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The Indonesian killings of 19651966 were an anti-communist purge following a failed

coup of the 30 September Movement in Indonesia (also called in Indonesia: the Kudeta). The
most widely accepted estimates are that more than 500,000 people were killed. The purge
was a pivotal event in the transition to the "New Order"; the Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI) was eliminated as a political force, and the upheavals led to the downfall of president
Sukarno and the commencement of Suharto's thirty-year presidency.
The failed coup released pent-up communal hatreds which were fanned by the Indonesian
Army, which quickly blamed the PKI. Communists were purged from political, social, and
military life, and the PKI itself was banned. The massacres began in October 1965, in the
weeks following the coup attempt, and reached their peak over the remainder of the year
before subsiding in the early months of 1966. They started in the capital, Jakarta, and spread
to Central and East Java and, later, Bali. Thousands of local vigilantes and army units killed
actual and alleged PKI members. Although killings occurred across Indonesia, the worst were
in the PKI strongholds of Central Java, East Java, Bali, and northern Sumatra. It is possible
that over one million people were imprisoned at one time or another.
Sukarno's balancing act of "Nasakom" (nationalism, religion & communism) had been
unraveled. His most significant pillar of support, the PKI, had been effectively eliminated by
the other two pillarsthe army and political Islam; and the army was on the way to
unchallenged power. In March 1967, Sukarno was stripped of his remaining power by
Indonesia's provisional Parliament, and Suharto was named Acting President. In March 1968,
Suharto was formally elected president.
The killings are skipped over in most Indonesian history books and have received little
introspection by Indonesians and comparatively little international attention. Satisfactory
explanations for the scale and frenzy of the violence have challenged scholars from all
ideological perspectives. The possibility of a return to similar upheavals is cited as a factor in
the "New Order" administration's political conservatism and tight control of the political
system. Vigilance against a perceived communist threat remained a hallmark of Suharto's
thirty-year presidency. In the Western world, the killings and purges were portrayed as a
victory over communism at the height of the Cold War.
1 Background
2 Coup attempt
3 Political purge
4 The killings
o 4.1 Java
o 4.2 Bali
o 4.3 Sumatra
o 4.4 Kalimantan
5 Deaths and imprisonment
6 Impact
7 Foreign involvement and reaction
8 Developments after the resignation of Suharto
9 See also
10 Notes
11 References

Major General Suharto (at right, foreground) attends a funeral for generals assassinated on 5
October 1965
Support for Sukarno's presidency under his "Guided Democracy" depended on his forced and
unstable "Nasakom" coalition between the military, religious groups, and Communists. The
rise in influence and increasing militancy of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) and
Sukarno's support for it, was a serious concern for Muslims and the military, and tension
grew steadily in the early and mid 1960s.
The third largest Communist party in the world,

the PKI had approximately 300,000 cadres and a full membership of around two million.

The party's assertive efforts to speed up land reform provoked existing landowners and
threatened the social position of Islamic clerics.
Sukarno required government employees to
study his Nasakom principles as well as Marxist theory. Sukarno met with Chinese
Communist leader Zhou Enlai. After this meeting he decided to create a militia, called a Fifth
Force, a personally controlled force and ordered weapons from China to be used to equip this
Fifth Force. He declared in a speech that he favored revolutionary groups whether they were
nationalist, religious or communist stating "I am a friend of the Communists, because the
Communists are revolutionary people.
" Sukarno said at a Non-Aligned summit meeting in
Cairo (1964) that his current purpose was to drive all of Indonesian politics to the left and
thereby to neutralize the "reactionary" elements in the army that could be dangerous for the
Sukarno's international policies increasingly reflected his rhetoric. As a result
the economy was in serious decline, food shortages were becoming serious and inflation
began to approach hyperinflation.
Coup attempt
On the evening of 30 September and 1 October 1965, six generals were killed by a group
calling themselves the 30 September Movement. With many of Indonesia's top military
leaders either dead or missing, Suharto, one of the most senior surviving generals, assumed
control of the army. This after a day of chaos, during which Sukarno refused to commit
himself to either side.
By 2 October Suharto was firmly in control of the capital and
announced that a coup attempt had failed. The military blamed the coup attempt on their arch
enemies the PKI.

On 5 October, the day of the dead generals' funeral procession, a military propaganda
campaign linking the coup attempt with the PKI began to sweep the country.
slogans and newspaper headlines referred to the coup attempt and the perpetrators as
Gerkang/PKI, Gestapu/PKI, and Gestok/PKI.
The campaign convinced both Indonesian and
international audiences that the murders were cowardly atrocities committed by the PKI
against Indonesian heroes, and that the coup attempt was intended to undermine the
Indonesian Revolution and overthrow President Sukarno.
The PKI's denials of
involvement had little effect.
Pent-up tensions and hatreds that had built up over years were

Political purge
The army removed top civilian and military leaders it thought sympathetic to the PKI.
parliament and cabinet were purged of Sukarno loyalists. Leading PKI members were
immediately arrested, some summarily executed.
Army leaders organised demonstrations in
during which on 8 October, the PKI Jakarta headquarters was burned down.

Anti-Communist youth groups were formed, including the army-backed Indonesian Student's
Action Front (KAMI), the Indonesian Youth and Students' Action Front (KAPPI), and the
Indonesian Graduates Action Front (KASI).
In Jakarta and West Java, over 10,000 PKI
activists and leaders were arrested, including famed novelist Pramoedya.

The initial deaths occurred during organised clashes between the army and the PKI including
Indonesian armed forces units who were sympathetic to communism and were trying to
forcibly resist General Suharto's crackdown. For example, much of the Marine Corps, the Air
Force, and the Brigade of Police (Brimoh) were infiltrated up to commander level by the
In early October, forces of the Strategic Command (Suharto's KOSTRAD), and the
RPKAD paracommandos led by Colonel Sarwo Edhie Wibowo were sent to Central Java, a
region with strong Communist allegiances, while troops of uncertain loyalty were ordered
At the same time, the Siliwangi Division was deployed to guard Jakarta and West Java,
both of which, unlike Central and East Java, remained relatively immune to the mass
Early fighting in the Central Java highlands and around Madiun suggested the
PKI might be able to establish a rival regime centred on these regions. However, widespread
fears of a civil war, between factions supported by the United States and China respectively,
quickly evaporated, as the forces sent by Suharto took control.
Many rebel commanders
chose not to fight as Suharto-deployed forces arrived, although resistance came from some,
like General Supardjo, for a few more weeks.

