Koha Digest # 55

EDITORIAL

WHY DIDN'T WORLD WAR II END

by VETON SURROI

Partisans and Ballists walk down the Polemics Square. Titoists

and Enverists accompany them.

When we decided to start the polemics and reactions rubric in our

magazine, we imagined that people would have a lot to write about
in them. I personally, however, could not imagine that the
feeling of ideological differences, of evaluation of opinions
grounded on the sympathies of the Communist ID card, that of the
League of Communists of Yugoslavia or the Labor Party (of
Albania), would be so strong. I have also not imagined, even
today, the year we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of the
world's victory against Fascism, that the need to claim that the
Albanian Partisan units were "Pan-Slavic" red traitors or the
ones who didn't agree with Partisans at the end of the war were
an extended black hand of Fascism, would still be alive.

Naturally, all of this could have been evidenced thanks to the

free expression, and without any doubt, despite how unnecessary
and painful the polemics might seem today, we must not allow
ourselves to go back to the times when in the name "of the higher
interest", the freedom of expression was restricted. Finally,
maybe this is how the actual political thought in Kosova is like:
asking who was Tito's Communist, who was an Enverist, what did
Partisans and what did Ballists do?

Looked upon the perspective of the actors of the polemics, it is

certain that all are right. Such debates, continue in Western
Europe today, in retired persons' clubs and beer-shops. But
looked upon the outside-Kosova perspective, all what is happening
today resembles a glass cage where people are quarrelling because
they can't come out from the cage. Maybe this would be the best
explanation of the political spiritual condition which is
ritually repeated each time a polemic issue appears: occupied
Kosova could be the ring of ruthless verbal struggles between the
people of different ideologies and ex-ideologies.

The weekly Koha (The Times) was published in Prishtina (Kosovo) between 1994 and 1997. Edited by Veton
Surroi, a young Kosovar journalist and one of the pioneers of democratisation in former Yugoslavia, Koha
soon became a symbol of quality among the region's media. In 1997 it started to be published daily under the
name of Koha Ditorë. W ith the kind permission of Mr. Surroi, Koha digests were originally posted on
http://koha.estudiosbalcanicos.org.
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All of this will pass. Such a release of emotions should have
been foreseen, but at the same time, in the future, the debate
on the situation in Kosova must directed towards finding a
solution must be also foreseen. This debate can't tolerate to
have an accusation like "yes, but you were like this", as the
main argument against an opposite opinion.

Maybe then we could say that World War II is over and that the
Berlin Wall has fallen. For the time being, these two events of
the century seem to not have been yet registered in the Kosovan
collective mind.

KOSOVA

NEW MEMORANDUM ON KOSOVA

by Y.H. / Prishtina

According to the information published in the Serbian media, the

Commission of the "Serbian National Council" has finalized the
Declaration which is to be discussed in the "All Serbian
gathering" to be organized by the "Serbian Movement of Resistance
(SMR), as planned, on April 29. The Declaration foresees the
elimination of the present federation and instead have a
"regional state" established, in which "Kosova" and "Metohija"
would compose two different regions. Apart from this, it foresees
also accompanying measures, as is the population census, the
adoption of the new citizenship bill and the "return of Serbs to
Kosova". Regionalization would create something "between a
federation and a unitary state" and thus Kosova would be
"incorporated fully in the unique Serbian state". The Declaration
further states that these measures are indispensable for the
Serbian state, which is facing the "difficult struggle of the
unification of all Serbian lands" therefore before all, "it must
safeguard and secure the territories which are inside Serbia"!

These seem to be the most important points of the Declaration,

announced as the "New Memorandum on Kosova" (also elaborated by
some Serbian Academicians) which without euphemisms and
decorations openly aims the change of the ethnic composition of
Kosova, the adoption of a series of discriminating laws which
would help this process and, finally, the division of Kosova,
inhabited by 90% Albanians, in "two regions"! The "All-Serb
gathering" has been announced and postponed several times so far,
but now it seems that the "alternative plan" on Kosova, so much
trumpeted, finally was revealed and, as usually, promises nothing
good for Albanians!

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KOSOVA

ARRESTS BY SECTORS

by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina

The start of the "second round" of the "breakdown of the Albanian

parallel government", as some Serbian organisms and media say,
is best being proven with the new processes taking place in
Gjilan. As stated in KOHA's last issue, the "Kaçanik group" is
still in prison, and even more, it has been handed over for
investigation procedure to the Serbian State Security, which in
normal vocabulary means that they are again undergoing the whack
procedure. Kaçanik witnessed new arrests the past days, as was
the case of Ramiz Çaka, who was mistreated and indiscriminately
beaten.

However, Gjilan seems to be chosen gathering center of the region

which must see "all hostile groups of the parallel system" pass
by! And this is also proven in the case of the arrest of the
leadership and the municipal structures of this municipality, but
also by the arrest of the group in Kamenica.

As explained by CDHRF in its report, on March 29, 1995 the

police in Gjilan arrested the former officials of Gjilan:
Bejtullah Ismaili - Vice-President of the Municipal Assembly
(MA), Beqir Hoxha, President of the Executive Council (EC),
Rexhep Hamiti - former delegate at the Federal Chamber -
Parliament of the Former Yugoslavia, Reshat Naxahku - former
Secretary of the MA (now released), Milaim Zeqiri - former Head
of Employment Office, Raif Sylejmani - former Municipal clerk,
Ibrahim Morina - former Director of the Utility Company, Ukshin
Zajmi, former TV Prishtina correspondent and Halim Halimi -
former Director of Radio Gjilan. The group is accused pursuant
to the famous Art. 136, in conjunction with Art. 116,
"...endangering the territorial...". The group is accused as a
kind of "territorial headquarters" which was supposed to act on
the territory of the municipality and journalist Ukshin Zajmi is
especially accused for this, because he used to be a reserve
military officer. According to defending attorney Hasan Hoti, the
indictment can't be proven at all, while the arrested explain
that they had self-organizing initiatives in times when Seselj
and his Radical paramilitaries were wandering around Kosova and
threatening the Albanians openly. Allegedly, they have been
alert, on guard, afraid of the eventual terror to be applied
against the population. However, the Serbian accusation now tries
to suggest that this organization has served for other things and
to follow the movements of the Serbian police.

The same accusation lies over the "Kamenica group": Raif Ramabaja

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- President of the EC, Sevdai Thaçi - member of the EC, Nazim
Maliqi - former Chairman of the LDK branch, Nebih Rafuna - former
clerk of the People's Defence (PD), Elhami Krasniqi - former
employee of the PD, Fadil Morina - former employee of the PD and
Fejzullah Berisha also former employee of the PD and reserve
officer, who is accused in absentia. Kamenica's case which is
similar to Gjilan's because of the accusing style of the Serbian
police, is interesting also because of one specific example:
Sevdai Thaçi who was teacher of physical education and former
reserve officer, apart from being accused for having committed
the above 136 in conjunction with 116, is also accused of
committing crime under Art. 23, for allegdely having broken the
public order, when he "prevented the official to accomplish his
duty"! What did really happen?

Sevdai Thaçi who was mistreated in vane, some two months before
by the security organs in Gjilan, after a regular procedure of
having applied for a passport, now was arrested in a very strange
way. As he was headed to visit some relatives in a car driven by
his wife, also accompanied by their minor daughter, he was
stopped by a Security officer from Kamenica, M. Trajkovic, who
tried to make him come out from the car and take him to the
police station. Sevdai refused to accompany him, telling him that
he would come to the police station on his own by car. Then, two
other policemen came, and try to convince him to accompany them,
which Thaçi refuses, to finally agree that he should follow them
by car. Right before entering the police station building,
Trajkovic hits Thaçi from the back, while he, without hesitation,
turns around and knock-outs Trajkovic! Many policemen surround
him and finally they get him inside, where Trajkovic's son, a
policeman too, starts offending him and also attacks him
physically. Thaçi, out of the reach of the policemen, knocks-out
Trajkovic junior too! Afterwards, Sevdai was hand-cuffed, beaten
and mistreated so much that attorney Hoti didn't recognize him.

