INDO-PAK RELATIONS FROM 1947 TO

1990
SUBMITTED TO :
Dr. S.P. SINGH
(Faculty of English)

Submitted
by:-
MOHAMMAD ESHTYAQUE ALI
ROLL NO. 943
2
nd
SEMESTER


ACKNOWLEDGEMENT


Writing a project is one of the most significant academic challenges I have ever
faced. Though this project has been presented by me but there are many people
who remained in veil, who gave their all support and helped me to complete
this project.
First of all I am very grateful to my subject teacher Dr.S.P.SINGH without the
kind support of whom and help the completion of the project was a herculean
task for me. He donated his valuable time from his busy schedule to help me to
complete this project and suggested me from where and how to collect data.
I am very thankful to the librarian who provided me several books on this topic
which proved beneficial in completing this project.
I acknowledge my friends who gave their valuable and meticulous advice which
was very useful and could not be ignored in writing the project. I want to
convey my sincere thanks to all the people who have helped me directly or
indirectly throughout the project.









Mohammad Eshtyaque ali

Roll No. 943

2
nd
semester



Table of Contents

Chapter-(1)
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................

METHODOLOGY .......................................................................

Chapter-(2)
JUNAGARH DISPUTE..........................................

Chapter-(3)
KASHMIR CONFLICT....................................................................................................................

Chapter-(4)
WAR OF 1965 ..................................................................................................................................

Chapter-(5)
BANGLADESH LIBERATION WAR..

Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................

Bibliography .................................................................................
Websites .......................................................................................



INTRODUCTION

Relations between India and Pakistan have been strained by a number of historical and political
issues, and are defined by the violent partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir dispute and
the numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, even though the
two South Asian nations share historic, cultural, geographic, and economic links, their
relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion.
After the dissolution of the British Raj in 1947, two new sovereign nations were formed
the Union of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The subsequent partition of the former British
India displaced up to 12.5 million people, with estimates of loss of life varying from several
hundred thousand to a million.India emerged as a secular nation with a Hindumajority population
and a largeMuslim minority while Pakistan was established as an Islamic republic with an
overwhelming Muslim majority population.
Soon after their independence, India and Pakistan established diplomatic relations but the violent
partition and numerous territorial disputes would overshadow their relationship. Since their
independence, the two countries have fought three major wars, one undeclared war and have
been involved in numerous armed skirmishes and military standoffs. The Kashmir dispute is the
main centre-point of all of these conflicts with the exception of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971,
which resulted in the secession of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).
1

There have been numerous attempts to improve the relationshipnotably, the Shimla summit,
the Agra summit and theLahore summit. Since the early 1980s, relations between the two nations
soured particularly after the Siachen conflict, the intensification of Kashmir insurgency in
1989, Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests in 1998 and the 1999 Kargil war. Certainconfidence-
building measures such as the 2003 ceasefire agreement and the DelhiLahore Bus service
were successful in deescalating tensions. However, these efforts have been impeded by periodic
terrorist attacks. The 2001 Indian Parliament attack almost brought the two nations to the brink
of a nuclear war. The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings, which killed 68 civilians (most of
whom were Pakistani), was also a crucial point in relations. Additionally, the 2008 Mumbai
attacks carried out by Pakistani militants resulted in a severe blow to the ongoing India-Pakistan
peace talks.
According to a 2013 BBC World Service Poll, 11% of Indians view Pakistan's influence
positively, with 45% expressing a negative view, while 19% of Pakistanis view India's influence
positively, with 54% expressing a negative view. Since the election of new government in
Pakistan in mid-2013, significant steps are being taken to improve relations, in particular the
consensus on the agreement of Non-Discriminatory Market Access on Reciprocal Basis
(NDMARB) status for each other, which will liberalize trade
2
.






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REASONS OF CONFLICT DURING INDEPENDENCE

About half a million Muslims and Hindus were killed in communal riots following the partition
of British India. Millions of Muslims living in India and Hindus and Sikhs living in Pakistan
emigrated in one of the most colossal transfers of population in the modern era. Both countries
accused each other of not providing adequate security to the minorities emigrating through their
territory. This served to increase tensions between the newly-born countries.
According to the British plan for the partition of British India, all the 680princely states were
allowed to decide which of the two countries to join. With the exception of a few, most of the
Muslim-majority princely-states acceded to Pakistan while most of the Hindu-majority princely
states joined India. However, the decisions of some of the princely-states would shape the
Pakistan-India relationship considerably in the years to come.
3