As the Sukarno presidency began to unravel and Suharto began to assert control following the
coup attempt, the PKI's upper national leadership was hunted and arrested with some
summarily executed. In early October, PKI chairman Dipa Nusantara Aidit had flown to
Central Java, where the coup attempt had been supported by leftist officers in Yogyakarta,
Salatiga, and Semarang.
Fellow senior PKI leader, Njoto, was shot around 6 November,
Aidit on 22 November, and First Deputy PKI Chairman M.H. Lukman was killed shortly

The killings
The killings started in October 1965 in Jakarta, spread to Central and East Java and later to
Bali, and smaller outbreaks occurred in parts of other islands, including Sumatra.
communal tensions and hatreds that had built up were played upon by the Army leadership
who demonised Communists, and many Indonesian civilians took part in the killings.
worst massacres were in Central and East Java
where PKI support was at its strongest. The
situation varied across the country and the role of the Army has never been fully
In some areas the Army organised, encouraged, trained, and supplied civilian
groups and local militias.
In other areas, communal vigilante action preceded the Army,
although in most cases killings did not commence before military units had sanctioned
violence by instruction or example.
It was in the earlier stages of the killings that the
army's direct involvement in clashes with the PKI occurred.
By the end of October, groups
of devout Muslims joined the purge of Communists claiming it was their duty to cleanse
Indonesia of atheism.

In some areas, civilian militia knew where to find known Communists and their
sympathisers, while in others the Army demanded lists of Communists from village heads.

PKI membership was not disguised and most suspects were easily identified within
The American Embassy in Jakarta supplied the Indonesian military with lists
of up to 5,000 suspected Communists.
Although some PKI branches organised resistance
and reprisal killings, most went passively to their deaths.
Not all victims were PKI
members. Often the label "PKI" was used to include anyone to the left of the Indonesian
National Party (PNI).
In other cases victims were suspected or simply alleged

Methods of killing included shooting and beheading with Japanese-style samurai swords.
Corpses were often thrown into rivers, and at one point officials complained to the Army that
the rivers running into the city of Surabaya were clogged with bodies. In areas such as Kediri
in East Java, Nahdlatul Ulama youth wing (Ansor) members lined up Communists, cut their
throats and disposed of the bodies in rivers.
The killings left whole sections of villages
empty, and the houses of victims or the interned were looted and often handed over to the

Local Chinese were killed in some areas, and their properties looted and burned as a result of
anti-Chinese racism on the excuse that Aidit had brought the PKI closer to China.
In the
predominantly Christian islands of Nusa Tenggara, Christian clergy and teachers suffered at
the hands of Muslim youth.

Although there were occasional and isolated flare ups until 1969, the killings largely subsided
by March 1966,
when either there were no more suspects, or authorities intervened.

Solo residents said that exceptionally high flooding in March 1966 of the Solo River,
considered mystical by the Javanese, signaled the end of the killings.

In Java, much of the killing was along aliran (cultural stream) loyalties; the Army
encouraged santri (more devout and orthodox Muslims) among the Javanese to seek out PKI
members among the abangan (less orthodox) Javanese.
The killings extended to more than
PKI members. In Java, for example, many considered "left PNI" were killed. Others were just
or were the victims of grievance settling with little or no political motive.

Anti-Communist killings were then instigated with youths, assisted by the Army, hunting
down Communists.

Conflict that had broken out in 1963 between the Muslim party Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and
the PKI turned to killing in the second week of October.
The Muslim group
Muhammadiyah proclaimed in early November 1965 that the extermination of
"Gestapu/PKI" constituted Holy War ("Gestapu" being the military's name for the "30
September Movement"), a position that was supported by other Islamic groups in Java and
Sumatra. For many youths, killing Communists became a religious duty.
Where there had
been Communist centres in Central and East Java, Muslim groups portraying themselves as
victims of Communist aggression justified the killings by evoking the Madiun Affair of
Roman Catholic students in the Yogyakarta region left their hostels at night to join
in the execution of truckloads of arrested Communists.

Although, for most of the country, the killings subsided in the first months of 1966, in parts
of East Java the killings went on for years. In Blitar, guerrilla action was maintained by
surviving PKI members until they were defeated in 1967 and 1968.
The mystic Mbah
Suro, and devotees of his Communist-infused traditional mysticism, built an army, but Suro
and eighty of his followers were killed in a war of resistance against the Indonesian Army.

Mirroring the widening of social divisions across Indonesia in the 1950s and early 1960s, the
island of Bali saw conflict between supporters of the traditional Balinese caste system, and
those rejecting these traditional values, particularly the PKI. Communists were publicly
accused of working towards the destruction of the island's culture, religion, and character,
and the Balinese, like the Javanese, were urged to destroy the PKI. Government jobs, funds,
business advantage and other spoils of office had gone to Communists during the final years
of Sukarno's presidency.
Disputes over land and tenants' rights led to land seizures and
killings, when the PKI promoted "unilateral action".
As Indonesia's only Hindu-dominated
island, Bali did not have the Islamic forces involved in Java, and it was upper-caste PNI
landlords who instigated the elimination of PKI members.
High Hindu priests called for
sacrifices to satisfy spirits angered by past sacrilege and social disruption.
Balinese Hindu
leader, Ida Bagus Oka, told Hindus: "There can be no doubt [that] the enemies of our
revolution are also the cruelest enemies of religion, and must be eliminated and destroyed
down to the roots."
Like parts of East Java, Bali experienced a state of near civil war as
Communists regrouped.

The balance of power was shifted in favour of anti-Communists in December 1965, when the
Army Para-commando Regiment and Brawijaya units arrived in Bali after having carried out
killings in Java. Led by Suharto's principal trouble shooter, Sarwo Edhie, Javanese military
commanders permitted Balinese squads to kill until reined in.
In contrast to Central Java
where the Army encouraged people to kill the "Gestapu", on Bali eagerness to kill was so
great and spontaneous that, having initially provided logistic support, the Army eventually
had to step in to prevent anarchy.
Sukarno's choice of provincial governor for Bali,
Sutedja, was recalled from office and accused of preparing a communist uprising, and his
relatives were tracked down and killed.
A series of killings similar to those in Central and
East Java were led by black-shirted PNI youth. For several months, militia death squads went
through villages capturing suspects and taking them away.
Hundreds of houses belonging
to communists and their relatives were burnt down within one week of the reprisal crusade
being launched on Bali, with occupants being butchered as they ran from their homes. An
early estimate suggested that 50,000 people, including women and children, were killed in
this operation alone. The populations of several Balinese villages were halved in the last
months of 1965.
All the Chinese shops in the towns of Singaraja and Denpasar were
destroyed and their owners killed after summary stand-up judgements found them to have
financially supported the "Gestapu".
Between December 1965 and early 1966, an
estimated 80,000 Balinese were killed, roughly 5 percent of the island's population at the
time, and proportionally more than anywhere else in Indonesia.