In that state, he was taken to the Regional investigating judge

Mladen Nikolic who was advising Sevdai, who barely could stand
on his feet, not to say anything and defend himself in silence.
His attorney reacted to this and first requested the prosecutor
to ascertain that he was in no condition to say anything. The
reply of the prosecutor was: "I am no doctor"! Attorney Hoti said
that after receiving the "advise", Thaçi declared that he had
been beaten uninterruptedly four days. He had even provoked the
policemen to make him faint, but it didn't happen: he had
suffered all the pain, "on foot"!

Sevdai Thaçi's episode is only one of the strange ones in which

the ones who apply the violence and breach their own law, face
themselves with a counter-attack, but the majority of the
witnesses and attorneys testify about the incredible violence

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applied against the new Albanian prisoners.

All of this has its political roots. Recently, the President of

the Kamenica Municipality, former Security worker and now Serbian
MP - Filic, in a statement at the Serbian parliament, when
referring to the accusations that nothing is being done in
Kosova, apart from the economic successes, he counted also the
"political successes" - the arrest of the enemies from his
municipality, Kamenica. To have the irony even bigger, this
group, according to the indictment has been accused of wanting
to secede Kamenica from Serbia and unite it with Albania! The
ones at least a bit acquainted with geography, know that Kamenica
is the farthest municipality to Albania (at least 100 kms) and
is a bordering municipality with Serbia. Really, how would a 100
kms air bridge which would link the municipality of Kamenica with
Albania (or maybe a subway line Kamenica-Tropoja) look like - it
is probably known only to those who have detailed this
indictment, or the ones who have discovered the SAO Krajina
syndrome, which attach and detach as body cells.

Anyhow, the arrest, accusations of the groups in one region

(Kaçanik, Kamenica, Gjilan), in a larger municipal center with
a Regional Court of its own, as if it were announcing the hunt
against "hostile groups" by regional sectors.
Whose turn is it...?!

KOSOVA/USA

A HEARING ON KOSOVA

Since some time Kosova in one way or the other is present in the
American Congress, mainly in occasional hearings before the
committees and subcommittees of the respective houses. Out of a
120 pages long digest on hearings about Kosova, we excerpted a
series of questions and answers of Congressman Eliot Engel (one
of the main sponsors of the Bill on Kosova) and the Subcommittee
on Europe and the Middle east of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
of the House of Representatives, respectively.

* Could you assure the Subcommittee that, in the coming weeks and
months, the State Department and the Administration will pay more
attention and time to the development of the policy towards
Kosova, during consultations with the Congress?

The situation in Kosova remains to be of great concern for the

US government policy in the Balkans. I can assure you that the
State Department and Administration both will continue, along
with the Congress, their concentration on Kosova and other vital

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issues for the Congress.

* How would you describe the approach of Administration's policy

in the attempts to conciliate this dichotomy (between autonomy
and independence) inside the formulation of the US policy?

We condemn the repressive conditions of human rights in Kosova

and we request that the autonomous rights of the province be
reinstalled. Anyhow, we don't believe that independence of Kosova
is a reasonable or achievable solution. First, Kosova is an
integral part of Serbia. Second, Kosova can't secede from Serbia
without bloodshed.

* What is US doing in respect to the return the CSCE monitors to

Kosova? Will US insist on this issue in the Contact Group?

Long-term CSCE missions in Kosova, Sandzak and Vojvodina had a

decisive role in the mediation in misunderstandings and
conflicts, offering international neutral presence in problematic
regions. It would be very useful for all parties in Serbia and
Montenegro, if the missions could continue its work.

However, the government in Belgrade insists that "FRY" (Serbia

and Montenegro) be allowed to participate in the activities of
the CSCE (OSCE), before allowing the comeback of the missions.
The Contact Group is trying to find a way to incorporate the
issue of Kosova and the CSCE mission inside a general approach
to reach a solution for decisive issue in the former Yugoslavia.

* How is it possible that we support self-determination of the

people in Haiti, Cuba and other places, and on the other hand we
deny the same principles to the people in Kosova, who have
expressed the clear will for self-administration and self-
determination?

We are constantly engaged to reach a level when the people of

Kosova would enjoy the full human and political rights, a
principle which we apply towards all populations in the world,
and this is why we support the reinstallment of the autonomy of
Kosova.

* You gave us your personal opinion that "the non resolution of

other problems will not lead towards the stable situation or
durable peace". Does this mean that the State Department does not
believe that Kosova should be part of the global solution?

The Administration never evaded the posture that the general

solution in the region should include issues as Kosova, the
Croatian territories occupied by Serbs and participation at the
War Tribunal in The Hague, including Bosnia.

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* Will the issue of Kosova be discussed with President Milosevic
by the Contact Group? Are we trying to clarify which resolution
on the Balkans crisis must include the solution of Kosova's
problem?

In each meeting with officials from Serbia and Montenegro, the

Administration stresses the importance of the solution of
Kosova's problem. We strongly believe that no decisive resolution
about the Balkans conflict is possible as long as the human
rights in Kosova are not reinstalled.

* Which are the viewpoints of the other states - members of the

Contact Group, in regard to Kosova? Is this issue discussed
during negotiations?

The international community is very much concerned about the

Serbian repression in Kosova. However, it must be stressed that
the international community is largely opposing the concept of
independent Kosova. The majority of the states are concerned that
the division of Serbia can't take place peacefully, therefore
they foresee large bloodshed and massive movements of population
(thus increasing regional tensions) as possible consequences of
the attempts for division. Our partners in the Contact Group are
supportive of this perspective; the Russians openly declared that
the issue of Kosova is, to them, an internal affair of Serbia.

The European members of the Contact Group continue to support the

Plan of Action of the EU on Kosova, Sandzak and Vojvodina.
The US Government will continue insisting on the need of the
reinstallment of the autonomy in Kosova.

* Which is the posture of the US in regard to the proposal to

apply international trusteeship in Kosova?

We have great reserves towards the practicability of such an

idea. In order to have any trusteeship successful as a peaceful
enterprise, the consent of Serbia would be necessary. Something
of the kind can't be imposed.

* Could you confirm that, during their visits, President Rugova

and Prime-minister Bukoshi, had meetings at high levels of the
Administration?

Every visit of Dr. Rugova and Dr. Bukoshi is welcome. They will
be received by the competent levels of the Administration anytime
they visit Washington, as they were in the past.

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KOSOVA

HOW TO HELP THE INDEPENDENCE OF KOSOVA

by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina

"I am here because of the draft bill presented to the Congress

by Congressmen Susan Molinari, Eliot Engel and Benjamin Gilman.
before sponsoring the bill, I had to come and see the situation
in Kosova myself" said Congressman James Moran before leaving
Kosova. A participant of the political hierarchy of Kosova, in
the meeting on Tuesday, said that nothing new was said from what
we have referred to so far. In this meeting we got one concrete
question, a bit rhetoric and which is often asked in these
meetings, coming from Congressman Moran, who openly wanted to us
to tell him: "What could the American Congress do for Albanians
and Kosova in the future?". A simple and direct question at first
sight, seems cynical, but during the conversation it became
obvious that Moran was honest about concrete help, said one of
the collocutors of Congressman Moran. As always sceptical that
a problem can be opened with maximal honesty, because of the
existence of the complex that we represent a place and a people
struggling for independence and freedom, but which suffers from
the contradiction between the wish to get over this gap as soon
as possible and the realistic impossibility to achieve it, these
meeting repeated the known requests about independence and the
possibility to have an international trusteeship established.

Referring to political rhetoric, the complex and our wish for

independence, it must be reminded that President Rugova, during
his meeting with Anthony Lake in Washington, had a similar
experience, when Lake addressed Rugova: "Tell us Mr. President,
how can we help your independence". So far, in regard to the
problem of Kosova, there have been many dilemmas about the
independence of Kosova and statements that this option leads to
another conflict in the Balkans, but this time of tragic
dimensions.