Junagadh dispute

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Junagadh was a princely state of India, located in what is now Gujarat, outside but under
the suzerainty of British India.
In the independence and partition of India of 1947, the 562 princely states were given a choice of
whether to either join the new Dominion of India or the newly formed state of Pakistan or to
remain independent.
The Nawab of Junagadh, Muhammad Mahabat Khanji III, a Muslim whose ancestors had ruled
Junagadh and small principalities for some two hundred years, decided that Junagadh should
become part of Pakistan, much to the displeasure of many of the people of the state, an
overwhelming majority of whom were Hindus. The Nawab acceded to the Dominion of Pakistan
on 15 September 1947, against the advice of Lord Mountbatten, arguing that Junagadh joined
Pakistan by sea.The principality of Babariawad and Sheikh of Mangrol reacted by claiming
independence from Junagadh and accession to India. When Pakistan accepted the
Nawab's Instrument of Accession on 16 September, the Government of India was outraged
that Muhammad Ali Jinnah could accept the accession of Junagadh despite his argument that
Hindus and Muslims could not live as one nation, though this was a seen as a strategy to get a
plebiscite held for the case of Kashmir which was a Muslim majority with a Hindu
ruler. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel believed that if Junagadh was permitted to go to Pakistan, it
would exacerbate the communal tension already simmering in Gujarat.
The princely state was surrounded on all of its land borders by India, with an outlet onto
the Arabian Sea. The unsettled conditions in Junagadh had led to a cessation of all trade with
India and the food position became precarious. With the region in crisis, the Nawab, fearing for
his life, felt forced to flee to Karachi with his family and his followers, and there he established a
provisional government.
Vallabhbhai Patel offered Pakistan time to reverse its acceptance of the accession and to hold
a plebiscite in Junagadh.Samaldas Gandhi formed a government-in-exile, the Aarzi Hukumat of
the people of Junagadh. Eventually, Patel ordered the forcible annexation of Junagadh's three
principalities. Junagadh's state government, facing financial collapse and lacking forces with
which to resist Indian force, invited the Government of India to take control. A plebiscite was
conducted in December, in which approximately 99% of the people chose India over Pakistan. In
the meanwhile, there were exchanges between the governments of India and Pakistan. Pakistan
told the Indian Government that the accession was in accordance with the Scheme of
Independence announced by the outgoing British and that Junagadh was now part of Pakistan.
While this exchange of correspondence was going on, India closed all its borders to Junagadh
and stopped the movement of goods, transport and postal articles. In view of worsening situation,
the Nawab and his family left Junagadh and arrived in Karachi on 25 October 1947.
On 27 October 1947, Bhutto, as Chief Minister of Junagadh, wrote a letter to Jinnah explaining
the critical situation of the State government. As the situation worsened, he wrote again on 28
October 1947 to Ikramullah, Secretary of the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, seeking help
and directions.
4

When all hopes for assistance from Pakistan were lost, Bhutto wrote by telegram on 1 November
1947 to Nawab Saheb at Karachi, explaining the situation and the danger to life and property,
considering an armed attack was imminent. In a return telegram, the Nawab authorised Bhutto to
act in the best interests of the Muslim population of Junagadh.
A meeting of the Junagadh State Council was called on 5 November to discuss the critical
situation. The Council authorised Bhutto to take appropriate action. He sent Captain Harvey
Johnson, a senior member of the Council of Ministers, to Rajkot to meet Indian officials.
Another meeting of the Junagadh State Council was convened on 7 November, and some
prominent citizens of Junagadh state were also invited. The meeting continued till 3 o'clock in
the morning and decided that instead of surrendering to the "Provisional Government", the
Indian Government should be requested to take over the administration of Junagadh to protect
the lives of its citizens, which were being threatened by Provisional Government forces.
On 8 November, Bhutto sent a letter to Nilam Butch, Provincial Head of the Indian Government
in Rajkot, requesting him to help to restore law and order in Junagadh to prevent bloodshed.
Harvey Johnson took the message to Rajkot. The head of the Indian administration telephoned V.
P. Menon in Delhi and read out the letter. Menon immediately rushed to see Jawaharlal
Nehru and explained the situation. After consultation with Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel, the home
minister and other ministers, a formal order was drafted and a notification issued announcing the

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take-over of Junagadh at the request of its Chief Minister. The notification promised a
referendum in due course.
Bhutto left Junagadh for Karachi on the night of 8 November 1947. On 9 November, the Indian
Air Force flew several sorties at low level over Junagadh.
Soon columns of Indian tanks and other vehicles carrying Indian soldiers entered Junagadh state.
At 6 p.m. on 9 November, Captain Harvey Johnson and Chief Secretary Gheewala, a civil
servant of Junagadh state, formally handed over the charge of the State to the Indian
Government.
On the same day, Nehru sent a telegram to Liaquat Ali Khan about the Indian take-over of
Junagadh. Khan sent a return telegram to Nehru stating that Junagadh was Pakistani territory,
and nobody except the Pakistan government was authorised to invite anybody to Junagadh. He
also accused the Indian Government of naked aggression on Pakistan's territory and of violating
international law. The Government of Pakistan strongly opposed the Indian occupation. Nehru
wrote
In view of special circumstances pointed out by Junagadh Dewan that is the Prime Minister of
Junagadh our Regional Commissioner at Rajkot has taken temporarily charge of Junagadh
administration. This has been done to avoid disorder and resulting chaos. We have, however, no
desire to continue this arrangement and wish to find a speedy solution in accordance with the
wishes of the people of Junagadh. We have pointed out to you previously that final decision
should be made by means of referendum or plebiscite. We would be glad to discuss this question
and allied matters affecting Junagadh with representatives of your Government at the earliest
possible moment convenient to you. We propose to invite Nawab of Junagadh to send his
representatives to this conference.
5