PKI-organised squatters' movements and campaigns against foreign businesses in Sumatra's
plantations provoked quick reprisals against Communists, following the Jakarta coup attempt.
In Aceh as many as 40,000 were killed, part of the possibly 200,000 deaths across Sumatra.

The regional revolts of the late 1950s complicated events in Sumatra as many former rebels
were forced to affiliate themselves with Communist organizations to prove their loyalty to the
Indonesian Republic. The quelling of the 1950s revolts and 1965 killings were seen by most
Sumatrans as a "Javanese occupation".
In Lampung, another factor in the killings seems to
have been Javanese immigration.

In West Kalimantan, approximately eighteen months after the worst of the killings in Java,
indigenous Dayaks expelled 45,000 ethnic Chinese from rural areas, killing up to 5,000.

The Chinese refused to fight back, even though previously the Chinese had fought against the
Dutch colonialist occupation of Indonesia, since they considered themselves "a guest on other
people's land" with the intention of trading only.

Deaths and imprisonment
Although the general outline of events is known, much is unknown about the killings,
an accurate and verified count of the dead is unlikely to ever be known.
There were few
Western journalists or academics in Indonesia at the time, the military was one of the few
sources of information, travel was difficult and dangerous, and the regime that approved and
oversaw the killings remained in power for three decades.
The Indonesian media at the
time had been undermined by restrictions under "Guided Democracy" and by the "New
Order's" takeover in October 1966.
With the killings occurring at the height of Western
fears over the Cold War, there was little investigation internationally, which would have
risked complicating the West's preference for Suharto and the "New Order" over the PKI and
the "Old Order".

In the first 20 years following the killings, thirty-nine serious estimates of the death toll were
Before the killings had finished, the army estimated 78,500 had died
another early estimate by the traumatised Communists put the figure at 2 million.
army later estimated the number killed at a possibly exaggerated 1 million.
In 1966,
Benedict Anderson estimated the deaths at 200,000 and by 1985 had offered a range of
500,000 to 1 million.
Most scholars agree that at least half a million were killed,
than any other event in Indonesian history.
An armed forces security command estimate
from December 1976 put the number at between 450,000 and 500,000.
A 2012
documentary by Joshua Oppenheimer, The Act of Killing, places the number of deaths
between 1 and 3 million people.

Arrests and imprisonment continued for ten years after the purge.
A 1977 Amnesty
International report suggested "about one million" PKI cadres and others identified or
suspected of party involvement were detained.
Between 1981 and 1990, the Indonesian
Government estimated that there were between 1.6 and 1.8 million former prisoners "at
large" in society.
It is possible that in the mid 1970s, 100,000 were still imprisoned
without trial.
It is thought that as many as 1.5 million were imprisoned at one stage or
Those PKI members not killed or imprisoned went into hiding while others tried
to hide their past.
Those arrested included leading politicians, artists and writers such as
Pramoedya, and peasants and soldiers. Many did not survive this first period of detention,
dying from malnutrition and beatings.
As people revealed the names of underground
Communists, often under torture, the numbers imprisoned rose from 196668. Those released
were often placed under house arrest, had to regularly report to the military, or were banned
from Government employment, as were their children.

Many suspected communists were shot, as well as beheaded, strangled, or had their throats
slit by the military and Islamic groups. The killings were "done face to face", unlike
mechanical processes of mass killing in Khmer Rouge Cambodia or Nazi Germany.

Sukarno's balancing act of "Nasakom" (nationalism, religion, communism) had been
unraveled. His most significant pillar of support, the PKI, had been effectively eliminated by
the other two pillarsthe army and political Islam; and the army was on the way to
unchallenged power.
Many Muslims were no longer trusting of Sukarno, and by early
1966, Suharto began to openly defy Sukarno, a policy which had previously been avoided by
army leaders. Sukarno attempted to cling to power and mitigate the new-found influence of
the army, although he could not bring himself to blame the PKI for the coup as demanded by
On 1 February 1966, Sukarno promoted Suharto to the rank of Lieutenant
The Supersemar decree of 11 March 1966 transferred much of Sukarno's power
over the parliament and army to Suharto,
ostensibly allowing Suharto to do whatever was
needed to restore order. On 12 March 1967 Sukarno was stripped of his remaining power by
Indonesia's provisional Parliament, and Suharto named Acting President.
On 21 March
1968, the Provisional Peoples Representative Assembly formally elected Suharto as

The killings are skipped over in most Indonesian histories, and have received little
introspection by Indonesians and comparatively little international attention.
following Suharto's forced resignation in 1998, and his death in 2008, some level of openness
about what had really happened has emerged in public discourse in subsequent years.
hesitant search for mass graves by survivors and family members began after 1998, although
little has been found. Over three decades later, great enmity remains in Indonesian society
over the events.
The film The Year of Living Dangerously, based around events leading up
to the killings, was banned in Indonesia until 1999.
Satisfactory explanations for the scale and frenzy of the violence have challenged scholars
from all ideological perspectives. One view attributes the communal hatreds behind the
killings to the forcing of parliamentary democracy onto Indonesian society, claiming that
such changes were culturally unsuitable and unnecessarily disruptive in the post-
independence 1950s. A contrasting view is that when Sukarno and the military replaced the
democratic process with authoritarianism, competing interestsi.e., the army, political Islam,
and Communismcould not be openly debated, rather they were suppressed and could only
be expressed through violence.
Conflict resolution methods have broken down, and
Muslim groups and the military adopted an "us or them attitude", and that when the killings
were over, many Indonesians dismissed as something the Communists had deserved.
possibility of a return to similar upheavals is cited as a factor in the "New Order"
administration's political conservatism and tight control of the political system.
against a Communist threat remained a hallmark of Suharto's thirty-year presidency.

