grass, the most universal and successful
the
not fed the flames of creative thought to an equal extent. Looking at
as
a
them
(1988)
sees
symbolism of trees in Georgian England, Daniels
He
stabilizing influence during a period of accelerating social change.
as
the
such
species,
particular
discusses the connotations surrounding
patrician
venerable and rich associations adhering to the oak and the
and
plebian
more
the
from
connotations of parkland trees as distinct
story'
fast-growing firs, which were not nearly as celebrated in verse and
\x/hile the oak sheltered all around it, the cedar was seen as destroying
prominence
everything in its shade (Fulford, 1,995). others attribute the
the deep'
to
also
but
size,
and
of oaks in song and verse, not only to age
roots, which convey a sense of permanence and mystery' This made

thick

was
them a suitable image for stable government. Edmund Burke, who

\Wordsworth, depicted
himself described as an oak in a poem by
by
England's form of government in similar terms' Burke was opposed
French
radicals such as Thomas Paine, who saw the liberty tree of the

'Trees

and Human

ldentitY

197

Robert Sommer
is
volution as the new growth possible aftet an old uniust system
roots'
down
rooted (Fulford, 1,g95). Settling in a place means putting
rhaps by planting long-lived, deeply rooted trees like the oak'
were
Human attitudes toward forests, as distinct from individual trees,
and
iginally mostly negative. Forests were seen as places of darkness
outlaws'
and
,rg.., th" gathering places of dangerous animals, witches,
.Lildr.r,, stories, the forest was not a place for a stroll or play; it repand floods'
sented threat and abandonment. However, unlike blizzards
hich might be seen as pursuing their victims, forests were dangerous
rly to those who encroached on their domain, especially those -who
(Tuan' 1979)'
olated their rules by iniuring sacred trees or animals
"\7e are
esidues of these fearful attitudes remain, as in the expression,

rt out of the woods Yet."

Altman (1993) attributes the deep kinship between people and indifew other
dual trees to "a primary quality in common that is found in
peoples
native
:ings. We both share a vertical perspective"(p' 7)' Some
,.walking
trees," whose spine is the trunk, pelvis
,fer.ed to humans as
that
rfolds the roots, and brain is in the branches' Altman maintains
to see
ris similarity of posture was one of the factors leading people
capacity
the
has
tree
.ees as natural friends and allies. The image of a
r raise human consciousness in expressing values such as permanence'
Martin
;ability, trustworthiness, fertility, and generosity' Theologian
,uber wrote, "I can look upon (a tree) as a picture ' ' ' as movement
however' also
. . and I can classify it in a species and study it' ' ' ' It can'
the tree, I
ome about, if I have both will and grace, that in considering
1994'
hickory"'
"Holy
(quoted
in
,ecome bound up in a relation with it"

34\.

[ffordance TheorY

.J.Gibson(1,979\developedatheoryofreal-worldperceptionthat
people
:mphasized its practical value for the individual, in terms of
theory
the
trees'
to
reeing things as opportunities. Specifically in regard
and uses, which are discovered
'ocused on their practical benefits
properties is
:hrough perceptual learning. Knowledge of their structural
hardnnate in Gibson,s theory, in terms of features such as roundness,
Individuals
species.
for
the
1ess, and height that have survival relevance
learning,
:xplore and refine this innate knowledge through perceptual

within a culture and transmitted'

tr:ansmis'fhrough this combination oiperceptual learning and social
be
should
how different trees
sion, the individual learns, for t"a*plt'
bark while others will have rough
climbed since some will have smooth
for easy footing while others will
birrk, and some will have low branches
rrrrd these features become ingrainecl

Irave none.

trees afford significant play opportuF'or rural and suburban children'

Children in innerhide-and-seek, rope swings' tree forts)'

nities (climbing,
yet engage in more play activities
.rr, ur.uu hrr. l"r, direct access to trees'
(Faber'
there are trees and grass available
rrrrcl play more creatively when
satisfy
to
1996)' For adults' trees offer the means