The Government of Pakistan protested, saying that the accession of the state to Pakistan was
already accepted. In reply to the above telegram, the Prime Minister of Pakistan sent the
following:
Your telegram informing that your Government had taken charge of Junagadh was received by
me on November 10, 1947. Your action in taking over State Administration and sending Indian

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troops to state without any authority from Pakistan Government and indeed without our
knowledge, is a clear violation of Pakistan territory and breach of International law. Indian
Governments activities on accession of Junagadh to Pakistan have all been directed to force the
State to renounce accession and all kinds of weapons have been used by you to achieve this end.
We consider your action in taking charge of Junagadh Administration and sending Indian troops
to occupy Junagadh to be a direct act of hostility against Pakistan Dominion. We demand that
you should immediately withdraw your forces, and relinquish charge of administration to the
rightful ruler and stop people of Union of India from invading Junagadh and committing acts of
violence.
This was the followed by a Press Statement made by the Prime Minister of Pakistan. It was
communicated to Prime Minister of India on November 16, 1947 and read as follows:
In spite of the gravest provocation, we have refrained from any action which should result in
armed conflict. We could with full justification and legal right could have sent our forces to
Junagadh but at no time since the accession of state, was a single soldier sent by us to Junagadh
and our advice throughout to the State Authorities was to exercise the greatest restraint.
Manavadar, another State which had acceded to Pakistan and Mangrol and Babariawad have also
been occupied by Indian troops.
Immediately after the take-over of the state, all rebel Muslim officials of the state were put
behind the bars. They included Ismail Abrehani, a senior minister in the Junagadh government,
who had taken the instrument of Accession to Jinnah for his signature. Abrehani refused to leave
Junagadh, even when he was offered in jail the option of going to Pakistan, saying that despite its
occupation Junagadh was part of Pakistan according to international law and he preferred to
remain. He stayed and later died in Junagadh
A plebiscite was held on 20 February 1948, in which all but 91 out of 190,870 who voted (from
an electorate of 201,457) voted to join India, i.e. 99% of the population voted to join India.
















KASHMIR CONFLICT
The Kashmir conflict is a territorial dispute between the Government of India, Kashmiri
insurgent groups and the Government of Pakistan over control of the Kashmir region. Although
an interstate dispute over Kashmir has existed between India and Pakistan since the Indo-
Pakistani War of 1947

an internal conflict between Kashmiri insurgents (some favouring
Kashmiri accession to Pakistan, and some favouring Kashmir's complete independence.) and the
Government of India has constituted the main conflict and source of violence in the region since
2002.
India and Pakistan have fought at least three wars over Kashmir, including the Indo-Pakistani
Wars of 1947, 1965 and 1999 and since 1984 the two countries have also been involved in
several skirmishes over control of the Siachen Glacier. India claims the entire state ofJammu and
Kashmir and as of 2010, administers approximately 43% of the region, including most
of Jammu, the Kashmir Valley, Ladakh, and the Siachen Glacier. India's claims are contested by
Pakistan, which controls approximately 37% of Kashmir, namely Azad Kashmir and the northern
areas of Gilgit Baltistan.
The roots of the conflict between the Kashmiri insurgents and the Indian Government are tied to
a dispute over local autonomy. Democratic development was limited in Kashmir until the late
1970s and by 1988 many of the democratic reforms provided by the Indian Government had
been reversed and non-violent channels for expressing discontent were limited and caused a
dramatic increase in support for insurgents advocating violent secession from India. In 1987, a
disputed State electioncreated a catalyst for the insurgency when it resulted in some of the state's
legislative assembly members forming armed insurgent groups. In July 1988 a series of
demonstrations, strikes and attacks on the Indian Government began the Kashmir
Insurgency which during the 1990s escalated into the most important internal security issue in
India.
The turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir has resulted in thousands of deaths, but has become less
deadly in recent years. There have been protest movements in Indian Administered Kashmir
since 1989. The movements were created to voice Kashmir's disputes and grievances with the
Indian government, specifically the Indian Military. Elections held in 2008 were generally
regarded as fair by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, had a high voter
turnout in spite of calls by militants for a boycott, and led to the pro-IndiaJammu & Kashmir
National Conference forming the government in the state. According to Voice of America, many
analysts have interpreted the high voter turnout in this election as a sign that the people of
Kashmir have endorsed Indian rule in the state. However Sajjad Lone, a prominent separatist
leader in Kashmir, claims that "the high turnout should not be taken as a sign that Kashmiris no
longer want independence.
6

In 1947, British rule in India ended with the creation of a new state: the Dominion of
Pakistan and a successor state to British India the Union of India, while British suzerainty over
the 562 Indian princely states ended. According to the Indian Independence Act 1947, "the
suzerainty of His Majesty over the Indian States lapses, and with it, all treaties and agreements in
force at the date of the passing of this Act between His Majesty and the rulers of Indian
States",so the states were left to choose whether to join India or Pakistan or to remain
independent. Jammu and Kashmir, the largest of the princely states, had a predominantly Muslim