Internationally, the killings and purges were seen as a victory over Communism at the height
of the Cold War.
Western governments and much of the West's media preferred Suharto and the "New Order"
to the PKI to the increasingly leftist "Old Order".
A headline in US News and World
Report read: "Indonesia: Hope... where there was once none".

Foreign involvement and reaction
See also: CIA activities in Indonesia
Australian Prime Minister Harold Holt commented in The New York Times "With 500,000 to
a million communist sympathisers knocked off...I think it's safe to assume a reorientation has
taken place."
Time magazine described the overthrow of Sukarno as "The West's best news
for years in Asia."
According to Kathy Kadane, members of the US government provided
targeted names to the Indonesian Army,
which several US officials have denied.

Pembunuhan Indonesia dari 1965-1966 itu merupakan pembersihan anti-komunis setelah kudeta
yang gagal dari Gerakan 30 September di Indonesia (juga disebut di Indonesia: Kudeta). Perkiraan
yang paling banyak diterima adalah bahwa lebih dari 500.000 orang tewas. Pembersihan itu adalah
peristiwa penting dalam transisi ke "Orde Baru", Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) telah dieliminasi
sebagai kekuatan politik, dan gejolak menyebabkan kejatuhan Presiden Soekarno dan dimulainya
tiga puluh tahun kepresidenan Soeharto.

Gagal kudeta dirilis terpendam kebencian komunal yang mengipasi oleh Tentara Nasional Indonesia,
yang dengan cepat menyalahkan PKI. Komunis telah dibersihkan dari kehidupan politik, sosial, dan
militer, dan PKI itu sendiri dilarang. Pembantaian dimulai pada Oktober 1965, dalam minggu-minggu
setelah percobaan kudeta, dan mencapai puncaknya mereka selama sisa tahun sebelum mereda
pada bulan-bulan awal tahun 1966. Mereka mulai di ibukota, Jakarta, dan menyebar ke Jawa Tengah
dan Jawa Timur dan, kemudian, Bali. Ribuan warga lokal dan unit tentara tewas aktual dan anggota
PKI yang dituduhkan. Meskipun pembunuhan terjadi di seluruh Indonesia, yang terburuk berada di
kubu PKI Jawa Tengah, Jawa Timur, Bali, dan Sumatera Utara. Ada kemungkinan bahwa lebih dari
satu juta orang dipenjarakan pada satu waktu atau yang lain.

Sukarno tindakan keseimbangan "Nasakom" (nasionalisme, agama & komunisme) telah terurai. Pilar
yang paling signifikan dari dukungan, PKI, telah efektif dihilangkan oleh dua pilar lainnya-tentara dan
politik Islam, dan tentara sedang dalam perjalanan untuk daya tertandingi. Pada bulan Maret tahun
1967, Soekarno dicopot dari kekuasaan yang tersisa oleh Parlemen sementara Indonesia, dan
Soeharto bernama Penjabat Presiden. Pada bulan Maret tahun 1968, Soeharto secara resmi terpilih
sebagai presiden.

Pembunuhan yang melewatkan lebih dalam sebagian besar buku sejarah Indonesia dan telah
menerima introspeksi sedikit demi Indonesia dan perhatian internasional relatif sedikit. Penjelasan
yang memuaskan untuk skala dan hiruk-pikuk kekerasan telah menantang ulama dari semua
perspektif ideologis. Kemungkinan kembali ke pergolakan serupa dikutip sebagai faktor dalam
konservatisme politik "Orde Baru" administrasi dan kontrol ketat dari sistem politik. Kewaspadaan
terhadap ancaman komunis dirasakan tetap menjadi ciri dari tiga puluh tahun kepresidenan
Soeharto. Di dunia Barat, pembunuhan dan pembersihan digambarkan sebagai kemenangan atas
komunisme pada puncak Perang Dingin.

1 Latar Belakang
2 Coup upaya
3 purge Politik
4 Pembunuhan
4.1 Java
4,2 Bali
4.3 Sumatera
4,4 Kalimantan
5 Kematian dan penjara
6 Dampak
7 Keterlibatan Asing dan reaksi
8 Perkembangan setelah pengunduran diri Soeharto
9 Lihat juga
10 Catatan
11 Referensi

Latar belakang
Mayor Jenderal Soeharto (kanan depan) menghadiri pemakaman jenderal dibunuh pada 5 Oktober

Dukungan untuk presiden Sukarno di bawah "Demokrasi Terpimpin"-nya bergantung pada-Nya
paksa dan tidak stabil "Nasakom" koalisi antara militer, kelompok agama, dan Komunis. Kenaikan
pengaruh dan meningkatkan militansi Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) dan dukungan Sukarno untuk
itu, menjadi perhatian serius bagi Muslim dan militer, dan ketegangan terus tumbuh di awal 1960-an
dan pertengahan. [1] partai terbesar ketiga Komunis di dunia, [2] PKI memiliki sekitar 300.000 kader
dan keanggotaan penuh sekitar dua juta. [3] upaya tegas partai untuk mempercepat reformasi tanah
memprovokasi pemilik lahan yang ada dan mengancam posisi sosial ulama Islam. [4] Sukarno
pegawai pemerintah yang diperlukan untuk mempelajari prinsip-prinsip Nasakom nya serta teori
Marxis. Sukarno bertemu dengan pemimpin Komunis China Zhou Enlai. Setelah pertemuan ini ia
memutuskan untuk membuat sebuah milisi, yang disebut Angkatan Kelima, kekuatan dikendalikan
secara pribadi dan memerintahkan senjata dari China yang akan digunakan untuk melengkapi
Angkatan Kelima ini. Dia menyatakan dalam pidatonya bahwa ia disukai kelompok-kelompok
revolusioner apakah mereka nasionalis, agama atau komunis menyatakan "Saya seorang teman dari
Komunis, karena Komunis adalah orang-orang revolusioner. [5]" kata Sukarno pada Non-Blok
pertemuan puncak di Kairo (1964) bahwa tujuannya saat ini adalah untuk mendorong semua politik
Indonesia ke kiri dan dengan demikian menetralkan "reaksioner" elemen dalam tentara yang bisa
berbahaya bagi revolusi. [6] kebijakan internasional Sukarno semakin tercermin retorikanya.
Akibatnya perekonomian berada dalam penurunan yang serius, kekurangan pangan yang menjadi
serius dan inflasi mulai mendekati hiperinflasi.