Wilep I(uo,

&

Sullivan,

hasic needs connected

modern
with shelter' fuel' food' and medicine' In

including shade' aesthetic enhanceturban life, trees confer many benefits'

air pollution' privacy' reduced noise'

ntcnt, energy conservation, reduced
and enhancement of property values'
scatsonal markers, wildlife habitat'

lclentityfiguresindirectlyinthesebenefits'\(ithinthelargergestaltof
individtrees are not so much apart of an

lrcrson-home-neighborhood,
on which survival of the indirrrrl's identity as a part of the environment
of
is therefore a serious matter' in terms
viclural depends. The loss of trees
the intensity of the response to tree
thc manlbenefits they offer, although
from depth psychology or
I.ss in some cases may require explanations

Arbor Day proclamation' President

ccol'rsychology theory' In t'i' fgOi
would face a
'l'heodore Roosevelt ittl""d' "A people without children
(cited in
trees is almost as hopeless"
Itopeless future; a country without
Sitnruels, 1"999, P' 1'01')'
l')coPsYchologY TheorY

l'lcopsycl"rology has

i"

Gibson's
several earlier theories' including

'oot'
rc,,l,,gical psychology with its

emphasis on real-world perception;

focuses on transcendental experience;
,,1",',rp"rrunul puythJiogy, which
of the
the idea of humans being at the top
rlnd cleep ecology,

*t'itti"ittts

an ecological

Ecopsychology assumes
rv*tltttionary pyramid (Fox, 1990)'
many respects to Jung's collective unconttttsotlsr.:iotts that is similar in

environment' not merely

with *'*"' emphasis on the physical

the Gaia
concern (Roszak' t99Z)' Following
irh syrlrl)ol, but as a focus of
maintains that the planet
ltypothcsis (l,ovelock, 1990)' ecopsychology
be no distinction
is lr siuglc living organisur arnd there should

ar'ittttso but

li,rrrt'

198

Rohert Sarnmer

'liees and Hurnan ldentity

between living and nonliving mamer. The latter view differs from bi,philia,
which stresses the special affinity between humans and other life forms,
with physical features of the environment seen mainly as life supports.
For city residents, trees provide contact with natural rhythms and life
forms, offering leaf color as seasonal markersl the gentle motion and
sound of rustling leaves; filtered light; and habitat for birds, squirrels,
and insects. Shade for outdoor activities is especially critical in cities
subject to heat island effects because trees can moderate temperatures
and save energy used for air conditioning. Ecopsychology speaks directly
to identity issues, mainly by broadening the concepr. calling the field
"transpersonal ecolog11" Fox (1990) defines it as the study of the ecological self beyond tbe human identity (italics mine).-He maintains rhar
humans are overly homocentric and need to lose their sense of self-

'lhhlt

importance among species. In place of the conventional image of a ladder

with humans occupying the top rung, he employs a tree metaphor to

'

describe

the separate branches of evolutionary development, with

humans as but one leaf on the tree of life. Even though leaves fall and.
branches break, the tree itself will conrinue (!7inter, 1996). Shedding
homocentrism and adopting a broader view of self has emotional, perceptual, and spiritual implications. The concept of identification rather

than merger is cenrral to this shift. one feels identified with the planer,
not that one is the planet. one becomes identified with trees, one does

not become a rree. \tr7inter (1996) eloquently describes this shift in

awareness: "It is less about information and more about identification.
Less of a decision and more of a dropping into a fuller experience
of
oneself. . . . Less about knowing and more about appreciating. The
ecological self is an expanded, more gracious, more spacious sense of self,,

@.26a).
Ecopsychology also has an action component, in that healing the
planet is seen as a way of healing the self. winter (1996) defines the goal

of the field as creating a sustainable world. Involvement in environmental causes is a spiritual exercise that is beneficial to the self. planting trees
is good for the psyche and for the environment. As the ecological self
expands within the person, environmentally destructive consumerist
values

will

lose importance.