Referring to a document on Kosova, some congressmen have

presented the possibility of Kosova's independence. However, the
State Department, apart from condemning repression applied in
Kosova and having requested the reinstallment of the autonomy of
Kosova declared that "it doesn't believe that the independence
of Kosova is a reasonable or achievable solution because first,
Kosova is an integral part of Serbia and second Kosova can't
secede from Serbia without bloodshed.

The wish to have a bill on Kosova sponsored became a reality

after Engel promised it to the Albanian demonstrators in
Washington.

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Congressmen Gilman, Molinari and Engel are the main sponsors of
the draft-bill on Kosova which will soon be discussed in the
American Congress. But, after the bill was presented to the
Congress, Congressman Engel's cabinet gave additional
explanations, saying that it adopted this doesn't mean that
independence of Kosova is recognized, but only that the sanctions
against Serbia and Montenegro will be lifted only when some
urgent and essential changes in Kosova will be made, and that
these sanctions will not be lifted as long as the American
President is not convinced that the constitutional position of
the Albanians has improved. All of this is oriented towards a
special identity for Kosova and the right of the people in Kosova
to administrate themselves.

The Bill which is comprised of three chapters gives a thorough

picture of how to vision the American and President Clinton's
policy towards Kosova in case it is adopted. Moran himself
declared in Prishtina that the Bill will determine the
possibilities what should the US do and what should President
Clinton do after the bill is passed. Even though Clinton, in his
letter addressed to the Congressmen, has said that "Serbia is
informed about our posture in regard to Kosova's problem and that
it has been warned about it several times", this statement was
also made public by the Administration and that fact that it has
never evaded the fact that Kosova should be part of the global
solution. However, it must be stated that the international
community is largely opposing the concept of independent Kosova.

Many states consider that the secession from Kosova can't be

achieved without bloodshed and forced population displacement as
possible consequences of the attempts to secede. Linking this to
the many and heterogenous requests of the Albanian politics in
Kosova, we have an answer of the US government and its
pronouncement about the problem of reinstallment of the autonomy.
In connection to these dilemmas, Shkëlzen Maliqi had once
declared that the content of the documents doesn't hold anything
new. The Albanian Lobby has, long time ago, presented the
postures comprised in this draft. Mentioning the support of the
American policy, Maliqi states that "even though the American
Administration officially has not supported the wish of the
Albanians to secede from Serbia, it, in many aspects and
continuously, has lead a defending policy in respect to
Albanians". The conviction is also that the political changes
in the US, the victory of the Republicans in the Congress, as
well as their eventual victory in presidentials, would bring a
more favorable position for Albanians. Such as ascertainment was
also made by former US Secretary of State, Lawrence Eagleburger,
in a conversation with a Kosovan political personality. He had
expressed the convictions that the republicans will be concretely
engaged in the issue of the status of Kosova. This conviction was

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confirmed by Senator Dole and other Republican congressmen. This
advance is supposed to be achieved once Dole becomes President
of the USA. Based on these "speculations" and wishes and also
grounded on the fact that Dole as leader of the Republicans is
openly supporting the Albanians, the Albanian Lobby says they
support Dole because he is best acquainted with the Albanian
issue and will best present it before the American Senate. In
this respect, Academician Qosja expressed his opinion about the
issue and said that Clinton, during his electoral campaign, had
made many promises he is not fulfilling now. The same thing with
happen with Dole, says Qosja.

There are dilemmas also about other proposed options. There is

a clear scepticism about the proposal on the trusteeship on
Kosova even though Maliqi declared in "Telegraf" that "...one of
the trustees of Kosova could be Serbia in the next couple of
years". However, the standpoint of the Subcommittee on Europe and
the Middle East of the Congress is of the opinion that
trusteeship can't be established peacefully without the consent
of Serbia, a thing which can't be imposed.

All these dilemmas make us think about how will the status of
Kosova be in the future and where would be the political vent of
the successes of our policy be found. There is one concrete reply
from all: that Kosova must have its special identity and that
without this the sanctions can't be lifted. Serbia will have to
chose: sanctions with Kosova under occupation, or lifting the
sanctions with a special identity Kosova!?

EDUCATION

THE GREAT LOSER

by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina

Albanian education is about to end another difficult year of its

functioning in private houses and improvised spaces which replace
school buildings. Naturally, the educational process has been
reduced and obstructed always by constant police persecution.
This is also the reason why 50% of the curricula may not be
fulfilled. And if to this we add that the practical aspects if
the organization of classes can't be realized at all, this speaks
enough of the endangerment of this vital sphere for Albanians.
Maybe all of these would be fought if it weren't for the fact
that our educational system is functioning with many organization
weaknesses and is facing a lot of obstacles. There are more and
more complaints that our educational system is undergoing
anarchy, lack of professionalism and of cooperation. Which are

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the reasons for the appearance of these failures?

The educational system of Kosova functions in five parallel

decision making lines. At the top of the pyramid in the Minister
of Education, the Albanian Teachers' Association (LASH), the
Presidency, or the President's Advisor for Education, the
institutional services such as the Pedagogical Institute, the
Institute for the Publication of Text-Books, as well as the
occasional participation of the Educational Council. This
hierarchy seems to be fine at first sight. But this is precisely
the place where all weaknesses which follow the Albanian
education are. The Minister of Education, for example, is abroad
and is not at all involved in many issues directly, and often
only formally signs the documents which are prepared by the low
decision-making levels. Then we have LASH, which according to its
members is not an institution, but a one-man-show.

The Advisor of the President is also only one person and we can't
make any reference to the professional staff of the Pedagogical
Institutes or the Text-Book Publisher, which in lack of legal
definitions, can function only grounded on improvisations on
different levels of decision-making among us.

The non-constitution of the Parliament of Kosova and the lack of

laws, our education started to be regulated by orders-by-laws and
rules and regulations, elaborated arbitrarily and
unprofessionally.

For example, the Regulations concerning High-School Education

which was adopted in a very unsuitable time, endangers the whole
level of education, because it's implementation started when the
school year had already began, which unnecessarily introduced
conceptual confusions about the curricula and the fact whether
the students should finish the year according to the old
Regulation or the new one. On the other hand, we are facing a
selective application of the Regulation by the above mentioned
levels. Thus, lately, we are confronted with an superfluous
problem about the election of high school principals, which is
usually done in anachronic and arbitrary forms.

In order to overcome the created situation in education, without

the constitution of the Parliament and in lack of laws, another
decision-making level is being created, that of the
Parliamentarian Group which is given the competency to adopt
Regulations and Order-by-laws. All of these are only
improvisations and make believe a state, and not the aspirations
to really constitute the state, be it in only one of its aspects,
education.

Another detail is important, and this is the constitution of

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para-statal educational elements in municipalities, which makes
us conclude that improvisations in Albanian education will have
long-term repercussions. Speaking of the lack of competence and
unprofessionalism in education, an example could serve as
illustration: the unprofessional establishment of municipal
councils, which instead look like micro-reflections of the
Coordinating Body of Albanian Political Parties, which portray
political parties of Kosova, depending on their representation
of the political life, meaning that the LDK has full decision-
making power in these councils, which is ridiculous, because
education is a vital sphere of any state or nation, and this is
a assignment to be given to professionals and not a party.

The figures coming from the field confirm that education is

facing a chaotic situation, not only in the legal aspect. Leaving
aside the decay of the level and educational standards and
criterions which is a direct consequence of the conditions the
system is functioning in, not all of the weaknesses are due to
the conditions. We are ourselves contributing to the bad
situation with our bad organization, lack of cooperation and
arbitrariness.

Let's just say that out of the planned 350 thousand pupils and
students, only 270 thousand enrolled this school year, and if we
explain this fact as a direct result of the repression and the
exodus, this would be partially true, because this is also
contributed by the parents who are willing to have an asylum-
seeker student, rather than a student of the Kosova educational
system. Then, how could it be explained that out of 13 areas
existing in our educational system, 9 of them are about to close-
down, all necessary for one state and which are: Agriculture,
Construction, Geodesy, Textile and Leather, Hotels and Tourism,
Traffic, Forestry and Chemistry & Technology .

