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Longer View: From Congestion to Sprawl: Planning and Health in Historical
Context
David Charles Sloane
Online Publication Date: 31 March 2006
To cite this Article Sloane, David Charles(2006)'Longer View: From Congestion to Sprawl: Planning and Health in Historical
Context',Journal of the American Planning Association,72:1,10 18
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:c
From Congestion to
Sprawl
Planning and Health in Historical Context
David Charles Sloane
A
new generation of professional planners and activists aims to design
healthy cities, sustain healthy environments, and encourage healthy
communities. Why is it so noteworthy for planning and public health
to have found each other yet again, especially since, as Baltimores health ofcer
Huntington Williams (:,) reminded his wartime audience, planning and
public health have been partners since the days of the early cities of the Chaldean
civilization? (p. ::,). The nature of the relationship, I argue, is obscured until
collaboration develops based on a perception of common issues and approaches.
It rst happened when congestion provided a cause around which a group of late
:,th and early :cth century activists collaborated to reform the environment of
the American city. Recently, sprawl has offered a new overarching concept that
connects efforts against obesity to reforming land use regulation, and concerns
about adolescent suicides to innovative community design. The earlier villain was
density, now it is decentralization; previous reforms aimed at cities, now they
aim at suburbs. Against a common enemy, planning and public health each
recognize the need for the other. In the intervening years, though individual
planners and public health professionals worked together on a wide range of
issues, the professions seemed to circle different suns.
The normative visions of both planners and public health professionals are
sometimes inuenced by environmental determinism. Prescription is an impor-
tant parallel between the professions. In the late :,th century, public health
professionals and urban planners laid out a powerful vision of a decentralized
American metropolis with neighborhoods that embodied their own values. A
century later, the same professions rejected the implicit paternalism and racism
of the earlier period, yet they, too, envisioned an ideal environment, capable of
inuencing people to eat better and exercise more.
Congestion as a Unifying Issue, 18801910
A wide range of reformers agreed the industrial city was troubled (Schultz,
:,,; Spain, :cc:). They viewed the city as a place where strikers, beggars, and
criminals disturbed the public order, and outdoor privies, polluted waterways,
and mountains of garbage affected the peoples health (Melosi, :ccc; Painter,
Why havent planners and public health
professionals worked together consistently
throughout the last century? This article
puts their relationship in historical per-
spective, arguing that while the elds have
always been connected, the bond has been
stronger when upheld by converging the-
ories and commonly perceived problems.
Under such a conceptual umbrella, the
two elds can collaborate. In this article,
I address whether the concept of sprawl
is rich enough to foster sustainable, long-
term connections between the elds.
David Charles Sloane is a professor in
the School of Policy, Planning, and De-
velopment at the University of Southern
California, where he holds a joint appoint-
ment in the Department of History. His
studies reach into topics including medi-
cal history, health disparities, planning
history, social policy, cultural landscapes,
and community planning.
Journal of the American Planning Association,
Vol. ;:, No. :, Winter :cco.
American Planning Association, Chicago, IL.
Longer View

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Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl ::
:,;). Migrants and immigrants were crammed into newly
built tenements without sufcient light, ventilation, or
plumbing (Smith, :,::). The streets were disorderly and
dangerous:
With the exception of a very few thoroughfares, all the
streets are one mass of reeking, disgusting lth, which
in some places is piled to such a height as to render
them almost impassable by vehicle. . . . The dirt, like
an epidemic, prevails all over. . . . (Mitchell, quoted in
Larsen, :,o,, p. :,,)
The development of steel-structured construction and
elevators enabled the rise of skyscrapers, further blocking the
sun and adding to the density of the built environment in
the uncoordinated cityscape. Despite the efforts of city gov-
ernments to cope with the rapid changes, streets, sidewalks,
and homes were increasingly congested and disorderly.
John Stockton-Hough (:;,) inquired . . . whether
the noticeable decline in health, fecundity, and longevity of
the human race, and of the American people in particular,
were not due to the too great crowding into cities? (p. ::o).
Grace Peckham (:o) noted that high infant mortality of
the tenement districts resulted in part from congestion:
The child comes to . . . an already large family occupying
. . . rooms, crowding them at night, so that in winter the
air is like that of the black hole of Calcutta (p. :). High
infant mortality coupled with epidemics of yellow fever
and the chronic problem of tuberculosis put children
particularly at risk (Lee, :;o; Meckel, :,,c; Platt, :).