Pada malam 30 September dan 1 Oktober 1965, enam jenderal dibunuh oleh kelompok yang
menyebut diri mereka Gerakan 30 September. Dengan banyak pemimpin Indonesia atas militer mati
atau hilang, Soeharto, salah satu jenderal paling senior yang masih hidup, memegang kendali militer.
Ini setelah hari kekacauan, di mana Soekarno menolak untuk melakukan dirinya untuk kedua sisi. [6]
Oleh 2 Oktober Soeharto tegas dalam mengendalikan ibukota dan mengumumkan bahwa upaya
kudeta telah gagal. Pihak militer menyalahkan upaya kudeta pada musuh bebuyutannya itu PKI. [7]

Pada tanggal 5 Oktober, hari prosesi pemakaman jenderal mati ', sebuah kampanye propaganda
militer menghubungkan upaya kudeta dengan PKI mulai menyapu negara itu. [7] Graffiti slogan dan
headline surat kabar disebut upaya kudeta dan pelaku sebagai Gerkang / PKI, Gestapu / PKI, dan
Gestok / PKI. [8] Kampanye meyakinkan penonton Indonesia dan internasional bahwa pembunuhan
adalah kekejaman pengecut yang dilakukan oleh PKI terhadap pahlawan Indonesia, dan bahwa
upaya kudeta itu dimaksudkan untuk merusak Revolusi Indonesia dan menggulingkan Presiden
Soekarno. [7] [8] penyangkalan PKI tentang keterlibatan memiliki pengaruh yang kecil. [9]
ketegangan Pent-up dan kebencian yang telah dibangun selama bertahun-tahun dibebaskan. [10]
Pembersihan politik

Tentara dihapus pemimpin sipil dan militer itu dianggap bersimpati kepada PKI [11] The parlemen
dan kabinet dibersihkan dari loyalis Soekarno.. Memimpin anggota PKI segera ditangkap, beberapa
dieksekusi. [7] Para pemimpin Angkatan Darat terorganisir demonstrasi di Jakarta [7] di mana pada
tanggal 8 Oktober, markas PKI Jakarta dibakar [12] kelompok pemuda Anti-Komunis. Dibentuk,
termasuk Depan Pelajar Indonesia yang didukung militer Aksi (KAMI), Pemuda Indonesia dan
Mahasiswa Front Aksi (KAPPI), dan Lulusan Front Aksi Indonesia (KASI) [9] Di Jakarta dan Jawa Barat,
lebih dari 10.000 aktivis dan pemimpin. PKI ditangkap , termasuk novelis terkenal Pramoedya [9].

Kematian awal terjadi selama bentrokan terorganisir antara tentara dan PKI termasuk angkatan
bersenjata Indonesia unit yang bersimpati dengan komunisme dan mencoba untuk paksa menolak
tindakan keras Jenderal Suharto. Sebagai contoh, banyak dari Korps Marinir, Angkatan Udara, dan
Brigade Polisi (Brimoh) yang menyusup sampai ke tingkat komandan oleh PKI. [13] Pada awal
Oktober, pasukan dari Komando Strategis (Suharto KOSTRAD), dan paracommandos RPKAD yang
dipimpin oleh Kolonel Sarwo Edhie Wibowo dikirim ke Jawa Tengah, wilayah dengan kesetiaan
Komunis yang kuat, sementara pasukan loyalitas pasti diperintahkan keluar. [9] Pada saat yang
sama, Divisi Siliwangi ditempatkan untuk menjaga Jakarta dan Jawa Barat, keduanya, seperti Jawa
Tengah dan Jawa Timur, relatif kebal terhadap pembunuhan massal. [14] pertempuran awal di Jawa
Tengah dan dataran tinggi di sekitar Madiun menyarankan PKI mungkin bisa mendirikan sebuah
rezim saingan berpusat pada daerah ini. Namun, ketakutan yang meluas dari perang saudara, antara
faksi-faksi yang didukung oleh Amerika Serikat dan China masing-masing, cepat menguap, karena
pasukan yang dikirim oleh Soeharto mengambil kendali [13] Banyak komandan pemberontak
memilih untuk tidak bertarung seperti Suharto-dikerahkan pasukan tiba, meskipun. resistensi
berasal dari beberapa, seperti Brigjen Supardjo, untuk beberapa minggu lagi. [8]

Sebagai presiden Soekarno mulai mengurai dan Soeharto mulai untuk menegaskan kontrol berikut
upaya kudeta, kepemimpinan atas nasional PKI diburu dan ditangkap dengan beberapa dieksekusi.
Pada awal Oktober, PKI ketua Aidit Dipa Nusantara telah terbang ke Jawa Tengah, di mana upaya
kudeta telah didukung oleh petugas kiri di Yogyakarta, Salatiga, dan Semarang. [7] Para pemimpin
PKI senior, Njoto, ditembak sekitar 6 November Aidit pada tanggal 22 November, dan Deputi
Pertama Ketua PKI MH Lukman tewas tak lama setelahnya. [15]

Pembunuhan dimulai pada bulan Oktober 1965 di Jakarta, menyebar ke Tengah dan Jawa Timur dan
kemudian ke Bali, dan wabah yang lebih kecil terjadi di beberapa bagian pulau-pulau lainnya,
termasuk Sumatera [10] [16] ketegangan komunal dan kebencian yang telah dibangun dimainkan.
atas oleh pimpinan Angkatan Darat yang setan Komunis, dan banyak penduduk sipil Indonesia
mengambil bagian dalam pembunuhan. [17] Pembantaian terburuk berada di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa
Timur [18] di mana dukungan PKI di terkuat. Situasi bervariasi di seluruh negeri dan peran Angkatan
Darat tidak pernah sepenuhnya dijelaskan [19] Di beberapa daerah Angkatan Darat terorganisir,
menyemangati, terlatih, dan kelompok-kelompok sipil disediakan dan milisi lokal [16] Di daerah lain,
tindakan main hakim sendiri.. Komunal didahului Angkatan Darat, meskipun dalam kebanyakan
kasus pembunuhan tidak dimulai sebelum unit militer menjatuhkan hukuman kekerasan dengan
perintah atau contoh. [20] Saat itu di tahap awal pembunuhan yang keterlibatan langsung militer
dalam bentrokan dengan PKI terjadi. [13] Pada akhir Oktober, kelompok Muslim yang taat
bergabung pembersihan Komunis mengklaim itu adalah tugas mereka untuk membersihkan
Indonesia dari ateisme. [13]