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population, while having a Hindu ruler (Maharaja Hari Singh.) On partition Pakistan expected
Kashmir to be annexed to it.
In October 1947, Muslim revolutionaries in western Kashmir and Pakistani tribals
from Dir entered Kashmir, intending to eliminate Dogra rule. Unable to withstand the invasion,
the Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession on 25 October 1947 that was accepted by the
government of India on 27 October 1947.
After rumours that the Maharaja supported the annexation of Kashmir by India, militant Muslim
revolutionaries from western Kashmir and Pakistani tribesmen made rapid advances into
the Baramulla sector. Maharaja Hari Singh of Kashmir asked the government of India to
intervene. However, India and Pakistan had signed an agreement of non-intervention. Although
tribal fighters from Pakistan had entered Jammu and Kashmir, there was no iron-clad legal
evidence to unequivocally prove that Pakistan was officially involved. It would have been illegal
for India to unilaterally intervene in an open, official capacity unless Jammu and Kashmir
officially joined the Union of India, at which point it would be possible to send in its forces and
occupy the remaining parts.
The Maharaja desperately needed military assistance when the Pakistani tribals reached the
outskirts of Srinagar. Before their arrival into Srinagar, India argued that the Maharaja must
complete negotiations for ceding Jammu and Kashmir to India in exchange for receiving military
aid. The agreement which ceded Jammu and Kashmir to India was signed by the Maharaja
and Lord Mountbatten of Burma.In Jammu and Kashmir, National Conference volunteers
worked with the Indian Army to drive out the Pakistanis. The resulting war over Kashmir,
the First Kashmir War, lasted until 1948, when India moved the issue to the UN Security
Council. Sheikh Abdullah was not in favour of India seeking UN intervention because he was
sure the Indian Army could free the entire State of invaders. The UN had previously passed
resolutions for setting up monitoring of the conflict in Kashmir. Following the set-up of
the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNCIP), the UN Security
Council passed Resolution 47 on 21 April 1948. The resolution imposed an immediate cease-fire
and called on the Government of Pakistan 'to secure the withdrawal from the state of Jammu and
Kashmir of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals not normally resident therein who have entered the
state for the purpose of fighting.' It also asked Government of India to reduce its forces to the
minimum strength, after which the circumstances for holding a plebiscite should be put into
effect 'on the question of Accession of the state to India or Pakistan.' However, both India and
Pakistan failed to arrive at a Truce agreement due to differences in interpretation of the
procedure for and extent of demilitarisation one of them being whether the Azad Kashmiri army
is to be disbanded during the truce stage or the Plebiscite stage.
In November 1948, The Indian and Pakistani governments agreed to hold the plebiscite, but
Pakistan did not withdraw its troops from Kashmir, thus violating the conditions for holding the
plebiscite. In addition, the Indian Government distanced itself from its commitment to hold a
plebiscite. India proposed that Pakistan withdraw all its troops first, calling it a precondition for a
plebiscite. Pakistan rejected on the grounds that the Kashmiris may not vote freely given the
presence of Indian army and Sheikh Abdullah's friendship with the Indian Prime Minister,
Jawaharlal Nehru. However, Pakistan proposed simultaneous withdrawal of all troops followed
by a plebiscite under international auspices, which India rejected. Hence Pakistan didn't
withdraw its forces unilaterally Over the next several years, the UN Security Council passed four
new resolutions, revising the terms of Resolution 47 to include a synchronous withdrawal of both
Indian and Pakistani troops from the region, per the recommendations of General Andrew
McNaughton. To this end, UN arbitrators put forward 11 different proposals for the
demilitarisation of the region. All of these were accepted by Pakistan, but rejected by the Indian
government. The resolutions were passed by United Nations Security Council under Chapter VI
of the United Nations Charter. Resolutions passed under Chapter VI of the UN charter are
considered non-binding and have no mandatory enforceability, as opposed to the resolutions
passed under Chapter VII.
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WAR OF 1965
Since Partition of India in 1947, Pakistan and India remained in contention over several issues.
Although the Kashmir conflictwas the predominant issue dividing the nations, other border
disputes existed, most notably over the Rann of Kutch, a barren region in the Indian state
of Gujarat. The issue first arose in 1956 which ended with India regaining control over the
disputed area. Pakistani patrols began patrolling in territory controlled by India in January 1965,
which was followed by attacks by both countries on each other's posts on 8 April 1965. Initially
involving border police from both nations, the disputed area soon witnessed intermittent
skirmishes between the countries' armed forces. In June 1965, British Prime Minister Harold
Wilson successfully persuaded both countries to end hostilities and set up a tribunal to resolve
the dispute. The verdict, which came later in 1968, saw Pakistan awarded 350 square miles
(900 km) of the Rann of Kutch, as against its original claim of 3,500 square miles (9,100 km
2
).
After its success in the Rann of Kutch, Pakistan, under the leadership of General Ayub Khan,
believed the Indian Armywould be unable to defend itself against a quick military campaign in
the disputed territory of Kashmir as the Indian military had suffered a loss to China in
1962. Pakistan believed that the population of Kashmir was generally discontented with Indian
rule and that a resistance movement could be ignited by a few infiltrating saboteurs. Pakistan
attempted to ignite the resistance movement by means of a covert infiltration,
codenamed Operation Gibraltar. The Pakistani infiltrators were soon discovered, however, their
presence reported by local Kashmiris, and the operation ended unsuccessful.
THE WAR
On 5 August 1965 between 26,000 and 33,000 Pakistani soldiers crossed the Line of
Control dressed as Kashmiri locals headed for various areas within Kashmir. Indian forces,
tipped off by the local populace, crossed the cease fire line on 15 August. Initially, the Indian
Army met with considerable success, capturing three important mountain positions after a
prolonged artillery barrage. By the end of August, however, both sides had relative progress;
Pakistan had made progress in areas such as Tithwal,Uri and Poonch and India had captured
the Haji Pir Pass, 8 km into Pakistan-Administered Kashmir.
8