Another researcher (Donaldson, :;,) summed up the
inuence of city life and occupations in developing pul-
monary consumption by listing reasons that city life was
dangerous: impure air, decient sunlight, a sedentary
life, ill ventilated hospitals, imperfect alimentation due
to improper diets, and city life (pp. :c::c,), a category
in which he summed up the superstitions and practices that
reinforced unhealthy environments. Unattractive conditions
outside encouraged an indoor, sedentary life for people in
housing that aggravated their ill health. Thus the reformers
perceived a vicious cycle intimately tied to life in the city.
As the scientists language and their denition of the
citys problems suggest, the reform movement was imbued
with their own values, which reformers assumed appropri-
ate for all city residents. Whether proposing bath houses
or campaigning to clean up city governments, reformers
feared for the moral consequences of congestion. When
Mrs. T. J. Bowlker, president of the Womens Municipal
League of Boston, proclaimed that women must now learn
to make of their cities great community homes for all the
people (Bowlker, quoted in Spain, :cc:, p. ;,), she was
encouraging homes that looked like those of her friends and
neighbors, not the multigenerational, multi-unit, mixed-
use housing of the typical working class neighborhood.
The Progressive Era alliance of settlement house work-
ers, tenement reformers, playground and kindergarten
organizers, public health and public bath advocates, and
promoters of municipal art campaigns exemplied a
happy marriage of . . . public spirited citizens providing a
model of complementary comportment under the banner
of sanitary science (Rosenkrantz, :,;, p. ,;; Schultz,
:,,; Melosi, :ccc). The national coalition spanned pro-
fessions, and to some extent crossed the lines of race and
class (Smith, :,,,). Women especially were leaders of the
movement, moving from keeping the family home to
municipal housekeeping to save the city (Spain, :cc:).
A diverse group made common cause against urban
congestion, all believing that they were ghting the same
problem by xing the sewers and building new water
systems, clearing the roads of unnecessary trafc, ensuring
the safety of childrens milk, relegating certain activities to
alleys or service corridors, teaching immigrants new social
and business skills, constructing housing with more natural
light and space, and setting aside land for parks and play-
grounds (Cavallo, :,:; Davis, :,o;; Howe, :,::; Meckel,
:,,c; Walzer Leavitt, :,:). As settlement house leader
Florence Kelley said, Instead of assenting to the belief that
people who are poor must be crowded, why did we not see
years ago that people who are crowded must remain poor?
(quoted in Davis, :,,, p. :; Davis, :,o;). Reformers be-
lieved that ending congestion would improve the city in a
myriad of ways (Boyer, :,;; Riis, :,c; Wright, :,:).
This coalition reshaped the American industrial city
using local governments new police powers to separate
land uses, improve tenement design, establish playgrounds
and parks, and dramatically improve private and public
sanitation. As Peterson (:,;,) once concluded, Together
they [the coalition] yielded a virtual city planning agenda
for nineteenth-century American cities (p. ,). That
agenda presumed a better environment led to improved
behavior, tying the search for a healthier urban society to
better-planned communities.
Fracturing the Coalition, Establishing
the Professions
In the rst decades of the :cth century, planners
embraced the tenets of the city beautiful and the city ef-
cient (Bledstein, :,;o; Corburn, :cc; Kirschner, :,o;
Rosenkrantz, :,;:). However, the City Beautiful planning
activity seemed curiously to ignore the lessons taught by
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earlier generations of city planning advocates . . . [its]
promoters [tending] to value aesthetics over substance
(Schultz, :,,, p. ::: ). Daniel Burnham, the mastermind
behind the Plan of Chicago, and Frederick Law Olmsted,
Jr., rst president of the American City Planning Institute,
came to personify the aesthetic and economic emphases
within planning, while the pioneering work of reformers
such as Florence Kelley, Mary Simkhovitch, and Lillian
Wald was marginalized (Peterson, :cc,; Spain, :cc:;
Wirka, :,,o). As planning historian Peter Hall has re-
marked, in Burnhams Plan for Chicago, beauty clearly
stood supreme, with health almost nowhere (Hall,
:,, p. :,).