Di beberapa daerah, milisi sipil tahu di mana menemukan Komunis diketahui dan simpatisan
mereka, sementara di lain Angkatan Darat menuntut daftar Komunis dari kepala desa. [21]
Keanggotaan PKI tidak disamarkan dan paling mudah diidentifikasi tersangka dalam masyarakat. [22]
Kedutaan Besar Amerika di Jakarta memasok militer Indonesia dengan daftar hingga 5.000 Komunis
dicurigai. [23] Meskipun beberapa cabang PKI perlawanan terorganisir dan pembunuhan
pembalasan, sebagian besar pergi pasif untuk kematian mereka [24] Tidak semua korban adalah
anggota PKI.. Sering label "PKI" digunakan untuk memasukkan orang ke kiri dari Partai Nasional
Indonesia (PNI) [9] [25] Dalam kasus lain korban diduga atau hanya diduga komunis..

Metode membunuh termasuk penembakan dan pemenggalan dengan gaya Jepang pedang samurai.
Mayat sering dibuang ke sungai, dan pada satu titik mengeluh kepada pejabat Angkatan Darat
bahwa sungai yang mengalir ke kota Surabaya menjadi penuh dengan mayat. Di daerah seperti
Kediri di Jawa Timur, Nahdlatul Ulama sayap pemuda (Ansor) anggota berbaris Komunis, memotong
leher mereka dan dibuang dari tubuh di sungai. [26] Pembunuhan meninggalkan seluruh bagian desa
kosong, dan rumah-rumah korban atau yang diinternir dijarah dan sering diserahkan kepada militer.

Cina lokal tewas di beberapa daerah, dan sifat mereka dijarah dan dibakar sebagai akibat dari
rasisme anti-Cina di alasan bahwa Aidit telah membawa PKI lebih dekat ke China. [25] Di pulau-pulau
yang didominasi Kristen Nusa Tenggara, pendeta Kristen dan guru menderita di tangan pemuda
Muslim. [19]

Meskipun ada sesekali dan terisolasi flare up sampai 1969, sebagian besar pembunuhan mereda
pada bulan Maret tahun 1966, [27] ketika baik tidak ada lagi tersangka, atau pemerintah turun
tangan. [28] warga Solo mengatakan bahwa banjir yang sangat tinggi pada Maret 1966 dari Solo
Sungai, dianggap mistis oleh orang Jawa, menandai akhir dari pembunuhan. [28]

Di Jawa, banyak pembunuhan itu bersama Aliran (stream budaya) loyalitas, Angkatan Darat
mendorong santri (lebih saleh dan Muslim ortodoks) di antara orang Jawa untuk mencari anggota
PKI antara abangan (kurang ortodoks) Jawa [29] Pembunuhan diperpanjang. lebih dari anggota PKI.
Di Jawa, misalnya, banyak dianggap "kiri PNI" tewas. Lainnya hanya tersangka [28] atau menjadi
korban dari keluhan menetap dengan motif politik sedikit atau tidak ada. [28] [29] pembunuhan
Anti-Komunis kemudian dihasut dengan pemuda, dibantu oleh Angkatan Darat, memburu Komunis.

Konflik yang pecah pada tahun 1963 antara Muslim Partai Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan PKI berbalik
untuk membunuh pada minggu kedua Oktober. [9] Kelompok Muslim Muhammadiyah menyatakan
pada awal November 1965 bahwa pemusnahan "Gestapu / PKI" merupakan Perang Suci ("Gestapu"
menjadi nama militer untuk "Gerakan 30 September"), posisi yang didukung oleh kelompok-
kelompok Islam lainnya di Jawa dan Sumatera. Bagi banyak pemuda, membunuh Komunis menjadi
kewajiban agama. [31] Dimana telah ada pusat komunis di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur, kelompok
Muslim menggambarkan diri mereka sebagai korban agresi Komunis membenarkan pembunuhan
oleh membangkitkan Peristiwa Madiun 1948 [25] Romawi. mahasiswa Katolik di wilayah Yogyakarta
meninggalkan hostel mereka di malam hari untuk bergabung dalam pelaksanaan truk Komunis
ditangkap. [28]

Meskipun, untuk sebagian besar negara, pembunuhan mereda pada bulan-bulan pertama tahun
1966, di beberapa bagian Jawa Timur pembunuhan berlangsung selama bertahun-tahun. Di Blitar,
aksi gerilya dipertahankan oleh anggota PKI yang masih hidup sampai mereka dikalahkan pada tahun
1967 dan 1968. [32] mistik Mbah Suro, dan penggemar mistisisme tradisional Komunis-infused nya,
membangun tentara, tapi Suro dan delapan puluh pengikutnya tewas dalam perang perlawanan
terhadap tentara Indonesia. [32]

Mencerminkan pelebaran divisi sosial di seluruh Indonesia pada tahun 1950 dan awal 1960-an, pulau
Bali melihat konflik antara pendukung sistem kasta tradisional Bali, dan mereka menolak nilai-nilai
tradisional, khususnya PKI. Komunis secara terbuka dituduh bekerja menuju kehancuran budaya
pulau itu, agama, dan karakter, dan Bali, seperti Jawa, didesak untuk menghancurkan PKI. Pekerjaan
pemerintah, dana, keuntungan bisnis dan rampasan lain kantor pergi ke Komunis selama tahun-
tahun terakhir kepresidenan Sukarno. [33] Sengketa atas tanah dan hak-hak penyewa 'menyebabkan
tanah kejang dan pembunuhan, ketika PKI dipromosikan "aksi sepihak". [34] Sebagai satu-satunya
pulau yang didominasi Hindu di Indonesia, Bali tidak memiliki kekuatan Islam yang terlibat di Jawa,
dan itu kasta PNI tuan tanah yang menghasut penghapusan anggota PKI [29] pendeta Hindu. Tinggi
menyerukan pengorbanan untuk memenuhi roh . marah dengan penghujatan masa lalu dan
gangguan sosial [28] Pemimpin Hindu Bali, Ida Bagus Oka, mengatakan Hindu: "Tidak ada keraguan
[bahwa] musuh revolusi kita juga merupakan musuh paling kejam agama, dan harus dihilangkan dan
dihancurkan ke akar-akarnya. "[35] Seperti bagian dari Jawa Timur, Bali mengalami keadaan perang
saudara dekat sebagai Komunis bergabung kembali. [25]