On 1 September 1965, Pakistan launched a counterattack, called Operation Grand Slam, with the
objective to capture the vital town of Akhnoor in Jammu, which would sever communications
and cut off supply routes to Indian troops. Ayub Khan calculated that "Hindu morale would not
stand more than a couple of hard blows at the right time and place" although by this time
Operation Gibraltar had failed and India had captured the Haji Pir Pass. Attacking with an
overwhelming ratio of troops and technically superior tanks, Pakistan made gains against Indian
forces, who were caught unprepared and suffered heavy losses. India responded by calling in
its air force to blunt the Pakistani attack. The next day, Pakistan retaliated, its air force attacked
Indian forces and air bases in both Kashmirand Punjab. India's decision to open up the theater of
attack into Pakistani Punjab forced the Pakistani army to relocate troops engaged in the operation
to defend Punjab. Operation Grand Slam therefore failed, as the Pakistan Army was unable to
capture Akhnoor; it became one of the turning points in the war when India decided to relieve
pressure on its troops in Kashmir by attacking Pakistan further south.

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Lt. Col. Hari Singh of the India's 18th Cavalry posing outside a captured Pakistani police station
(Barkee) in Lahore District.
India crossed the International Border on the Western front on 6 September, marking an official
beginning of the war. On 6 September, the 15th Infantry Division of the Indian Army,
under World War II veteran Major General Prasad, battled a massive counterattack by Pakistan
near the west bank of the Ichogil Canal (BRB Canal), which was a de facto border of India and
Pakistan. The General's entourage itself was ambushed and he was forced to flee his vehicle. A
second, this time successful, attempt to cross the Ichhogil Canal was made over the bridge in the
village of Barki, just east of Lahore. These developments brought the Indian Army within the
range of Lahore International Airport. As a result, the United States requested a temporary
ceasefire to allow it to evacuate its citizens in Lahore. However, the Pakistani counterattack took
Khem Karan from Indian forces which tried to divert the attention of Pakistanis from Khem
Karan by an attack on Bedian and the adjacent villages.
9

The thrust against Lahore consisted of the 1st Infantry Division supported by the three tank
regiments of the 2nd Independent Armoured Brigade; they quickly advanced across the border,
reaching the Ichhogil (BRB) Canal by 6 September. The Pakistani Army held the bridges over
the canal or blew up those it could not hold, effectively stalling any further advance by the
Indians on Lahore. One unit of the Indian Jat Regiment, 3 Jat, had also crossed the Ichogil canal
and captured the town of Batapore (Jallo Mur to Pakistan) on the west side of the canal. The
same day, a counter offensive consisting of an armoured division and infantry division supported

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by Pakistan Air Force Sabres forced the Indian 15th Division to withdraw to its starting point.
Although 3 Jat suffered minimal casualties, the bulk of the damage being taken by ammunition
and stores vehicles, the higher commanders had no information of 3 Jat's capture of Batapore and
misleading information led to the command to withdraw from Batapore and Dograi to Ghosal-
Dial. This move brought extreme disappointment

to Lt-Col Desmond Hayde, CO of 3 Jat.
Dograi was eventually recaptured by 3 Jat on 21 September, for the second time but after a much
harder battle due to Pakistani reinforcements.