With the start of the new century, a generation of
public health professionals rejected the sanitary movement
as a viable model for improving public health in favor of
germ theory, which focuses on the individual (Corburn,
:cc). Public health leaders such as Charles Chapin (:,c:)
noted: The daily press and even the medical press speaks
as if street cleaning, scavenging, modern plumbing and
tenement house reform were the mainstay in ghting
infection and reducing the death rate (p. :,;). Chapin
disagreed, believing it more appropriate that public health
focus on persons and their behavior. This narrower focus
prevented continuing cross-eld collaboration.
Health in the Background of Planning
As a result, as Peterson (:cc,) pointed out, public
health would not play a lead role in the birth of American
city planning (p. ,,). However, while the two professions
drew away from each other, health remained a concern of
the planning profession, and the two elds did not sever all
connections, especially outside America (e.g., Fleming,
:,:o). In the U.S., one planner noted that health is and
must be the background of planning (Rosenauer, :,,
p. :,c). Without a unifying concept, professionals in the
two elds worked together episodically around specic
issues related to a variety of subelds (Britten, :,,; Frank,
:,; Hyde, :,; Pond, :,,;; Smith, :,,).
Canadian Matthew Lawson (:,o), symbol of the con-
tinuing interest in health in planning outside the United
States, reminded his audience at the national planning con-
ference that while physical standards were often established
using functional, nancial, real estate, and aesthetic ar-
guments, such standards were rst established to create a
city which was a good place for people to live in (p. :;).
He, along with an earlier generation of city planners,
believed that all sorts of social evilscrime, bad health,
the breakdown of the family, and so forthwere due in
large measure to bad living conditions (p. :;), conclud-
ing that these problems would disappear only when these
living conditions were improved to an adequate standard
(p. :;). Though planners focused on economic, func-
tional, and aesthetic justications for physical standards,
these were no more important than the social aim of a
ne place to live (Lawson, :,o, p. :;,; also see Fleming,
:,:o).
Perhaps the most remarkable contribution that public
health professionals made to planning practice during this
period related to housing, blighted neighborhoods, and
urban renewal. The American Public Health Associations
Committee on Hygiene of Housing, chaired by the dis-
tinguished Yale University professor of public health
Charles-Edward Amory Winslow, produced its rst Basic
Principles of Healthful Housing in :,, (American Public
Health Association, :,:). Four sets of principles concerned
how physiological needs, psychological needs, protection
against contagion, and protection against accidents should
be incorporated into housing construction, linking the
interests and skills of technicians in public health and
housing (p. :o). Like the earlier sanitary movement, the
principles were accompanied by minimum standards to
ensure natural light and reduce noise, as well as newer ideas
such as designing to provide privacy and opportunities for
a family life as part of a larger effort by health and plan-
ning organizations as well as the federal government to
design safe, healthy homes for the coming generation
(Hise, :,,;).
Such standards gured prominently in urban planners
efforts to revitalize downtowns in the mid :cth century.
For instance, the Community Redevelopment Agency
(CRA) of Los Angeles justied its :,,: decision to declare
,, acres southeast of downtown a blighted area (Commu-
nity Redevelopment Agency of Los Angeles, :,,:) with a
survey of the areas population, ascertaining the prevalence
of crime and delinquency, and family income, and health
status, specically the rate of active tuberculosis. The CRA
used the Committee on Hygiene of Housing of the Ameri-
can Public Health Associations appraisal method to assess
the housing stock, and nding ,:% of the housing to lack
toilets, baths, water supply sources, or sufcient sleeping
areas per person, declared it blighted (e.g., American
Public Health Association, :,,c).
This was another example of reformers middle-class
values inuencing public health and planning. The com-
munities designated as blighted areas were often poor,
working-class neighborhoods with rich social lives and
community identities (Gans, :,o:). Communities of color
were designated blighted and became sites for urban re-
newal, also called Negro removal (Fogelson, :cc:).
:: Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter :cco, Vol. ;:, No. :
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Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl :,
Healthy communities were, by denition, places that
embodied the values of the nations White middle class.
According to a survey conducted by Cecil Sheps
(:,,:), in the middle of the :cth century planning and
public health agencies communicated only on a narrow
range of concerns. Most planning agencies were simply not
interested in many health-related issues, including hospital
sites, emergency planning, and environmental pollution.
A survey :o years later (American Society of Planning
Ofcials, :,o) found that most planning agencies (,%)
spent less than :% of their time planning for health serv-
ices and facilities. Health was still in the background.