Out of 1500 students the Agricultural School in Prishtina used

to have, now it has only 250, and this could serve as an
illustration of the above. The number of students following
classes at the University of Prishtina has now fallen to 11
thousand, while the Serbian University of Prishtina has a total
of 15.500 students. The number of pupils and students, as
statistics prove it, is decreasing 10% every year, which means
that right now, our system has 50% less students this year, and
this means that in the next five years the trend shows that
education could disappear totally.

These figures could be only some of the general facts which speak
of the failures which are tolerated in the Albanian education in
Kosova.

There are also financial manipulations and anarchy in the

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distribution of means dedicated for education. There have been
irregularities in the allocation of money for publication
purposes and the sale of books. A simple question could serve as
illustration: in the past four years, around 500 thousand
certificates have been sold at the price of 1 DEM each. Where is
the money? We won't give an answer to this. This competence
belongs to the responsible. There are also many questions to be
asked and explored. How far would they lead or what levels of
responsibility would they reach, if they are not well defined
anyways?

There are two months to go till the end of this school year. The
organization and planning for next year should start. If the
1995/96 school year is not preceded by changes in the
organization and functioning of our educational system, it will
look like "the great loser".

INTERVIEW

ANTONIO CASSESE, President of the International War Tribunal

Against Crimes in the Former Yugoslavia

KARADZIC MAY FIND ASYLUM ONLY IN BOSNIAN MOUNTAINS

Interviewed by ARTUR ZHEJI / Rome

KOHA: Prosecutor Goldstone is also investigating the issue of

crimes against Serbian Bosnian leader, Radovan Karadzic, Gen.
Mladic and other "personalities" of the so called "Republika
Srpska". In the meantime, the Russian diplomacy is not wasting
time and is openly expressing its disapproval. It seems as if a
new and ambitious chapter is being opened. Is this the revelation
of a new ring in the chain, the same strategy or extraordinary
development. What could you say about this new phase of
investigations of the Tribunal?

CASSESE: I would first say that persecution is the prosecutor's

task. The prosecutor has decided finally, justly, according to
me, to start the penal issue not only against the material
executors of the monstrous crimes, but also against those whom
he considers leaders, which have given certain orders to commit
those crimes, or which have freed from criminal responsibility
the perpetrators of these atrocities. Thus, the strategy of
prosecutor Goldstone, is following this path and needs an exact
solution. This means that there will be proofs that can be
gathered and presented in Court, and these will serve as the
basic element of the trial. We at the Tribunal, have two ways of
"reaching the suspects". First, grounded on an indictment issued

- 13 -
by the prosecutor, and which is presented to one of the judges
appointed by me, who either accepts or refuses the motivations
of the indictment. If the indictment is adopted, then arrest
warrants are issued and the criminal procedure starts. This is
the main path. First a formal incrimination and then, through
international arrest warrants, the accused are persecuted by
Interpol, which must bring them before Court. The second path,
is a bit more complicated. Our Tribunal, by request of the
prosecutor, can investigate or judge those criminal causes in
those states, which are members of the UN. This is the procedure
followed in the case of Karadzic and Mladic. In fact, the
prosecutor has still not incriminated these persons, but has only
requested one of our Tribunal's Councils to decide to take over
the criminal investigations which are taking place against these
persons (in Bosnia & Herzegovina, Sarajevo), so the
investigations could then be exclusively made by our Prosecutor.
In the next weeks, a Council set and appointed by me, will
assemble and decide whether this request of the prosecutor is
grounded or not. If the reply is positive, the prosecutor will
elaborate a real indictment in the next coming months. As we said
above, if this indictment is adopted by one judge, appointed by
me, then the international arrest warrant is issued
automatically.

KOHA: Without even starting the procedure, you are already

undergoing evident Russian pressure. The political value of these
investigations...

CASSESE: No...no... we haven't had any pressure so far, but even

if we would have, the prosecutor has the sacred right to go
ahead, and knowing him well, I am convinced he will and that he
will reject all this pressure. Neither the judges nor the
prosecutor should pay any attention to these political pressures.

We are and we represent an independent justice organ. So far, we

are mainly dealing with an expression of opinions and not
pressure of the Russian authorities, which make up convictions
fully ignored by the Tribunal, since they have no value for the
Tribunal. We will continue ahead, as we have decided...

KOHA: However, before even being accused officially, they are

supported by a state such as Russia. Let's suppose Karadzic is
accused and the "case" against him gets a concrete development,
then it could be imagined that different pressure will increase
proportionally...

CASSESE: Naturally, they will...

KOHA: So...despite the attempts to politicize the investigations,

what would your reply be?

- 14 -
CASSESE: I will say it again, to us, any political viewpoint,
whoever might express it, be it even the Five Great Powers, or
Five members of the Contact group on Bosnia and Herzegovina,
which would contradict our opinion or work, will not be respected
by us. We are a totally independent organ.

We are a creation of the Security Council, but are automatically

independent and we defend with all our forces this independence.
The only thing that the Security Council could do is suppress the
Tribunal, but until this happens, the Tribunal will continue its
work... I believe that this decision will not be made for at
least another year.

KOHA: How will the Court under Bosnian jurisdiction further act
to conduct investigations, knowing that this jurisdiction is
partially controlled by the authorities in Sarajevo and in the
other part by the authorities of the so called "Republika
Srpska"?

CASSESE: This would be a brief description. Next week, the

prosecutor will ask for the authority. If this request is adopted
by one our Councils then in this case the Prosecutor will have
the open path to start investigations, and above all, has the
right to ask from the Bosnian (Sarajevo) authorities to give up
on investigations, because the International Tribunal will
continue them.

Afterwards he determines and formulates the indictment. If this

indictment is adopted, then comes the warrant of arrest. It is
true that if this is done, then the authorities in Pale are the
ones responsible to apply it in practice. It is well known that
at the same time they represent the leadership of the Bosnian
Serbs and could also be indicted. In this case, we would vitalize
one of our norms, which can't be called trial in absentia, or a
specific procedure which is presented to the public opinion of
the world, proofs and witnesses gathered by the prosecutor. Thus,
the proofs will become totally public and if they are strong and
significative, I believe it will cause such consequences which
will affect the political activities of the indicted, because
they will be de-legitimated politically and morally.

KOHA: Having in mind that the assistance of the authorities in

Pale will be sought in respect the arrest and hand-over of the
suspects, is not this a risk that Pale will thus be recognized?

CASSESE: All of this is a hypothesis. So, if according to this

hypothesis, the prosecutor determines Pale's administration as
a possible factor, the Tribunal doesn't recognize or legalize
this administration, but on the contrary, de-legitimizes it on
the moral and political aspect. It is clear that the political

- 15 -
process of discussions could be affected by our activities, but
every one must do his own job. Politicians, must do their job,
diplomats as well, and finally we should do our job, even though
we might be facing a situation in which two ships are about to
collide.

However, this situation might have been foreseen once the

Security Council established this Tribunal.

KOHA: Let's say that Karadzic must be arrested, while he is

supposed to be heading a delegation which was invited to Geneva
for negotiations on the Peace Plan.. What would then happen?

CASSESE: Simply, if the arrest warrant is issued, usually by

Interpol, it automatically means arrest. If he goes to Geneva,
he gets arrested.

KOHA: Meaning that he couldn't be able to travel and move abroad?

CASSESE: Yes, for thus he would become a displaced person inside

his state, and it we good if he remains home, because if he goes
abroad, he would be arrested immediately.

KOHA: It seems that the Tribunal has decided to act seriously

this time...

CASSESE: It has been serious since it was established...

KOHA: I was referring to criticism directed against the Tribunal

and who declared it's future activities vane...

CASSESE: The period you are referring to belongs to the time when
the Prosecutor was not appointed yet. Thus, we were missing the
juridical figure which would start the criminal investigations.
Now we have a prosecutor. He started working in August 1994, he
needed six-seven months to gather proofs. I believe we can say
that we have the first results of his work.