Destroyed or abandoned Pakistani Patton and Sherman tanks on display near Khem Karan.
About 97 Pakistani tanks were either destroyed or captured by India during the Battle of Asal
Uttar.
On 8 September 1965, a company of 5 Maratha Light Infantry was sent to reinforce a Rajasthan
Armed Constabulary (RAC) post at Munabao a strategic hamlet about 250 kilometres from
Jodhpur. Their brief was simple. To hold the post and to keep Pakistan's infantry battalions from
overrunning the post at bay. But at Maratha Hill (in Munabao) as the post has now been
christened the Indian company could barely manage to thwart the intense attack for 24 hours.
A company of 3 Guards with 954 heavy mortar battery ordered to reinforce the RAC post at
Munabao could never reach. The Pakistani Air Force had strafed the entire area, and also hit a
railway train coming from Barmer with reinforcements near Gadra road railway station. On 10
September, Munabao fell into Pakistani hands, and efforts to capture the strategic point did not
succeed.
On the days following 9 September, both nations' premiere formations were routed in unequal
battles. India's 1st Armoured Division, labeled the "pride of the Indian Army", launched an
offensive towards Sialkot. The Division divided itself into two prongs, was forced back by the
Pakistani 6th Armoured Division at Chawinda and was forced to withdraw after suffering heavy
losses of nearly 100 tanks. The Pakistanis followed up their success by launching Operation
Windup, which forced the Indians back farther. Similarly, Pakistan's pride, the 1st Armoured
Division, pushed an offensive towards Khem Karan, with the intent to capture Amritsar (a major
city in Punjab, India) and the bridge on River Beas to Jalandhar.
The Pakistani 1st Armoured Division never made it past Khem Karan, however, and by the end
of 10 September lay disintegrated by the defences of the Indian 4th Mountain Division at what is
now known as the Battle of Asal Uttar (lit. meaning "Real Answer", or more appropriate
English equivalent "Fitting Response"). The area became known as 'Patton Nagar' (Patton
Town), because of the large number of US-made Pakistani Patton tanks. Approximately 97
Pakistani tanks were destroyed or abandoned, with only 32 Indian tanks destroyed or damaged.
The Pakistani 1st Armoured Division less 5th Armoured Brigade was next sent to Sialkot sector
behind Pakistani 6th Armoured Division where it didn't see action as 6th Armoured Division was
already in process of routing Indian 1st Armoured Division which was superior to it in strength.
The war was heading for a stalemate, with both nations holding territory of the other. The Indian
army suffered 3,000 battlefield deaths, while Pakistan suffered 3,800. The Indian army was in
possession of 710 miles (1,800 km) of Pakistani territory and the Pakistan army held 210 mile
(550 km) of Indian territory. The territory occupied by India was mainly in the fertile Sialkot,
Lahore and Kashmir sectors, while Pakistani land gains were primarily south in deserts opposite
to Sindhand in Chumb sector near Kashmir in north.
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Bangladesh Liberation War

In August 1947, the official birth of two states Pakistan and India; gave a permanent home for
Hindus and Muslims from the departure of the British. The Dominion of Pakistan comprised two
geographically and culturally separate areas to the east and the west with India in between. The
western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West Pakistan and
the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East
Pakistan. Although the population of the two zones was close to equal, political power was
concentrated in West Pakistan and it was widely perceived that East Pakistan was being
exploited economically, leading to many grievances. Administration of two discontinuous
territories was also seen as a challenge. On 25 March 1971, after an election won by an East
Pakistani political party (the Awami League) was ignored by the ruling (West Pakistani)
establishment, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by
brutal suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment, in what came to
be termed Operation Searchlight
The violent crackdown by West Pakistan forcesled to Awami League leaderSheikh Mujibur
Rahman declaring East Pakistan's independence as the state of Bangladesh on 26 March
1971. Pakistani President Agha Mohammed Yahya ordered the Pakistani military to restore the
Pakistani government's authority, beginning the civil war. The war led to a sea of refugees
(estimated at the time to be about 10 million) flooding into the eastern provinces of India. Facing
a mounting humanitarian and economic crisis, India started actively aiding and organising the
Bangladeshi resistance army known as the Mukti Bahini.
In 1948, Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Pakistan's first Governor-General, declared in Dhaka (then
usually spelled Dacca in English) that "Urdu, and only Urdu" would be the common language for
all of Pakistan. This proved highly controversial, since Urdu was a language that was only
spoken in the West by Muhajirs and in the East by Biharis, although the Urdu language had been
promoted as the lingua franca ofIndian Muslims by political and religious leaders such as Sir
Khwaja Salimullah, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk and Maulvi Abdul Haq. The
language was considered a vital element of the Islamic culture for Indian Muslims; Hindi and
theDevanagari script were seen as fundamentals of Hindu culture. The majority groups in the
western wing of the Dominion of Pakistan (provinces, states and tribal areasmerged in 1956
as West Pakistan) spoke Punjabi, while the Bengali language was spoken by the vast majority of
East Bengalis (from 1956, East Pakistan). The language controversy eventually reached a point
where East Bengal revolted while the other part of Pakistan remained calm even though Punjabi
was spoken by the majority of the population of the western wing. Several students and civilians
lost their lives in a police crackdown on 21 February 1952. The day is revered in Bangladesh and
in West Bengal as theLanguage Martyrs' Day. Later, in memory of the 1952
deaths, UNESCO declared 21 February as the International Mother Language Day in 1999.
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In the western wing, the movement was seen as a sectional uprising against Pakistani national
interests and the founding ideology of Pakistan, the Two-Nation Theory. West Pakistani
politicians considered Urdu a product of Indian Islamic culture, as Ayub Khan said, as late as
1967, "East Pakistanis... still are under considerable Hindu culture and influence." However, the