Rebirth of a Relationship
As early as the :,ocs, a growing chorus of critics began
to question suburbanization and investigate more critically
its effects on society (Gottman & Harper, :,o;; Helphand,
:,; Jacobs, :,o:). Their environmental, psychological,
and political concerns would eventually motivate interna-
tional organizations to support a new approach to health
and planning.
Environmentalism re-energized natural resource plan-
ning, and eventually led the environmental justice move-
ment to call attention to potentially hazardous land uses.
Criticism of suburban developments consumption of
natural resources, devoting water to suburban lawns, and
the environmental consequences of automobile use gradu-
ally led to a growing chorus of calls for changes in Ameri-
can development practices (Bormann, :cc:; Rome, :cc:).
In :,o, at a panel on planning for sanity held at the
national planning conference, Herbert Gans rejected the
argument that the physical environment played a major
role in mental health, but argued that planners could none-
theless play a role in the removal of stress (Gans, :,o).
He admonished planners to reject the bulldozer approach
to planning, advising them instead to combat poverty and
racial discrimination, and ensure that the physical envi-
ronment will give people as much satisfaction as possible,
and help them live the way they want to live (p. ::).
Others would maintain that the suburbs were a teenage
wasteland of alienation, suicide, and dysfunctional family
life (Gaines, :,,; Oliver, :cc,).
Planners and other social scientists responded by
reinvigorating an older literature on the relationship of
environment to behavior that remains part of the founda-
tion for studies of sprawl. Spurred by such books as Amos
Rapaports House, Form and Culture (:,o,), the literature
looked at the cultural context of behavior (Wapner, Dem-
ick, Yamamoto, & Minami, :,,,). When evidence sug-
gested that suburban development might be tied to a
sedentary lifestyle, these studies provided a methodology
to test such a relationship.
A brief but memorable effort attempted to bring
planning and public health professionals together to man-
age the provision of health services in the United States.
After the Hill-Burton Act of :,o, which provided funding
to support the construction and expansion of hospitals,
and passage of Medicare and Medicaid in the mid :,ocs,
Congress attempted to rationalize health care through the
Comprehensive Health Planning Act of :,oo (Gottlieb,
:,;; Greeneld, :,oo; Lave & Lave, :,;). The act re-
sponded to rising waiting times, lack of personal attention,
and a shortage of nurses.
A :,o report produced for the federal government by
the American Society of Planning Ofcials (ASPO) asserted
that these problems would not be necessarily solved by
placing more doctors, more hospitals, or more money into
the present system (ASPO, :,o, p. ,). Thus the report
proposed managing the development of new services and
limiting redundancy and cost within the system. Not
surprisingly, ASPO (:,o) maintained that urban planners
can and should play supporting roles in community health
planning (p. o). The report approached the topic cau-
tiously, recognizing that most planning agencies had
played at most, a marginal role (p. :) in such activities up
to that time. The new legislation offered an opportunity to
move from the fragmented, voluntary approach to health
issues in the past to comprehensive community health
planning, something that planners were eminently suited
to support. Ultimately, though, opponents of greater
public control of the largely private health care system
ended the experiment in the early :,cs, demonstrating
again, as the ASPO suggested, that one explanation for the
minimal attention planners gave to health was the historic
resistance of the health eld to . . . comprehensive plan-
ning approaches (p. :).
Starting the mid :,cs, the World Health Organization
drew on the more active relationship between planning
and public health outside the United States to develop the
healthy cities movement (Ashton, :,,:; Duhl & San-
chez, :,,,). This alliance focused on individual cities
prompted by old health concerns such as inuenza and
new ones such as AIDS, examining health in a broad en-
vironmental context, followed by targeted interventions to
improve the health of city residents, particularly the poor
and underserved. The healthy cities movement spread
rapidly into the United States. The California Healthy
Cities and Communities Project was founded in :,;
(Twiss, Duma, Look, Shaffer, & Watkins, :ccc), and
included a varied group of health professionals, civic lead-
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ers, and other professionals, facilitating their cooperation
on health issues.
As late as :,,, however, a survey of the planning and
public health literature found the two elds still in differ-
ent orbits (Greenberg, Popper, West, & Krueckeberg, :,,).