All of these theories can be used to understand the implications of trees

for human identity. As depicted in table 9.3, these theories present three

199

9.3

llonir of hunran identification with trees

l,
l,

I'hysical and metaphorical resemblance

lkrth are ver:tical, dlive, have growth cycles, similarity of parts (canopy =
hcnd, trunk = body, branches = d.rrnsr roots = feet)

Myths arrd legends

l'cople created from trees, people turned into trees, tree spirits, sacred
*r(lve$, haunted forests

.1. lntcrtwined fate

Itcople dependent upon trees for shelter, fuel, food, building materials,
prospect, medicines, shade, aesthetic pleasure, contact with nature, wildlife
hirbitat, children's play, restorative qualities, seasonal markers, energy
conservation, windbreaks, enhanced propertya
'l'rees dependent on people for planting, care, protection, monitoring for
rlisease, removal of diseased trees, research, silvicultureb
lncludes beneflts for humans during both evolutionary history and in modern

tirnes,

l' llcfers to

trees near human settlements that need

rurrl protected by humans.

to be planted, maintained,

rrrain bases for people's identification with trees: physical and metaphorieal resemblance, myth and legends, and their intertwined fate.

lrnplications for Environmental Policies, Practices, and Research

'l'hc two major themes of this book, nature and identity, arelarge, fuzzy
concepts on which it is difficult to conduct empirical studies. Definitions
of both concepts are vague, imprecise, nonconsensual, and often ad hoc.
It is much easier to investigate the amount of time people spend gar.

or hiking than to study their beliefs and actions in relation to

nllture in the abstract. I did not start out studying nature or identity. I

clening

r:onducted research on community tree-planting programs and later, prefcrence for generic tree shapes, which brought me to theories of identity

with the theories used to interpret

I doubt I would have received funding from the

nrrd nature. The research came first,

nnd extend the findings.

tISDA Forest Service if I had proposed to study "trees and identity." This
fecleral agency must preserve its credibility in a highly contested politi-

crl

arena, where many groups regard its activities

with suspicion. I

llolttrt,\t

)t t t t t t t,

lir'r'.t,trrtl Iltrrtt,ttt l,lr'tttil't,

studied narrow, opcrati()Ititlly clcfinccl topics;rrrrl prrblislrltl ('prl)irir.irl

papers in refereed techr.ric;rl journals.

This chapter, the first that connects my rescarch with idcrrtity isstres,
suggests that the psychological significa,ce of trees has irnplicati,,s
f,r
urban environmental programs. Trees should be part of ,eighb'rh.,cl
improvement projects, with the provision that residents shourcr bc
involved in tree selection, planning, and maintenance. professionals crrrr
contribute technical expertise without taking "ownership,, of local trees.
Expanding the opportunities for resident involvement in tree monitoring
and care should be explored. Although there are cross-national preferences for certain generic tree forms, particularly the oak and acacia
shapes, people are also

likely to identify with familiar locar

rrees

(Sommer, 1997).

More research on this topic wourd help to inform theory and practice.
There are several research approaches that can help us better understand
how people relate to trees:

' simulation methods can be used to gauge response to tree sickness,

injury, death, and removal. Existing r.r"r..h on tiee loss has been largely
anecdotal, after the fact, and confounded with larger events, such as
infestations and natural disasters.
' To supplement qualitative post hoc studies, there is a need for more
systematic procedures, such as slide simulation with semantic differential ratings, and role-playing exercises.
' Most simulation studies have investigated the potential effects of
adding trees ro the landscape; much less has bee, iirected toward
the
effects of tree loss. This line of research would help city officials
respond
appropriately to protests about tree removar, and poini the way to
tive ameliorative and replacement strategies. shoula there be a, imme"ff..diate. replacement planting or should the spr.e be left empty
for a time
to allow mourning? How can residents be directly iruolu.i in replacement planting for a lost tree? How should a city arborist behave
when
it

)0I

1,,11'11'11 l:rrrrily rrrcrrrhcr'. l{cscar-ch t:rrn bc clottc r-rsing lists l<cpt by organr/.rl r()ns sP0rtsorinll nlcnr()ry trcc pr()grilms.