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deaths led to bitter feelings among East Bengalis, and they were a major factor in the push for
independence in 1971.
Although East Pakistan accounted for a slight majority of the country's population, political
power remained in the hands of West Pakistanis. Since a straightforward system of
representation based on population would have concentrated political power in East Pakistan, the
West Pakistani establishment came up with the "One Unit" scheme, where all of West Pakistan
was considered one province. This was solely to counterbalance the East wing's votes.
After the assassination of Liaquat Ali Khan, Pakistan's first prime minister, in 1951, political
power began to devolve to thePresident of Pakistan, and eventually, the military. The nominal
elected chief executive, the Prime Minister, was frequently sacked by the establishment, acting
through the President.
The East Pakistanis observed that the West Pakistani establishment would swiftly depose any
East Pakistanis elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, such as Khawaja Nazimuddin, Muhammad
Ali Bogra, or Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. Their suspicions were further influenced by the
military dictatorships of Ayub Khan (27 October 1958 25 March 1969) and Yahya Khan (25
March 1969 20 December 1971), both West Pakistanis. The situation reached a climax in 1970,
when the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats
allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This
gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government. However, Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto (a Sindhi and former Foreign Minister), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused
to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan.Instead, he proposed the idea of
having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing,
already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the "one unit scheme". Bhutto also
refused to accept Rahman's Six Points. On 3 March 1971, the two leaders of the two wings along
with the President General Yahya Khan met in Dhaka to decide the fate of the country. After
their discussions yielded no satisfactory results, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for a nationwide
strike. Bhutto feared a civil war, therefore, he sent his trusted companion, Dr. Mubashir
Hassan.A message was convened and Mujib decided to meet Bhutto. Upon his arrival, Mujib
met with Bhutto and both agreed to form a coalition government with Mujib as Premier and
Bhutto as President. However, the military was unaware of these developments, and Bhutto
increased his pressure on Mujib to reach a decision.
On 7 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. In this speech he mentioned a further four-point
condition to consider at the National Assembly Meeting on 25 March:
The immediate lifting of martial law.
Immediate withdrawal of all military personnel to their barracks.
An inquiry into the loss of life.
Immediate transfer of power to the elected representative of the people before the assembly
meeting 25 March.
He urged his people to turn every house into a fort of resistance. He closed his speech saying,
"Our struggle is for our freedom. Our struggle is for our independence." This speech is
considered the main event that inspired the nation to fight for its independence. General Tikka
Khan was flown into Dhaka to become Governor of East Bengal. East-Pakistani judges,
including Justice Siddique, refused to swear him in.
Between 10 and 13 March, Pakistan International Airlines cancelled all their international routes
to urgently fly "government passengers" to Dhaka. These "government passengers" were almost
all Pakistani soldiers in civilian dress. MV Swat, a ship of the Pakistan Navy carrying
ammunition and soldiers, was harboured in Chittagong Port, but the Bengali workers and sailors
at the port refused to unload the ship. A unit of East Pakistan Rifles refused to obey commands
to fire on the Bengali demonstrators, beginning a mutiny among the Bengali soldiers.
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A planned military pacification carried out by the Pakistan Army codenamedOperation
Searchlight started on 25 March to curb the Bengali nationalist movementby taking control of
the major cities on 26 March, and then eliminating all opposition, political or military, within one
month. Before the beginning of the operation, all foreign journalists were systematically
deported from East Pakistan.
The main phase of Operation Searchlight ended with the fall of the last major town in Bengali
hands in mid-May. The operation also began the 1971 Bangladesh atrocities. These systematic
killings served only to enrage the Bengalis, which ultimately resulted in the secession of East

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Pakistan later in the same year. The international media and reference books in English have
published casualty figures which vary greatly, from 5,00035,000 in Dhaka, and 200,000
3,000,000 for Bangladesh as a whole, and the atrocities have been referred to as acts of genocide.
Although the violence focused on the provincial capital, Dhaka, it also affected all parts of East
Pakistan. Residential halls of the University of Dhaka were particularly targeted. The only Hindu
residential hall Jagannath Hall was destroyed by the Pakistani armed forces, and an estimated
600 to 700 of its residents were murdered. The Pakistani army denied any cold blooded killings
at the university, though the Hamood-ur-Rehman commission in Pakistan concluded that
overwhelming force was used at the university. This fact and the massacre at Jagannath Hall and
nearby student dormitories of Dhaka University are corroborated by a videotape secretly filmed
by Prof. Nurullah of the East Pakistan Engineering University, whose residence was directly
opposite the student dormitories.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested by the Pakistani Army. Yahya Khan appointed Brigadier
(later General) Rahimuddin Khan to preside over a special tribunal prosecuting Mujib with
multiple charges. The tribunal's sentence was never made public, but Yahya caused the verdict to
be held in abeyance in any case. Other Awami League leaders were arrested as well, while a few
fled Dhaka to avoid arrest. The Awami League was banned by General Yahya Khan.
Sheikh Mujib also called upon the people to resist the occupation forces through a radio
message. Mujib was arrested on the night of 2526 March 1971 at about 1:30 am (as per Radio
Pakistan's news on 29 March 1971).
A telegram containing the text of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's declaration reached some students
in Chittagong. The message was translated to Bengali by Dr. Manjula Anwar. The students failed
to secure permission from higher authorities to broadcast the message from the nearby Agrabad
Station of Radio Pakistan. But was read a few times by the Independent (swadhin Bangla Betar
Kendro) Radio established by some rebel Bangali Radio workers in Kalurghat. Major Ziaur
Rahman was requested to provide security of the station and he also read the Declaration on 27
March 1971. Major Ziaur Rahman broadcast announcement of the declaration of independence
on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The Kalurghat Radio Station's transmission capability was limited, but the message was picked
up by a Japanese ship in Bay of Bengal. It was then re-transmitted by Radio Australia and later
by the British Broadcasting Corporation.
M A Hannan, an Awami League leader from Chittagong, is said to have made the first
announcement of the declaration of independence over the radio on 26 March 1971. There is
controversy now as to when Major Zia gave his speech. BNP sources maintain that it was 26
March, and there was no message regarding declaration of independence from Mujibur Rahman.
Pakistani sources, like Maj. Gen. Fazal Muqeem Khan in his book "PAKISTANS CRISIS IN
LEADERSHIP"Brigadier Zahir Alam Khan in his book "THE WAY IT WAS"and Lt. Gen.
Kamal Matinuddin in his book "TRAGEDY OF ERRORS:EAST PAKISTAN CRISIS, 1968
1971" had written that they heard Major Zia's speech on 26 March 1971 but Maj. Gen. Hakeem
A. Qureshi in his book "THE 1971 INDO-PAK WAR: A SOLDIER'S NARRATIVE" , gives the
date of Major Zia's speech as 27 March 1971.
26 March 1971 is considered the official Independence Day of Bangladesh, and the name
Bangladesh was in effect henceforth. In July 1971, Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi openly
referred to the former East Pakistan as Bangladesh. Some Pakistani and Indian officials
continued to use the name "East Pakistan" until 16 December 1971.
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CONCLUSION
Relations between India and Pakistan have been strained by a number of historical and political
issues, and are defined by the violent partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir dispute and
the numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations. Consequently, even though the
two South Asian nations share historic, cultural, geographic, and economic links, their
relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion.
After the dissolution of the British Raj in 1947, two new sovereign nations were formed
the Union of India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The subsequent partition of the former British
India displaced up to 12.5 million people, with estimates of loss of life varying from several
hundred thousand to a million.India emerged as a secular nation with a Hindumajority population
and a largeMuslim minority while Pakistan was established as an Islamic republic with an