This review observed that the Journal of the American
Planning Association considered issues of resource, land use,
and economic development, while the American Journal of
Public Health concentrated on the health of the people.
Although the components of a consolidated movement
existed, they remained separate.
The Sprawl Synthesis
In the :,,cs, sprawl became a rallying cry that created
a new coalition across professional boundaries. Sprawl and
the geography of nowhere (Kunstler, :,,,) galvanized op-
position among activists and professionals in architecture
(Duany, Plater-Zyberk, & Speck, :ccc), urban planning
(Frumkin, Frank, & Jackson, :cc; Ewing, :,,;), historic
preservation (Moe & Wilkie, :,,;), public policy (Wolch,
Pastor, & Drier, :cc), and public health (Lopez, :cc).
Some critics of sprawl identied themselves with earlier
parallel movements, such as Main Street America (National
Trust for Historic Preservation, :,;;), New Urbanism
(Calthorpe, :,,,), and Smart Growth (Bollier, :,,; Wolch
et al., :cc). A wide range of environmental, historic pres-
ervationist, architecture, and planning groups organized
opposition to sprawl (Sierra Club, :,,,; Sprawl City,
:ccc; Sprawl Watch, :,,).
:
Early opponents focused on two consequences of
sprawl: its impact on the natural environment, primarily
through the loss of farmland; and the growth of trafc
congestion (Galster et al., :cc:). Indeed, transportation
researchers played an important role in dening sprawl as
a planning issue, contrasting American reliance on auto-
mobiles to the mix of transportation modes elsewhere.
Eventually, researchers used the level of active travel,
including public transportation as well as walking or
biking, to help dene sprawling areas (Boarnet & Crane,
:cc:; Ewing, :cc,).
In the rst years of the ::st century, health stepped out
from the background in urban planning. A newly recognized
epidemic of obesity was linked to the built environment,
creating new visibility and credibility for scholars and
practitioners arguing for the need for the two professions
to work together (U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, :cc:). The signal event occurred in :cc,, when
the two leading public health journals, the American Jour-
nal of Public Health (AJPH) and the American Journal of
Health Promotion (AJHP), published issues on the relation-
ship between health and the built environment.
These issues cemented the connection between urban
planning and public health through the effect of the built
environment on physical activity and body weight. While
Frumkin (:cc:) identied eight areas of common concern
(air pollution, heat, physical activity patterns, motor vehi-
cle crashes, pedestrian injuries and fatalities, water quality
and quantity, mental health, and social capital), the plan-
ning/public health literature has focused overwhelmingly
on sprawls relationship to sedentary lifestyles (Langdon,
:,,; Must et al., :,,,; Poston & Foreyt, :,,,; U.S. De-
partment of Health and Human Services, :,,o). The
obesity epidemic continues to receive widespread media
attention, and foundations and the federal government
nance research on the relationship of the built environ-
ment to physical activity and health (Lopez, :cc; U.S.
Department of Health and Human Services, :cc:).
The link between physical activity and urban form
illuminates the potential benets and challenges of collab-
oration between public health and urban planning profes-
sionals under the conceptual umbrella of sprawl (Handy,
Boarnet, Ewing, & Killingsworth, :cc:). Planners interest
in Americans physical activity has a long history, going
back at least to the playground movement of the social
progressives and the recreation planners of the mid :cth
century (Boyer, :,;; Hyde, :,). The new effort is more
ambitious, aiming to explain sedentary lifestyles in order to
understand and avert their adverse effects on health. This
has led to a signicant critique of the postwar American
development paradigm (Boarnet & Crane, :cc:; Frank &
Engelke, :cc:; Humpel, Owen, & Leslie, :cc:; King et al.,
:,,,; Lee & Vernez Moudon, :cc). The anti-sprawl pro-
ponents argue that this paradigm, constructed around use
of the automobile, has produced settlements that discour-
age physical activity and diminish social capital, resulting
in adverse health consequences (Putnam, :ccc; Srinivasan,
OFallon, & Dearry, :,,,). Thus the two main targets of
the coalition are the automobile and obesity, though other
issues, such as insecure food systems and mental health,
have also made lesser contributions to collaboration be-
tween the elds. Proponents of this perspective suggest
increasing settlement densities, in direct opposition to their
predecessors concern over congestion.
Will the Umbrella Hold?