We have all worked since the Tribunal was established, but he is

the prosecutor and he starts the procedures. Some of the main
acts in this phase are transparent. The seriousness of the
Tribunal has always been present, however the difficulties of the
start were hard to calculate. In the beginning, the Prosecutor
has incriminated only some material executors of the crimes,
while now, thanks to the proofs gathered uninterruptedly, he aims
at establishing the direct or indirect responsibility of certain
people. Of the leaders.

- 16 -
WAR TRIBUNAL

IGNORING AND FEARING

by MILAN MILOSEVIC / AIM / Belgrade

The request of The Hague Tribunal Prosecutor, Richard Goldstone

to initiate investigations against Radovan Karadzic, Ratko Mladic
and Misa Stanisic has caused different reactions in Belgrade.
Former number one policeman, Radmilo Bogdanovic, present
Socialist MP, was the clearest Serbian official. He considers
this request "miserable, sorrowful, because the people who stood
bravely at the head of the people in the struggle for its
existence, are trying to be imputed". Bogdanovic expressed his
conviction that the Tribunal's request will be accepted as
"another in the list of the absurds of the daily absurds of the
institutions of the international community, because such a
decision makes peace even farther, while the future will prove
that the Serbian people has been and remains the most endangered
in this space".

Bogdanovic's reaction doesn't differ much from the communique

issued by the "Serbian Government in Pale" which states that "The
Government and the People of the Republika Srpska do not
recognize the Tribunal and give no importance to its actions",
and understand it "as a new campaign against the Serbian people";
along the ascertainment that "the establishment of this Tribunal
and its activities aim at discrediting politically the Serbian
people, the violation of its legitimate rights in this area of
the Former Yugoslavia and supporting the ones who incited this
war".

The Serbian party in Pale considers that its victory has "been
regularly achieved with the use of liberation war means" and
further states that there is nothing else "but the false medial
and missionary reports, distorted testimonies and unrealistic
stories about camps, massive rapes and ethnic cleansing, which
were never proven, but always stressed with insinuations coming
from politicians and governments of some states which during
history have proven to feel traditional hatred against the
Serbian people". According to the leaders from Pale, "there are
reliable and undisputable proofs of crimes caused by the other
parts in conflict, which were not respected".

The national bloc in Serbia reacted with the same vocabulary. The
leader of the Radicals, Vojislav Seselj, briefly communicated
that he is disappointed not having found himself in the list of
the suspects. The head of the Radical parliamentarian group at
the Serbian parliament, Tomislav Nikolic said to "Beta" that the
request of The Hague Tribunal represents " a revenge against the

- 17 -
Serbs who don't want to subjugate to the blackmail of the
international community". Nikolic stressed that the Radicals
consider Karadzic and his collaborators as Serbian heroes and
brave men, while President Milosevic, as an actor in this game
of the international community".

The Chairman of the Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS), Vojislav

Kostunica evaluated that the decision of The Hague Tribunal is
a lethal blow to the peaceful process in Bosnia, "because how
will negotiations with war criminals continue", beside the
rhetoric question: "Are the international mediators who have
contacted the RS leadership so far, accessories too?"

The Vice-Chairman of DSS, Vladan Batic, stated that the

communique of the Tribunal is "only a paper dragon and a
psychological step imagined in the further destruction of the
Serbian national corpus". If the "system of graduated
responsibility" would be applied, then the "the list of the
Tribunal should include the names of Clinton, Yeltsin and others
from the great powers for their (non)contribution to the start
of war, armament of paramilitary formations, etc", said Batic,
who also accuses Milosevic for having the Serbs thus humiliated.

The other group of political parties had a different denial of

the decision of the Tribunal. The head of Nova Demokratija's
parliamentarian group, Zarko Jokanovic said that "the request of
the Tribunal aims at exerting political pressure against Bosnian
Serbs" and that this "looks more like a political than a
juridical step", and that realistically it is an evasion of the
peaceful process and "inciting the other side to continue the
Bosnian civil war".

Milan Bozic, member of the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO), that

"the regime in Washington stands behind the request of the
Tribunal, because it is dissatisfied with the rhythm of
Milosevic's responses to its requests". According to him, the
Tribunal is an American "invention" and it now became obvious
that it can grow a very important weapon in the application of
its policy in Bosnia and Herzegovina. He expressed the fear that
the communique of the Court to start investigations against Serb
leaders "could be counterproductive, because the regime in Pale
would use it to homogenize Serbs in B&H".

Slobodan Vuksanovic, Democratic Party MP, evaluates that "it is

very suspicious to have only Serbs accused of committing crimes
on the territories of the Former Yugoslavia". This is another
pressure against the Bosnian Serb leadership to accept the peace
plan of the Contact group". The Chairman of the Democratic
center, former Chairman of the Democratic party, Dragoljub
Micunovic, believes that the Tribunal will give up on the

- 18 -
investigations against Karadzic, Mladic and Stanisic if the
Serbian leadership in Bosnia is cooperative".

The biggest approval of the Tribunal's initiative was found among

the civic bloc. Zarko Korac, MP of the Civic League of Serbia,
the party which consequently condemned war and wear crimes, said
that the investigations of the Tribunal must be "understood
exclusively as a juridical act within its competencies and not
looked into any political background", that "it is less important
what is the national appertaining of Karadzic, Mladic and
Stanisic, but more to have the same criteria applied against all
war criminals in the bloody Former Yugoslavia war".

The Chairperson of the Civic League of Serbia, Vesna Pesic, said

that the investigation procedure initiated by the Tribunal
against the Bosnian Serb leaders "is in function of the moral-
psychological pressure" to reach peace and expressed her hope in
the objectivity of the Tribunal.

Vladan Vasiljevic, expert on international penal law and member

of the Helsinki Committee of Serbia, said that "...the
investigation of crimes committed by Bosnian Croat forces in
Central Bosnia and against the Serbian leaders gives hope that
the Tribunal will seriously deal with the main persons to blame
for the evil which has captivated the Former Yugoslavia". He
evaluated that the Tribunal is a very serious institution,
reminding that it has often been stressed in this area that "it
has been created to only judge Serbs, and not criminals who have
made serious violations of the international humanitarian law".
According to him, Richard Goldstone, dispersed this doubt hanging
over the Tribunal and gave hope that it will not only deal with
the direct perpetrators of war crimes, but also will investigate
the responsibility of all that have committed any of those
crimes, regardless of their position, posts or their prestige.

This means that the ones who have ordered, planned and incited
the perpetration of these crimes are also involved in this list".
He adds that "now it is clear that the Tribunal will make no
distinction between the criminals according to their national
appertaining, but will have in front of it only the committed
act". Goldstone's stressing of the fact that the investigation
refers to only individual responsibility is very important,
because according to the principles of criminal law and the
Statute of the Tribunal, only this responsibility exists, which
automatically excludes the collective responsibility, as it
happened in the crimes against humanity in World War II, in the
Former Yugoslavia, when the Croats were accused of being a
criminal people.

- 19 -
WAR TRIBUNAL

GOLDSTONE STARTED FROM THE HEAD

by DRAZENA PERANIC / AIM / Sarajevo

Sarajevo expressed great satisfaction, but not any sensationalism

nor euphoria when it was communicated that the Pale leaders,
Karadzic, Mladic and Stanisic, were declared suspects of
genocidal war crimes, killing, rapes, ethnic cleansing.
Goldstone's statement that "the investigations are oriented
against the hierarchy of the Bosnian Serbs in Pale, especially
Karadzic, the commander of their army Ratko Mladic and Mica
Stanisic, former head of special police", in fact was received
as a definitive confirmation of the faith of the Sarajevans in
justice.

Haris Silajdzic, prime-minister of the Federal Republic of Bosnia

and Herzegovina assured the positive reply of the Bosnian
government to the request of the Tribunal for further
investigation, collection of proof and further indictments, when
he declared: "I believe that we will cooperate with The Hague
Tribunal", adding that it is an obligation of the B&H government
to cooperate for the persecution of those responsible of genocide
in B&H.