,1,

'

l'lrt'r't',rrc irrtcrcstirrg iclcntity issncs in regard to trees linked to signifirrtlivicltrals. Anrcrican Forests, a nonprofit conservation group, sells
(r.r's th;rt arc: tl'rc direct descendents of living trees planted by famous
rrr,lrvitlu:rls arrcl cvents. Among their most popular offerings are seeds or
( l t t nu,,s f ronr a tulip poplar growing on the woodlots of Mount Vernon,
.r rvct'pirrli willow from the Graceland estate of Elvis Presley, and a
,,\,(.ur()re li'orn the Antietam battlefield in Maryland (Associated Press,
'{)0 1). Wlrat is the symbolic meaning of planting and caring for a tree
r, .rrrt

.r,;sotirrtccl with the life of a named individual?

with nature should recognize

rlrt'spccial characteristics of trees and their role in fostering individual
.urtl cornl'nunity identity. As Brush and Moore (1.976) pointed out, a
,rr.r j.,r' challenge for behavioral scientists involved in greening programs
rr; to iclcntify those aspects of city trees liked and disliked by residents.
l,()r'city dwellers, trees are irnportant parts of "near nature," and opport
rit ics for tree monitoring and care by children as well as adults should
Irr conclnsion, theories of human contact

rrr

1,,'t'xpanded.
l{cl'crcnces

N. (1993). Sacred trees. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books.

r\1rlrlcton, J. (1990). The symbolism of habitat. Seattle: University of

r\lrrrrrrn,

\X/rrshington Press.

Associated Press. (2001). Planting a tree can be a historic moment. Berkeley,

t ,,tlrl:., Daily Planet, Mar. 23, p. 1,4.
liltrrri:rrz, l). V., & Ryan, H. D.P. (1996). The use of volunteer initiatives in con,lrrt'ting trrban forest inventories. lournal of Arboricuhure, 22,75-82.

liolrnrd, P.,
Ii,,

&

Hunhammar, S. (1999). Ecosystem services

tt\rryical Economics, 29,293-30'1

in

urban

areas.

to remove trees that are part of home and neigh-

l)rrown, B. B. (1987). Territoriality. In D. Stokols & I. Altman (Eds.l, Handbook

,,f attuironmental psychology, vol. 1 (pp. 505-531). New York: Wiley.

' There has been no longitudinal research on individuals and their birth
trees' The practice of planting trees at a child's birth is losing ground

lilrrslr, R. O., & Moore,T. A. (1976it. Some psychological and social aspects of
rlt cs in the city. In F. S. Santamour (Ed.), Better trees for metropolitan land.,,4rcrs. USDA Forest Service Technical Report NE 22, pp.2529, Broomall, PA:
USI)A.

becomes- necessary

borhood identity?

with urbanization, but examples still occur that should be foilJ#ed up.
This can include imagined responses to vandalism of a birth t..",
u, i.
a stranger carving initials on it (presumed appropriation).
' Nor has there been research on family identification with memory
trees, i.e., those planted, either on family or public space, to
honor a

lrrrcl<, J.

llrrrrrs,

N. (1948). The H-T-P test. lournal of Clinical Psycbology,4, tSt-L59.

R. C. (1987). Kinetic-bouse-tree-person drawings. New York:

liltr rrner/Maze1.

20)

lioltrrt ,\outtttt,r

ll,','s ,rrt,l I lrrttt,lrt ltlcrttttv

Daniels, S. (198u).'t'hc political iconogrrphy ol wootllrrrrrl rrr lirlt,r.(it..r.girrrr

Elsland. In D. cosgrove & s. Danicls (rrds.), ;fht ic.n,tyr,t1trt1t.Irtttrdstttltt (1-t1-t.
43-80). Cambridge: Cambridge Universiry l)rcss.

D. (1988). The evocative symbolism of rrees. In D. Oosgr.ve, &

S. Daniels (Eds-), The iconography of rantrscape. camrrridge: cl;rr,rrritrgc
Davies,

University Press.
Duany,-_At,

&

Plater-Zyberk, E. (1992). second coming of the Americ:rn snrail

town. Wilson Quarterly, 26, 1.9-SO.

of

urbarr

Fox, W. (1990). Toward a trdnspersoTtal ecology. Bosron: Shambhala.

Fulford, T. (1995). cowper, I7ordsworth, clare: The politics of trees.
John clare
Society lournal, 14, 1-7.