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overwhelming Muslim majority population. The Nawab of Junagadh, Muhammad Mahabat
Khanji III, a Muslim whose ancestors had ruled Junagadh and small principalities for some two
hundred years, decided that Junagadh should become part of Pakistan, much to the displeasure of
many of the people of the state, an overwhelming majority of whom were Hindus. The Nawab
acceded to the Dominion of Pakistan on 15 September 1947, against the advice of Lord
Mountbatten, arguing that Junagadh joined Pakistan by sea.The principality
of Babariawad and Sheikh of Mangrol reacted by claiming independence from Junagadh and
accession to India. When Pakistan accepted the Nawab's Instrument of Accession on 16
September, the Government of India was outraged that Muhammad Ali Jinnah could accept the
accession of Junagadh despite his argument that Hindus and Muslims could not live as one
nation, though this was a seen as a strategy to get a plebiscite held for the case of Kashmir which
was a Muslim majority with a Hindu ruler. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel believed that if Junagadh
was permitted to go to Pakistan, it would exacerbate the communal tension already simmering in
Gujarat. The Kashmir conflict is a territorial dispute between the Government of India, Kashmiri
insurgent groups and the Government of Pakistan over control of the Kashmir region. Although
an interstate dispute over Kashmir has existed between India and Pakistan since the Indo-
Pakistani War of 1947

an internal conflict between Kashmiri insurgents (some favouring
Kashmiri accession to Pakistan, and some favouring Kashmir's complete independence.) and the
Government of India has constituted the main conflict and source of violence in the region since
2002. Since Partition of India in 1947, Pakistan and India remained in contention over several
issues. Although the Kashmir conflictwas the predominant issue dividing the nations, other
border disputes existed, most notably over the Rann of Kutch, a barren region in the Indian state
of Gujarat. The issue first arose in 1956 which ended with India regaining control over the
disputed area. Pakistani patrols began patrolling in territory controlled by India in January 1965,
which was followed by attacks by both countries on each other's posts on 8 April 1965. Initially
involving border police from both nations, the disputed area soon witnessed intermittent
skirmishes between the countries' armed forces. In June 1965, British Prime Minister Harold
Wilson successfully persuaded both countries to end hostilities and set up a tribunal to resolve
the dispute. The verdict, which came later in 1968, saw Pakistan awarded 350 square miles
(900 km) of the Rann of Kutch, as against its original claim of 3,500 square miles (9,100 km
2
).
In August 1947, the official birth of two states Pakistan and India; gave a permanent home for
Hindus and Muslims from the departure of the British. The Dominion of Pakistan comprised two
geographically and culturally separate areas to the east and the west with India in between. The
western zone was popularly (and for a period of time, also officially) termed West Pakistan and
the eastern zone (modern-day Bangladesh) was initially termed East Bengal and later, East
Pakistan. Although the population of the two zones was close to equal, political power was
concentrated in West Pakistan and it was widely perceived that East Pakistan was being
exploited economically, leading to many grievances. Administration of two discontinuous
territories was also seen as a challenge. On 25 March 1971, after an election won by an East
Pakistani political party (the Awami League) was ignored by the ruling (West Pakistani)
establishment, rising political discontent and cultural nationalism in East Pakistan was met by
brutal suppressive force from the ruling elite of the West Pakistan establishment, in what came to
be termed Operation Searchlight.





BIBLIOGRAPHY
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India%E2%80%93Pakistan_relations
http://indiapakrelation.blogspot.in/2011/04/junagadh-dispute.html
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kashmir_conflict
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1965
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh_Liberation_War