The President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and

Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegovic, commented the news in this way:
"I salute the news from The Hague today, as a bit delayed voice
of justice, but nevertheless, a voice of justice. People say that
justice is slow, but it comes. Three years, in fact, have passed
since the Chetnik crimes in Bosnia, but now, justice finally
appeared. It is clear that the first step was hard to take, but
the things will go easier and with more efficiency in the future.

I believe this, because names started being called, as people

say, it started from the head and not the tail. We don't consider
Goldstone's communique, and all of what will come after, as an
act of revenge. We are referring to much more important things,
to something known as crime and punishment. Since the world
exists, the relation of the crime and the punishment is a moral
issue of the first kind, I would say an issue of metaphysical
value. Through the crimes in Bosnia, which are unique in their
barbarism and dimensions, the moral regime has been disordered
quite much. Only a just punishment can settle this disorder and
bring back the faith of the ordinary person in international
order and the values which are considered acceptable for all.
Goldstone asks us to stop the investigations against Karadzic,
Mladic and the others, and thus fulfil the conditions to make
the Tribunal take over the investigation. I believe that we will

- 20 -
fulfil this request.

Mirsad Tokac, on behalf of the Statal Commission for the

Investigation of War Crimes in B&H, said that this moment is very
important for the functioning of the Tribunal, because for the
first time, the ones who are responsible of committing crimes on
the territories of B&H are called by names in public and he
expresses his conviction that not much time will be needed to
have an official indictment against Karadzic and Mladic.

The opposition, so far only the Union of Social-Democrats of B&H,

also reacted to Goldstone's statement, stating that judging war
crimes is the only way to assure the preconditions to establish
peace and that the individual responsibility of Karadzic, Mladic
and the other leaders in the so called "Republika Srpska" is
necessary, a not have the whole Serbian people accused, as it was
once pretended. "This development of the situation, is first of
all a result of the resistance of the B&H citizens against
aggression, but also against all forms of national
exclusiveness", said Miodrag Jankovic, head of the Bosnian
Social-Democrats.

Mirko Pejanovic, on the other hand, who is member of the

Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and leader of the Serbian
Civic Council declared: "The initiation of investigations against
the leadership in Pale is, to my understanding, an announcement
of the beginning of the end of war". Pejanovic continues saying
that these events will "offer a special possibility for the
sobering of that part of the Serbian people who are under Pale's
control".

According to Ejup Ganic, member of the B&H Presidency and Vice-

President of the Federation, the news from The Hague "is a reply
of the international community to organized terrorism". Karadzic
is part of the war criminals category, says Ganic, and this
speaks of all the problems that appear during peace process.
UNPROFOR's port-parole in Sarajevo, Alexander Ivanko,
nevertheless hopes that this act of the Tribunal will not
influence negatively the peace process. "We will continue to talk
to the Bosnian Serb leadership, as one of the parties in
conflict", said Ivanko.

And, while the first trial in The Hague against the first of the
accused for war crimes in B&H, Dusko Tadic, started, the local
TV reminded the citizens of Sarajevo that this house has its
disposal video and audio proof which incriminate Karadzic and
Mladic for committed and corroborated crimes. The people in
Sarajevo, also listened to Karadzic's threats and crazy promises
that "the Muslim people will disappear", and Mladic's orders
directed to his artillery surrounding Sarajevo: "Shell Velesic

- 21 -
and Bas Carsija again and again from both sides...shell the
Presidency and blow their brains out...blow raw meat only...".

MACEDONIA

THE STARVING - FED UP POLITICALLY

by IBRAHIM MEHMETI / Shkup

The general strike, or the "protest of the starving" organized

by the Union of the Autonomous and Independent Trade-Unions of
Macedonia (UAITUM), organized on April 27 in the central square
in Shkup, ended in the most unplanned way, in other words, it
failed.

The reasons for this failure are many. Even though right now, the
most manipulated with reason is - treason. And the main traitor
of the "hopes of the working class and the impoverished citizens
in general" is Stavre Janev, Chairman of the Coordinating Body
for the Organization of the General Strike. What really happened?
Sometime ago, the UAITUM, which is an alternative to the
Association of Trade-Unions of Macedonia, and which has the
support of the extra-parliamentarian and opposition parties,
presented the government a list of 17 requests, which also
contained political requests, including the resignation of the
Government and the celebration of new elections within three
months. Since the Government rejected the requests as groundless
and of political background, the UAITUM declared the organization
of a general strike, with the sole objective to make the
government fulfil the requests. The postures of the TU were
supported by the two main opposition parties, which in the last
elections remained outside the Parliament. It is worth mentioning
that the general atmosphere in the society, especially after the
announcement of the reforms to take place in economy, was not
suiting the organization of the strike, which according to the
primary plan, was to be organized simultaneously in several towns
in Macedonia. The strike, or rather the protest, because as it
came out the majority of the participants are unemployed, was
taken seriously by the government. One night before the event,
the organizers were received by Premier Crvenkovski and later by
President Gligorov.

After the conversations, the organizers of the strike had

declared that they were unsuccessful and that the strike would
take place. However, on Thursday, instead of several thousands
of protesters, and it was planned to have 100 thousand
demonstrators throughout Macedonia, there were only two-three
thousand participants in Shkup, not counting the causal passers-

- 22 -
by. However, what was expected to happen didn't. The protests
started one hour late, and the one to deliver the speech was
Atanas Lefterov, member of the Coordinating Body and not Stavre
Janev, Chairman, as planned. This moment revealed that something
was going wrong. And then, all the events went quickly. Several
minutes after the protest started, the state TV broadcasted the
news that Janev and the majority of the Coordinating Body had
given up on the strike, and that certain individuals will be held
responsible if any incidents occur. The explanation was that some
of the requests were included due to external pressures and can't
be accepted as such. The organizers of the strike out on the
field wouldn't believe the news at first and qualified this as
a misinformation of the state TV. However, after hearing Janev's
voice, they "evolved", qualifying him a traitor and ascertaining
that "he will be punished by the people and God". The opposition
leader of the biggest Macedonian party VMRO-DPMNE, Ljupco
Georgijevski, evaluated this act as "another success of the
government in buying people". This also ended the hopes of the
members of the UAITUM who expressed their appetites to get part
of the building used by the official TU, "in proportion to the
members". What is more important, the fiasco of the UAITUM at the
same time represents a defeat of the two extra-parliamentarian
parties (VMRO-DPMNE and DP), which apart from supporting the
requests, also called upon their members to join "the caravan of
the starving" and oust the government. If it is to judge upon the
number of participants, then it comes out that the membership of
the party does not function as the parties' leaders claim.
Janev's "treason" closed another path for the opposition's
comeback to the political scene, as intended, through
extraordinary elections. How will the UAITUM heal internal
wounds, remains to be seen, even though they state that they will
not give up on their requests until they are fulfilled. How is
it that "treason" occurred, no one knows. A statement made by
Lefterev is very indicative. He says that after meeting the
officials, Janev never expressed any opinions on the
possibilities to postpone or annul the strike. The question which
imposes by itself is, how did this "conversion" of Janev happen?
It is expected to have this, as the main issue of discussion in
the next days.

At the end, another detail. Albanians didn't participate in the

organization nor participation of the protest, meanwhile the
action was greeted by Arbën Xhaferi, Chairman of the newly
registered PPD of Albanians (in Macedonia), which was created
from the PPD fraction. On this occasion he said that Albanians
would not participate in this protest even if they wanted,
because since long ago, they either were dismissed from state
enterprises, or couldn't even get in them at all.

- 23 -
MACEDONIA

TWO ACTS OF THE DRAMA CALLED TRIAL

by SELADIN XHEZAIRI / Tetova

Wednesday, April 26

Early in the morning, members of the Macedonian police settle

inside the sports gym "Partizan", in front of the Municipal
Court. The officials, wanting to have the "uniformed" out of the
sight of the passers-by, make the occasional witnesses turn their
heads towards the place where the "order was coming from"...
Young and old, mountaineers from Sharr, place themselves in front
of the Court, while a bit after eight o'clock in the morning, two
prison vans transport in Rector Fadil Sulejmani and the Chairman
of the Forum of Human Rights in Gostivar, Milaim Fejziu. They
greet their families nodding their heads, as the policemen escort
them to the court-room.