&

STiiliams, S. (1995). Stewardship of the

mature elm tree canopy in sacramento through citizen 'participation.
Iraper
presented at the conference on Benefits of the Urban Fore-rt,
Sac'ramento Tree
Foundation.

Gibson, I. I. $979). The ecological approach tc.t uisual perception.

Bosron:
Houghton Mifflin.
Gruber, K.J., & shelton, G. G. (19g7). Assessmenr of neighborhood
satisfaction
by residents of three housing types. social Indicators Reiearch, r.9,
303-3rs.

Hall, G. S. (1904). Adolescence. New york: Appleton.

Hammer, E. E (1986). Graphic techniques with children and adolescents.
In A.

I' Rabin (Ed-), Proiectiue

techniques
New York: Springer-Verlag.

Heerwagen, J. H.,

&

foi

adorescents and chirdren (pp.239-263).

Orians, G. H. (1993). Humans, habitats, and aesthetics. In

S. R. Kellert & E. O. \f.iison (Eds.), The biophilia hypothesis

rJTashington, D.C.: Island Press.

(pp. t3B_t7Z).

Hill, J. B. (2000). The Legacy of Luna. San Francisco: Harper.

Holy hickory and sacred sycamore. (I9g4l. (Jtne Reader, G1 (lamtary) p.
34.
Hull, R. B. (1992). How the public varues urban foresrs.
of ArboriculJournal

ture, 18,98-101.

Hull, R' B., & Revell, G. R. B. (1989). Cross-cukural comparison of

scenic beauty evaluations:
Psych

ology, 9, 177-19L.

K;rplrrrr, S. (1989).
r,rrnl,r'i,ll,,t' tlnivcrsity l)r-css.

case study

in

Bali.

lournil of

landscape

Enuironmental

ISA. (1991). A national research agenda for urban forestry in

the 1990s. Urbana,
lll.: International Society of Arboriculture.

'l'ht

cxpcricnce

of

nature. New York:

ll. (1976).'l'hc city trec. Horticwlture,54,2l-28.

l,,ll.rr, S. l(., & \Wilson, ts. O. (Eds.). ("1993). Tbe biophilia hyporhesis.
l. .rr',

\\'.r.,lllr1,,tort, I).(1.: Island Press.

.,1

Faber, A. J., Wiley, A. R., Kuo, F. E., & Sullivan, !f. C. (1996).
Children in thc
inner city: Nature as a resource for play. paper presented at the Twenty-Seventh
Annual Meeting of the Environmental Design R.sear.h Association.
Forest Service rries to gain an urban foothord. (r996). New york
Times, sept.
22, p. Y21.

Gemmell, B., Fenkner, A., Ferri, M.,

lrrrrli,(i.(;.(1979). Wor,l ttrr,lirr,t,r'.rl'r'irret'torr,N..1.:I)rincctonUrrivcrsityPress.

l .r1,l.rrr, ll., &

l'-.

Dwyer, F. E, & schroeder, H. w. (L994). The human dimensions

forestry. J ournal of Arb oriculture, 9 2, 72-lG.

20.1

r, l: li., li:rcaicoa, M., & Sullivan, \7. C. (1998). Transforming inner city land.tltcs- li,nr)ir()ntnent and Bebauior, 30r 28-59.

ur

l,',r(.y, l;. (1994\.

Then-res of community participation in tree planting. In M.

& J. S. Rice (Eds.), The healing dimensions of plant-people

I r.rrrtis, I,l Lindsey,

r,'l,rtiorrs (pp. 383-389). Davis, Calif.: University of California, Davis Center for
I r, ';iJin llcscarch.
| ,ry1'f1v(.fi,.J. (1990). The ages of Gaia. New York: Bantam.

l\l.rrtin, O., Maggio, R., & Appel, D. (1989). The contributory value of trees to
in the Austin, Texas metropolitan area. lournal of Arbori-

rr'',rrlcrr(i:rl property
, trlltrrr', I 5,72-76.