Keseimbangan kekuasaan bergeser mendukung anti-Komunis pada Desember 1965, ketika Angkatan
Darat Para-Komando Resimen dan unit Brawijaya tiba di Bali setelah melakukan pembunuhan di
Jawa. Dipimpin oleh kepala sekolah penembak masalah Suharto, Sarwo Edhie, komandan militer
Jawa diizinkan regu Bali untuk membunuh sampai mengekang masuk [36] Berbeda dengan Jawa
Tengah di mana Angkatan Darat mendorong orang untuk membunuh "Gestapu", di Bali keinginan
untuk membunuh begitu besar dan [37] pilihan Sukarno gubernur provinsi untuk Bali, Sutedja,
dipanggil kembali dari kantor dan dituduh mempersiapkan pemberontakan komunis, dan kerabatnya
yang spontan itu, setelah awalnya memberikan dukungan logistik, Angkatan Darat akhirnya harus
turun tangan untuk mencegah anarki. dilacak dan dibunuh [38] Serangkaian pembunuhan mirip
dengan yang di Jawa Tengah dan Jawa Timur yang dipimpin oleh pemuda PNI berbaju hitam.. Selama
beberapa bulan, milisi pasukan maut pergi melalui desa menangkap tersangka dan membawa
mereka pergi. [25] Ratusan rumah milik komunis dan kerabat mereka dibakar habis dalam waktu
satu minggu dari perang salib pembalasan yang diluncurkan pada Bali, dengan penghuni dibantai
karena mereka lari dari rumah mereka. Perkiraan awal menunjukkan bahwa 50.000 orang, termasuk
perempuan dan anak-anak, tewas dalam operasi ini saja. Populasi beberapa desa Bali yang dibelah
dua pada bulan-bulan terakhir tahun 1965. [39] Semua toko Cina di kota-kota Singaraja dan
Denpasar hancur dan pemiliknya tewas setelah ringkasan stand-up penilaian yang menemukan
mereka telah finansial mendukung "Gestapu ". [39] Antara Desember 1965 dan awal 1966,
diperkirakan 80.000 orang Bali tewas, sekitar 5 persen dari populasi pulau pada waktu itu, dan
proporsional lebih daripada di tempat lain di Indonesia. [40]

Gerakan dan kampanye liar PKI-terorganisir 'terhadap bisnis asing di perkebunan Sumatera
memprovokasi pembalasan cepat melawan Komunis, menyusul upaya kudeta Jakarta. Di Aceh
sebanyak 40.000 tewas, mungkin bagian dari 200.000 kematian di seluruh Sumatera. [7]
pemberontakan regional akhir tahun 1950-an peristiwa rumit di Sumatera sebagai mantan
pemberontak banyak yang dipaksa untuk berafiliasi dengan organisasi Komunis untuk membuktikan
kesetiaan mereka kepada Republik Indonesia. The memadamkan pemberontakan tahun 1950-an
dan 1965 pembunuhan dilihat oleh sebagian besar Sumatra sebagai "pendudukan Jawa". [7] Di
Lampung, faktor lain dalam pembunuhan tampaknya telah imigrasi Jawa. [19]

Di Kalimantan Barat, sekitar delapan belas bulan setelah pembunuhan terburuk di Jawa, pribumi
Dayak mengusir 45.000 etnis Cina dari daerah pedesaan, menewaskan hingga 5.000. [19] Cina
menolak untuk melawan kembali, meskipun sebelumnya China telah berperang melawan Belanda
kolonialis pendudukan Indonesia, karena mereka menganggap diri mereka "tamu di tanah orang
lain" dengan maksud perdagangan hanya [41] [42].
Kematian dan penjara

Meskipun garis besar umum peristiwa diketahui, banyak yang tidak diketahui tentang pembunuhan,
[16] dan hitungan akurat dan diverifikasi orang mati tidak mungkin pernah diketahui. [43] Ada
beberapa wartawan Barat atau akademisi di Indonesia pada saat itu , militer adalah salah satu dari
beberapa sumber informasi, perjalanan sulit dan berbahaya, dan rezim yang disetujui dan
mengawasi pembunuhan tetap berkuasa selama tiga dekade. [44] Media Indonesia saat itu telah
dirusak oleh pembatasan di bawah " Demokrasi Terpimpin "dan oleh" Orde Baru "pengambilalihan
pada Oktober 1966. [45] Dengan pembunuhan yang terjadi pada puncak ketakutan Barat atas
Perang Dingin, ada investigasi kecil internasional, yang akan mempertaruhkan rumit preferensi Barat
untuk Soeharto dan "Orde Baru" atas PKI dan "Orde Lama". [46]

Dalam 20 tahun pertama setelah pembunuhan, tiga puluh sembilan perkiraan serius dari korban
tewas dicobakan. [37] Sebelum pembunuhan itu selesai, diperkirakan 78.500 tentara telah
meninggal [47] sementara perkiraan lain awal oleh Komunis trauma menempatkan angka pada 2
juta. [37] Tentara kemudian memperkirakan jumlah menewaskan 1 juta mungkin berlebihan. [32]
Pada tahun 1966, Benedict Anderson memperkirakan kematian pada 200.000 dan pada tahun 1985
telah menawarkan berbagai 500.000 sampai 1 juta. [37] Kebanyakan para sarjana setuju bahwa
setidaknya setengah juta tewas, [48] lebih dari peristiwa lain dalam sejarah Indonesia. [29] Sebuah
pasukan bersenjata perkiraan perintah keamanan dari Desember 1976 menempatkan jumlah antara
450.000 dan 500.000. [28] A 2012 dokumenter oleh Joshua Oppenheimer, The Act of Killing,
menempatkan jumlah kematian antara 1 dan 3 juta orang. [49] [50]