The anti-sprawl literature has its critics. Gordon and
Richardson (:ccc) question simplistic economic analyses,
while others argue that sprawl may be good for a wide
: Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter :cco, Vol. ;:, No. :
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Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl :,
range of Americans, including minorities (Kahn, :cc:;
Lemmon, :ccc). Some question whether the evidence
proves the relationship between urban form and health
(Transportation Research Board & Institute of Medicine,
:cc,).
A different group of scholarsinterested in the social
environment of healthclaim that lower-income commu-
nities bear an urban penalty (Freudendberg, Sandro, &
Vlahov, :cc,), manifest in poorer food security (Sloane et
al., :cc,), access to care (McCord & Freeman, :,,c), and
health status (Geronimus et al., :,,o; Vlahov & Galea,
:cc:). They concern themselves with the tendency to
overlook the racial and social disparities that inuence
health (Day, :cco).
Identifying a common concern appears to enhance
collaboration across professional boundaries. Umbrella
concepts have allowed urban planners and public health
professionals, as well as architects, engineers, geographers,
political scientists, and others, to span boundaries. But will
sprawl retain its ability to unify critics of current practice
and their visions of better alternatives in the future?
The answer depends on whether the sprawl literature
matures into more sophisticated, scientically rigorous
study. First, sprawl is not just about suburbs. Political,
social, and economic decentralization have seriously af-
fected vulnerable inner-city minority populations even as
they created opportunities (Gordon & Richardson, :ccc).
Highly segregated communities with poor nutritional and
recreational environments aggravate high rates of obesity
(Lewis et al., :cc). The literature should address the
diverse health challenges communities face (Day, :cco).
Second, obesity is not the only adverse outcome of
sprawl, and physical activity is not the only contributor to
overweight. The air that inner-city children breathe as they
play is also unhealthy. Rates of asthma have increased.
Although causes are not fully understood, recent studies
suggest that transportation corridors contribute to higher
rates of respiratory diseases (Gauderman et al., :cc;
Spielman et al., :cco).
Further, as noted above, higher concentrations of fast
food restaurants in minority neighborhoods with high rates
of obesity suggest it may be valuable to increase food se-
curity as well as physical activity (Pothukuchi & Kaufman,
:ccc). Encouraging franchise ownership among minority
businesspeople may foster undesirable eating habits in the
communities those businesses serve.
Inevitably, public interest and funding will eventually
shift away from sprawl and obesity. Sustaining the relation-
ships sprawl has created between planning and public
health professionals may depend upon an institutional net-
work that reects a broader vision. The American Planning
Association and the Association of Collegiate Schools of
Planning could make the interdisciplinary focus on plan-
ning and health a permanent feature of future conferences
and activities to encourage this.
Planners also need to assert themselves and lead on
these issues rather than only reacting. The shift to an in-
dividual focus played an important role in fracturing the
older alliance between planning and public health. Health
professionals once again lead the campaign against obesity
and sprawl, even though planners were pioneers in den-
ing sprawl and understanding its consequences for society
(Jackson, :cc,). Planners can and should continue to
provide their unique perspective on these health issues.
It may be, however, that the umbrella is impossible to
sustain. At some moments in time professionals and advo-
cates make common cause around an issue that reects their
generations perspectives. Transferring that issuehanding
on the umbrellamay be difcult. A new generation of
environmentalists debates whether environmentalism is
dead (Shellenberger & Norhaus, :cc). Those who feared
the effects of decentralization replaced the critics of con-
gestion. The opponents of sprawl may soon nd their
concerns pass.
Regardless, planners should resist environmental
determinism and remain open to the inuence of social,
political, cultural, and economic inuences, as well as those
of the built environment, on human behavior. Research has
demonstrated the importance of socioeconomic status and
race on health outcomes (Kawachi, Daniels, & Robinson,
:cc,). Planners can play a crucial role in the international
policy debate, and can speak from experience of the dan-
gers of stereotyping classes of people. They should lead the
effort to redress economic and social inequities, promote
environmental sustainability, and develop communities
that are economically prosperous as well as healthy places
for a diverse population to live.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Marlon Boarnet, Beverlie Conant Sloane, Dowell
Myers, and anonymous reviewers for reading versions of this article.
Notes
. For instance, the bibliographies on sprawl by Howard Frumkin
(:cc:) and Ashwani Vasishth (:cc) include :;, citations and ::
citations respectively.
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