Nl,lilirlc, [., & Beatty, R. (1992). Comment. Connections: Urban forestry

t r'.:r'rn'.lt

update, 1(21, p.

l.

l\lr l,:rin, l. (1996). Reclaiming our communities in New Haven. Urban Isswes
i)'.rlr' School of Forestry), 7, p. 8.
\lt l)lrcrson, E. G., Simpson, J.R., Peper, P. J., & Xiao, Q. (1999). Benefit-cost
,rrr,rlysis of Modesto's municipal urban forest. Journal of Arboricubure, 25,
,

t5

24U.

l\lctzrreq

R.

I ltr'o31111fi1t7.

1981. The tree as

symbol

of self

unfoldment. American

Fall issue, 289-300.

Nrrrrrrini, D. K., Sommer, R., & Meyers, L. S..(1998). Resident involvement in

rrrslrt'cting trees for Dutch elm disease. Jcturnal of Arboricuhure,24, 42-46.
( )ri:urs, G.

H. (1986). An ecological and evolutionary approach to landscape aesrlrr'tics, In E. C. Penning-Rowsell & D. Lowenthal (Eds.l, Landscape meanings
,ut(l rldlues (pp. 3-25). London: Allen and Unwin.
l'rryrrc, B. R., & Strom, S. (1,975). The contribution of trees
v.r I rre of unimproved residential lots. Valuation, 22, 36-4 5 .

to the

appraised

(lurrntz, J. O. (18971. Dendro-psychoses. American lournal of Psycbology, 9,

.1,1e-506.

l(olrc, !7. M. (1985). Urban planning and mental health. In A. 'Wandersman &
l(. f lcss (Eds.l, Beyond the indiuidual: Enuironmental approaches and preuen/r,1. New York: Haworth.
l(rrsz:rk, T. (1992). The uoice of the earth. New York: Simon and Schuster.

S;rrrruels, G. B. (1,999). Enduring

I Irriversity Press.

roofs. New Brunswick, N.J.:

Rutgers

H. \f. (1991). The spiritual aspect of nature. lt Proceedings of

rltr Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium (pp. 25-30). Radnor, Pa.:

Stlrroeder,

204

Robert Sommer

No'
USDA Forest Service Northeastern Forest Experiment Station, Report
GTR.NE-150.
Schroeder,

H. V., & Anderson, L. M. (1984)' Perception of personal safety in

urban recreational areas. Journal of Leisure Research, 15,177-194'

of trees
Schroeder, H. !(/., & cannon, Ir. N. (1983). The aesthetic contribution
Arboricwhure,9,237-243of
towns.
ohio
in
srreets
!ournal
to residential
in the inner
Sklar, F., & Ames, R. G. (1985). Staying alive: Street tree survival
T,
55-65'
lJrban
Affairs,
city. Journal of
preference'
Sommer, R, (1,997)- Further cross-national studies of tree form
Ecological P sy ch ologY, 9, 7 5 3-760.
householder
Sommer, R., Guenther, H., & Barker, P' A' (1990)' Surveying

loilrnal,9,79-85'
and educational
Sommer, R., LeareS F., Summit, J., & Tirrell, M' (1994)' Social
Arboricubure,20,
of
planting.
in
tree
involvement
Journal
resident
of
benefits

response to street trees. Landscape

t70-775.

Sommer,R.,6cSummit,J.$995|.Cross-nationalrankingsoftreeshape.
Ecolo gical

P sychology,

8, 327 -341'.

Taylor, R. B. (1988) . Human territorial functioning' Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.
Tuan, Y-F. (1979). Ldndscapes of fear' New York: Pantheon'
In S. R. Kellert
Ulrich, R. s. (1993). Biophilia, biophobia, and natural landscapes.
\Washington' D'C':
(pp'73-737)'
bypothesis
(Fds.),ibe
biopbiiia
Wilson
E.
O.
S(
Island Press.

Zelson'
Ulrich, R. S., Simons, R.F., Losito, B' D', Fiorito, E', Miles' M' A'' &
environurban
and
to
natural
exposure
during
recovery
(1991)'
Stress
E.
M.
ments. J ournal of Enuir onmental P sy cb olo gy, 7'L, 201-230'
'W'ilson, E. O. (1998). Consilience. New York: Vintage'

Winter, D. N. (1995) . Ecological psychology' New York: HarperCollins'