Judge Zorica Eftimovska, Prosecutor Boris Milosavlevski, two

jury-judges, the policemen, the accused, many journalists, OSCE
monitors, members of families, political leaders and MPs, sit
down. The indictment, presented in the past issues of KOHA, is
read. Sulejmani chooses to speak in Albanian. The translator
comes on the scene, leaving behind three defending attorneys. The
accused mentions the University of Tetova, the judge dictates to
the typist: "Takanazvaniot univerzitet..." - meaning: the so
called university. The defending attorney is silent. The
translator, as well, makes mistakes, which can be qualified as
material errors.

This would be the first act of a trial in relation to the

University of Tetova, the legitimate - say the Albanians, anti-
constitutional and illegal claims the Macedonian government, a
pronunciation which has turned into an indictment concerning a
crime grounded on the "viewpoints of the Government".

The second act will be written by the journalists, the Prosecutor

and the Albanian and Macedonian editorial boards: the public
prosecutor, grounded on the indictment, will prove that he has
devotedly read the daily press, proposing that even some
Macedonian journalists appear as witnesses. The ones who had
"registered" interviews, statements, speeches, movements, etc.
of the two accused. The defense will also play the same card: it
offers journalists-witnesses, among them a Macedonian colleague,
but she is rejected by the Court...

The ones who are really competent to give an opinion about this
trial constructed on the "viewpoints of the government" and

- 24 -
statements and testimonies of journalists should know better, but
it seems as if the "verbal delict" is being reopened again, the
same delict which served for the imprisonment of Albanian some
years ago. But the incomplete Macedonian justice will evidence
this case too, in other words, the misuse of the journalist and
the journalism itself, in any language it may be, the
independence of journalism will be the same as the independence
of the courts. The trial "of the beginning of the year" in
Tetova, is proving this in the best way possible, both being
questioned by prosecutor Milosavlevski...

High Noon of the same April 26,

The crowd in front of the building sings a song dedicated to

Sulejmani. The Chairman of the Macedonian Helsinki Committee,
Meto Jovanovski declares that he came late because the
information he had was that the trial was being postponed: "We
have asked for a fair trial" - is his brief comment. The main
square of Tetova is witnessing a protest whose motto is "Free our
brothers", and is organized by the Albanian political parties:
"Brothers and sisters, it is not Fadil who is being judged today,
all of us are, our ideals are being judged... Today, they
brutally challenged the patience, feelings and dignity of the
Albanian people. They also manifested an extreme anti-
Albanianism, for they don't hide they are against the projects
aiming at the development of the education of Albanians. Today
they openly declare that they have declared war to Albanian
renewal. They openly provoked, again, our tolerance, our
determination for peace. They, the political prosecutors, the
people lost in space and time, which stuck Macedonia in their
madness, with their concepts crushed by time, think that the
determination of Albanians for peace and coexistence is a result
of fear. Here, in this manifestation, we tell them that we are
not afraid. On the contrary... We are definitively responsible
for ourselves...", said among other things the Chairman of PPDA,
Arbën Xhaferi, explaining that "...these messages of hostility,
this cynical provocation is not coming to us from the Macedonian
people, but from the ones who deceived it and us both...".
...Fadil Sulejmani's and Milaim Fejziu's trial is supposed to end
when this issue will be in your hands. Pandora's box, is not only
opened, but continues to disclose, among others, a burden of
tension and mistrust.

- 25 -
DOSSIER

Mehmet Kraja: "THE LOST YEARS" (II)

THE REFUSAL FRONT

This was LDK. Looked from this distance, I believe that we found
ourselves there pushed by the created atmosphere in Kosova those
days, and by the wish to do something in theta political chaos
which had captivated Kosova.

The one who says that we knew that we were creating the largest
political party etc. etc., lies. Then, we were thinking of a
membership of some five thousand people and we had no idea what
would happen in the future. Not many days after it was founded,
the "golden age" of the LDK started. The Writer's Association was
one of the points where the new members were registered. The
first days, there were few people, later, their number increased
and thus, after a relatively short time, the Association became
the most frequented place in Kosova. Five thousand, eight
thousand, even ten thousand registration cards in a day. A part
of them was registered directly, the other part in villages and
towns of Kosova. This was not a classical membership in parties,
but it was a referendum, a political declaration. Naturally, we
felt well, we even felt as happy children, because we were
experiencing something we never imagined. We were not that
ignorant not to see that all of this hadn't to do only with us,
that it wasn't our program, nor our names that moved the whole
of Kosova, but it was the situation, the atmosphere, the
political declaration, the euphoria, the front of refusal. The
fact that the LDK, despite the large number of followers which
adhered to it, didn't have much influence was proven in the way
that despite the calls to stop demonstrating against the brutal
police violence, almost all bigger towns in Kosova witnessed
large demonstrations, which resulted with many mortal victims and
wounded persons.

Anyhow, there were interesting, touching and unrepeatable

moments... People were honest and they were expressing much
faith. Their eyes showed the faith and hope, and today, when I
think of the risk of disappointment, I feel so anguished. In
those moment, there is no doubt, we liked to believe and very few
knew that this faith, one day and thanks to a big metamorphosis,
could turn into responsibility.

And whatever happened, happened, and the LDK became a movement,

such a political party, and it could have been anything but a
modern political party. In such a situation, it was very hard to
create an organizing structure grounded on a political platform.
How could this be done, in a situation when all Albanians were

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good, when almost all adult Albanians, without any exceptions had
the "right to chose and be chosen" on all levels of organization.
It was obvious that this organization would create problems in
the set-up and staff.

Who understood what the presidency meant, or how could the

presidency know whom to elect in branches and sub-branches. But
we were people relatively lacking political experience and we
came there from an area which was relatively isolated. We had
communicated with some people we knew, however, we didn't know
who should be elected in the leadership of the branch in Rahovec,
Kamenica or Dragash, for example, when it happened that none of
the members of the Presidency knew anyone in the field. They
wanted to create a branch, and they had this statutory
possibility. I, by chance, participated in one of these meetings.

They spoke, discussed and decided as they did, and they elected
their presidency, of course, voting secretly. On my way out from
the meeting, some people approached me and told me: "Do you know
that four out of nine elected members of presidency are
collaborators of the police, they are spies. You don't know them.
We just wanted you to know". When I asked them why didn't they
react and why didn't they speak openly in the meeting, they told
me: "Can't you see what is happening? The dog doesn't recognize
the master any longer!"

And this was precisely it. The dog was not recognizing the
master! Things were done carelessly. But, the good thing is that
the organization structure started functioning quite well,
despite all weaknesses and disagreements. But this was not a
party structure, it was a bit more. We wouldn't understand
ourselves that people, with the dismantlement of one system and
rule, with or without our knowledge, were taking over an
improvised rule, which as an euphemism will later be called moral
rule. Maybe someone didn't know what was happening, maybe someone
hadn't imagined the things to be like this, but slowly the LDK
was replacing the structure of power that the people had in their
minds. We, the ones who casually were at the top, without even
noticing it, were becoming the main point of referral for
everything that was happening in Kosova. Some of the members of
the Presidency were not bothered by this, and the others were.
The ones with illusions, saw the LDK as a possibility to do
something, the others, as a wish to be somewhere. Successful
politics has to be a lucky combination of both.

Because of the big responsibility that the LDK will take, because
of the authority it created in a very short period of time,
because of many weaknesses in organization and lack of staff,
early, even too early, before anything was even achieved, first
clandestinely and then in public, the issue of the biographies

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of the LDK leadership was opened. The attacks will come from two
directions; the government, the police, which tries to compromise
the leadership, spreading rumors, and the "internal" opposition,
especially the so called Marxist-Leninists. But, really, who were
we, and did we have any stains in our biographies? Why shouldn't
have this issue been discussed openly, and it would concern us,
the ones who came and the ones who are now. Some believe that
opening the issues of the biographies is counter-productive in
the circumstances Kosova is living now, that the political
organization in Kosova should include "all people of good will".