Penangkapan dan penahanan berlanjut selama sepuluh tahun setelah pembersihan. [29] Sebuah
laporan International 1977 Amnesty menyarankan "sekitar satu juta" kader PKI dan lain-lain yang
diidentifikasi atau dicurigai terlibat pihak ditahan. [37] Antara tahun 1981 dan 1990, Pemerintah
Indonesia diperkirakan bahwa ada antara 1,6 dan 1,8 juta mantan tahanan "pada umumnya" dalam
masyarakat. [51] Ada kemungkinan bahwa pada pertengahan 1970-an, 100.000 masih dipenjarakan
tanpa pengadilan. [52] Diperkirakan bahwa sebanyak 1,5 juta dipenjara pada satu tahap atau yang
lain. [53] Para anggota PKI tidak dibunuh atau dipenjara bersembunyi sementara yang lain berusaha
menyembunyikan masa lalu mereka. [29] Mereka yang ditangkap termasuk politisi terkemuka,
seniman dan penulis seperti Pramoedya, dan tani, dan prajurit. Banyak yang tidak bertahan periode
pertama penahanan, meninggal karena kekurangan gizi dan pemukulan. [32] Sebagai orang
mengungkapkan nama-nama Komunis bawah tanah, sering di bawah penyiksaan, dipenjara angka
naik 1966-68. Mereka merilis sering ditempatkan di bawah tahanan rumah, harus teratur melapor ke
militer, atau dilarang dari pekerjaan pemerintah, seperti anak-anak mereka. [32]

Banyak tersangka komunis ditembak, serta dipenggal, dicekik, atau memiliki celah tenggorokan
mereka oleh kelompok militer dan Islam. Pembunuhan itu "dilakukan tatap muka", tidak seperti
proses mekanis pembunuhan massal di Khmer Merah Kamboja atau Nazi Jerman. [54]

Sukarno tindakan keseimbangan "Nasakom" (nasionalisme, agama, komunisme) telah terurai. Pilar
yang paling signifikan dari dukungan, PKI, telah efektif dihilangkan oleh dua pilar lainnya-tentara dan
politik Islam,. Dan tentara sedang dalam perjalanan untuk daya tertandingi [55] Banyak Muslim tidak
lagi memercayai Soekarno, dan pada awal tahun 1966, Soeharto mulai terbuka menentang Sukarno,
kebijakan yang sebelumnya telah dihindari oleh para pemimpin militer. Soekarno berusaha untuk
berpegang teguh pada kekuasaan dan mengurangi pengaruh baru ditemukan tentara, meskipun ia
tidak bisa memaksa dirinya untuk menyalahkan PKI untuk kudeta sebagaimana yang dituntut oleh
Soeharto. [56] Pada 1 Februari 1966, Soekarno dipromosikan Suharto untuk pangkat Letnan Jenderal
[57] Supersemar Keputusan 11 Maret 1966 ditransfer banyak kekuatan Sukarno atas parlemen dan
tentara untuk Suharto, [58] seolah-olah memungkinkan Soeharto untuk melakukan apapun yang
diperlukan untuk memulihkan ketertiban.. Pada 12 Maret 1967 Soekarno dicopot dari kekuasaan
yang tersisa oleh Parlemen sementara Indonesia, dan Soeharto bernama Penjabat Presiden. [59]
Tanggal 21 Maret 1968, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Sementara resmi terpilih sebagai presiden
Soeharto. [60]

Pembunuhan yang melewatkan lebih dalam sejarah kebanyakan orang Indonesia, dan telah
menerima sedikit introspeksi oleh masyarakat Indonesia dan perhatian internasional relatif sedikit.
[61] Namun, setelah Soeharto dipaksa pada tahun 1998, dan kematiannya pada tahun 2008,
beberapa tingkat keterbukaan tentang apa yang sebenarnya terjadi telah muncul dalam wacana
publik di tahun-tahun berikutnya. [62] Sebuah pencarian ragu untuk kuburan massal oleh korban
dan anggota keluarga mulai setelah tahun 1998, meskipun sedikit yang telah ditemukan. Lebih dari
tiga dekade kemudian, permusuhan besar tetap dalam masyarakat Indonesia atas peristiwa. [62]
Film Tahun Living Dangerously, berbasis di sekitar kejadian yang menyebabkan pembunuhan,
dilarang di Indonesia sampai tahun 1999.

Penjelasan yang memuaskan untuk skala dan hiruk-pikuk kekerasan telah menantang ulama dari
semua perspektif ideologis. Salah satu pandangan atribut kebencian komunal di balik pembunuhan
terhadap memaksa demokrasi parlementer ke masyarakat Indonesia, mengklaim bahwa perubahan
tersebut secara kultural tidak cocok dan tidak perlu mengganggu pada 1950-an pasca-kemerdekaan.
Pandangan kontras adalah bahwa ketika Soekarno dan militer menggantikan proses demokrasi
dengan otoritarianisme, bersaing kepentingan-yaitu, tentara, politik Islam, dan Komunisme-tidak
bisa diperdebatkan secara terbuka, melainkan mereka ditekan dan hanya bisa diekspresikan melalui
kekerasan. [ 56] metode resolusi konflik telah dirobohkan, dan kelompok-kelompok Muslim dan
militer mengadopsi "sikap kita atau mereka", dan bahwa ketika pembunuhan itu berakhir, banyak
orang Indonesia diberhentikan sebagai sesuatu Komunis layak. [56] Kemungkinan kembalinya
terhadap gejolak serupa dikutip sebagai faktor dalam konservatisme politik "Orde Baru" administrasi
dan kontrol ketat dari sistem politik. [19] Kewaspadaan terhadap ancaman komunis tetap menjadi
ciri dari tiga puluh tahun kepresidenan Soeharto. [63] internasional, pembunuhan dan pembersihan
dipandang sebagai kemenangan atas Komunisme pada puncak Perang Dingin.

Pemerintah-pemerintah Barat dan sebagian besar media pilihan Suharto Barat dan "Orde Baru"
untuk PKI untuk semakin kiri "Orde Lama" [64] Sebuah headline di US News and World Report baca:.
"Indonesia: Harapan ... mana ada pernah ada ". [65]
Keterlibatan asing dan reaksi
Lihat juga: kegiatan CIA di Indonesia

Perdana Menteri Australia Harold Holt berkomentar di The New York Times "Dengan 500.000
sampai satu juta simpatisan komunis terlempar ... Saya pikir aman untuk mengasumsikan reorientasi
telah terjadi." [66] majalah Time menggambarkan penggulingan Soekarno sebagai " berita terbaik
Barat selama bertahun-tahun di Asia. "[67] Menurut Kathy Kadane, anggota pemerintah AS
memberikan nama ditargetkan untuk Tentara Nasional Indonesia, [68] yang beberapa pejabat AS
membantah. [69]..