Right, however we must also have in mind the circumstances which

are very delicate and I don't consider it to be crazy, to start
and talk about the people who are at the head of the
organization. But, I also known that this, the matter of
biographies, is the shortest path to create deep divisions among
Albanians. Now that we know that the divisions exist, there is
one dilemma which remains unsolved: wouldn't it be better to also
do this thing openly, without any secrets?

Anyhow, details about the ones who established LDK were first
mentioned in rumors and then in public. They were mainly
negative. The truth is that the majority of them belonged to the
category of people with public biographies. But this, as usual,
will be the most unimportant side of the medal. Apart from this,
we had all been members of the Communist League. This can't be
denied either. One thing should be known: the Communist League
of Kosova had over 100 thousand members, while in "Rilindja",
over 90% of the journalists were members of the CL. And the
percentage was probably similar in other institutions, including
the University, Albanological Institute and the Academy.

According to this logic, we were not open enemies of the previous

system, nor members of an illegal group in Kosova. And,
nevertheless, our biographies were public, while the dossiers,
as in the case of all the others, are in the hands of the
Serbian police and it, in a suitable moment, will use them. Be
patient, those days will come.

In regard to the public biographies, let's say for example that

Rugova was an advanced literary critic, with a dozen of published
books, more altruistic "compromises" in the area of literature,
and who during his work in the Institute of Albanology didn't
intensively cooperate with the government nor did he openly
oppose it. Nevertheless, his public work was deeply national. In
couloirs it will be said that in one occasion he had referred to
Tito as the figure which vitalized the national ideals of the
Albanians. I have not read this speech and I didn't know where
was it published. Buxhovi, was also a writer with a dozen of
published books, novels, dramas reviews and many other pieces

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published in "Rilindja". In times of the peak of the autonomy of
Kosova, he had spent four years in Germany as "Rilindja's"
correspondent. A great privilege then. In his articles, whatever
they refer too, I have never seen anything but his engagement in
favor of the national issue. The rumors about him are that during
his stay in Germany, he had cooperated with the government and
state security. Everything on the level of hypotheses and
speculations, despite the fact that he will be the one to bring
out most of the insinuations in our biographies. Fehmi Agani,
professor of Sociology at the University, a person close to the
autonomists. His PhD thesis, which was never published, opposed
harshly the Yugoslav historians (Dedijer, Tempo, etc.) in their
theses about the role of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia when
the Communist Party of Albania was established. It was known that
he had written a series of articles on theoretical aspects of
Self-Management Socialism and this is why he was often referred
to as "Kardeljist" and autonomist. Everything what can be said
about his public work is that the authority that he has in
determined circles is in discrepancy with the real contribution
in the area he dealt with. But, it can't be denied that he is one
of the best experts of the Yugoslav political scene and the
"Serbian Public mentality". Ali Aliu, also professor of the
University, author of many books of literary critiques. Nothing
exact was said about him, because he had often changed his
residence between Shkup and Prishtina.It was known that in
Macedonia there were always people close to the government there.
His public engagements were clear and there was no space for any
dilemmas. Bujar Bukoshi, surgeon nephologist gained his PhD title
in Germany. An excellent professional. University professor. In
close circles, known as a nationalist without compromise. The
rumors will say: a person without national up-bringing, student
of Belgrade University, etc. Nekibe Kelmendi, a woman without a
public biography. Mehmet Kraja, journalist in "Rilindja", author
of about ten books and a large series of articles, manly of
culture and literature. No remarks about his public activity, but
during his military service, he had been journalist of the
military magazine, and as such spy of the Military Intelligence
Service (KOS). (I will not abuse of the privilege of the author
to oppose these speculations).

Several months later, the work in the organization and other

things became voluminous, and we needed more members of the
Presidency. In this direction, we didn't follow any regular
procedure, but we did what was easiest: we incorporated other
four members - Xhemajl Mustafa, Ibrahim Berisha, Anton Kolaj and
Rexhep Gjergji. The first two were authoritative journalists of
"Rilindja" (the second also a writer) and, as I have explained
above, initiators of the LDK, while the other two were chairmen
of the municipal branches, of Klina and Podujeva, respectively.
While we knew who Rexhep Gjergji was, for he was "our man in

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Podujeva", a very few knew Anton Kolaj. The proposal came from
Fehmi Agani, who taught him Sociology at the University, and the
suggestion was adopted by the Presidency because of one very
important circumstance: he is Catholic. Then we had information
from the field that not very many Catholics joined LDK, and there
were rumors about their possible manipulation by the authorities
and other political forces which appeared in Kosova.
This was the LDK Presidency until the first regular Convention,
which was celebrated almost a year and a half after it was
established.

I was of the opinion that the LDK, especially the Presidency,

should attract as many intellectuals as possible. We must say
without hesitation, that at the beginning we had no support from
this strata. I still don't know the reason, but I know well how
they looked upon us, with open scepticism. Realistically, there
was no need for this, however, it seems that we too made our
mistakes, because we hadn't done what we should, we were too
enthusiastic and we had forgotten the need to communicate with
them and get their support. On the other hand, a part of the
intellectuals, because of the institutional life they had lived,
couldn't convert so easily. The others, the "independent" in
their convictions as much as we were, stuck to one another, and
seemed to have other dilemmas. Anyhow, we needed them badly, and
our indifference towards them and their indifference towards us
couldn't be explained in any way. I remember an occasion when two
Rugova's good friends started ridiculing him so much for this
"party business of his". One year later, these two people came
so close to the leading structures of the LDK, and even the
Presidency. But I am deeply convinced that these people nor a
number of other people, who may be leading the LDK today, never
became members of the LDK by signing the application. On the
other hand, for a part of the intelligence will experience
something else, especially the one close to the previous
government: they will try to create or get involved in other
organization structures, parties, associations, different forums,
more to be somewhere, rather than do something. This situation
of the beginning, the silent and secret rivalry will later create
an uncomfortable situation for both sides - the LDK which will
insist to be the one and only in the Kosova issue, and along with
this the national issue, and the other part which will try to
always deny the LDK this "exclusiveness".

An in relation to this, I believe that LDK's relation to the

other parties formed in Kosova should be mentioned.
In a short period of time, immediately following the LDK, other
political parties were established in Kosova. Even though the
situation in Kosova was not "pluralist" at all, the creation of
these parties at the beginning was not correctly understood,
especially by the LDK and its organizing structures. With the

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exclusion of the Peasants' Party, which at one stage was also
known as "a satellite party", the other political parties were
in public or secretly called opposition to the LDK. In the
situation Kosova was facing, regardless of the dimensions
membership in the LDK had reached, it was a great mistake to have
one political organization take over the exclusiveness of the
Kosova issue, not because it was not pluralist enough or
democratic enough, but because it had to be supposed that the
LDK, regardless of the level of faith it had created and its just
program orientation, realistically couldn't represent the
interests of all strata of the society. This didn't happen, and
couldn't be done, because of the many interests that the people
in Kosova had. Because it couldn't be ignored that despite the
consensus on the national issue, despite the homogenization, the
Kosovan society contained a large pluralist level of interests
and viewpoints.

The LDK, reaching the dimensions of a national movement,

involving a giant membership, will not be able to evade the trap
of monopolization of the political life in Kosova. Initially it
will not be able to organize itself, nor function as a modern
political party, mainly because of the circumstances in which it
was created and the big burden it took over on its back. Such a
burden - the liberation of Kosova - would be hard to bear by a
wide front, a national movement or a general revolution. Imagine
what it is like for a political party which intends to function
legally and organize itself grounded on statutory norms.

To be continued

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APPENDIX

J A V O R E / Albanian weekly

P.O. BOX 202

38000 PRISHTINA

Issued by the KOHA Editorial Board

English Edition: KOHA

Contact Person: Filloreta Bytyqi

Phone & Fax: +381 38 31 031

+381 38 31 036
Modem: +381 38 31 276

E-Mail: koha_pr@zana-pr.ztn.zer.de

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