On: 28 September 2008 Access details: Access Details: Free Access Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of the American Planning Association Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t782043358 Longer View: From Congestion to Sprawl: Planning and Health in Historical Context David Charles Sloane Online Publication Date: 31 March 2006 To cite this Article Sloane, David Charles(2006)'Longer View: From Congestion to Sprawl: Planning and Health in Historical Context',Journal of the American Planning Association,72:1,10 18 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01944360608976720 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01944360608976720 Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. :c From Congestion to Sprawl Planning and Health in Historical Context David Charles Sloane A new generation of professional planners and activists aims to design healthy cities, sustain healthy environments, and encourage healthy communities. Why is it so noteworthy for planning and public health to have found each other yet again, especially since, as Baltimores health ofcer Huntington Williams (:,) reminded his wartime audience, planning and public health have been partners since the days of the early cities of the Chaldean civilization? (p. ::,). The nature of the relationship, I argue, is obscured until collaboration develops based on a perception of common issues and approaches. It rst happened when congestion provided a cause around which a group of late :,th and early :cth century activists collaborated to reform the environment of the American city. Recently, sprawl has offered a new overarching concept that connects efforts against obesity to reforming land use regulation, and concerns about adolescent suicides to innovative community design. The earlier villain was density, now it is decentralization; previous reforms aimed at cities, now they aim at suburbs. Against a common enemy, planning and public health each recognize the need for the other. In the intervening years, though individual planners and public health professionals worked together on a wide range of issues, the professions seemed to circle different suns. The normative visions of both planners and public health professionals are sometimes inuenced by environmental determinism. Prescription is an impor- tant parallel between the professions. In the late :,th century, public health professionals and urban planners laid out a powerful vision of a decentralized American metropolis with neighborhoods that embodied their own values. A century later, the same professions rejected the implicit paternalism and racism of the earlier period, yet they, too, envisioned an ideal environment, capable of inuencing people to eat better and exercise more. Congestion as a Unifying Issue, 18801910 A wide range of reformers agreed the industrial city was troubled (Schultz, :,,; Spain, :cc:). They viewed the city as a place where strikers, beggars, and criminals disturbed the public order, and outdoor privies, polluted waterways, and mountains of garbage affected the peoples health (Melosi, :ccc; Painter, Why havent planners and public health professionals worked together consistently throughout the last century? This article puts their relationship in historical per- spective, arguing that while the elds have always been connected, the bond has been stronger when upheld by converging the- ories and commonly perceived problems. Under such a conceptual umbrella, the two elds can collaborate. In this article, I address whether the concept of sprawl is rich enough to foster sustainable, long- term connections between the elds. David Charles Sloane is a professor in the School of Policy, Planning, and De- velopment at the University of Southern California, where he holds a joint appoint- ment in the Department of History. His studies reach into topics including medi- cal history, health disparities, planning history, social policy, cultural landscapes, and community planning. Journal of the American Planning Association, Vol. ;:, No. :, Winter :cco. American Planning Association, Chicago, IL. Longer View
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2 0 0 8 Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl :: :,;). Migrants and immigrants were crammed into newly built tenements without sufcient light, ventilation, or plumbing (Smith, :,::). The streets were disorderly and dangerous: With the exception of a very few thoroughfares, all the streets are one mass of reeking, disgusting lth, which in some places is piled to such a height as to render them almost impassable by vehicle. . . . The dirt, like an epidemic, prevails all over. . . . (Mitchell, quoted in Larsen, :,o,, p. :,,) The development of steel-structured construction and elevators enabled the rise of skyscrapers, further blocking the sun and adding to the density of the built environment in the uncoordinated cityscape. Despite the efforts of city gov- ernments to cope with the rapid changes, streets, sidewalks, and homes were increasingly congested and disorderly. John Stockton-Hough (:;,) inquired . . . whether the noticeable decline in health, fecundity, and longevity of the human race, and of the American people in particular, were not due to the too great crowding into cities? (p. ::o). Grace Peckham (:o) noted that high infant mortality of the tenement districts resulted in part from congestion: The child comes to . . . an already large family occupying . . . rooms, crowding them at night, so that in winter the air is like that of the black hole of Calcutta (p. :). High infant mortality coupled with epidemics of yellow fever and the chronic problem of tuberculosis put children particularly at risk (Lee, :;o; Meckel, :,,c; Platt, :). Another researcher (Donaldson, :;,) summed up the inuence of city life and occupations in developing pul- monary consumption by listing reasons that city life was dangerous: impure air, decient sunlight, a sedentary life, ill ventilated hospitals, imperfect alimentation due to improper diets, and city life (pp. :c::c,), a category in which he summed up the superstitions and practices that reinforced unhealthy environments. Unattractive conditions outside encouraged an indoor, sedentary life for people in housing that aggravated their ill health. Thus the reformers perceived a vicious cycle intimately tied to life in the city. As the scientists language and their denition of the citys problems suggest, the reform movement was imbued with their own values, which reformers assumed appropri- ate for all city residents. Whether proposing bath houses or campaigning to clean up city governments, reformers feared for the moral consequences of congestion. When Mrs. T. J. Bowlker, president of the Womens Municipal League of Boston, proclaimed that women must now learn to make of their cities great community homes for all the people (Bowlker, quoted in Spain, :cc:, p. ;,), she was encouraging homes that looked like those of her friends and neighbors, not the multigenerational, multi-unit, mixed- use housing of the typical working class neighborhood. The Progressive Era alliance of settlement house work- ers, tenement reformers, playground and kindergarten organizers, public health and public bath advocates, and promoters of municipal art campaigns exemplied a happy marriage of . . . public spirited citizens providing a model of complementary comportment under the banner of sanitary science (Rosenkrantz, :,;, p. ,;; Schultz, :,,; Melosi, :ccc). The national coalition spanned pro- fessions, and to some extent crossed the lines of race and class (Smith, :,,,). Women especially were leaders of the movement, moving from keeping the family home to municipal housekeeping to save the city (Spain, :cc:). A diverse group made common cause against urban congestion, all believing that they were ghting the same problem by xing the sewers and building new water systems, clearing the roads of unnecessary trafc, ensuring the safety of childrens milk, relegating certain activities to alleys or service corridors, teaching immigrants new social and business skills, constructing housing with more natural light and space, and setting aside land for parks and play- grounds (Cavallo, :,:; Davis, :,o;; Howe, :,::; Meckel, :,,c; Walzer Leavitt, :,:). As settlement house leader Florence Kelley said, Instead of assenting to the belief that people who are poor must be crowded, why did we not see years ago that people who are crowded must remain poor? (quoted in Davis, :,,, p. :; Davis, :,o;). Reformers be- lieved that ending congestion would improve the city in a myriad of ways (Boyer, :,;; Riis, :,c; Wright, :,:). This coalition reshaped the American industrial city using local governments new police powers to separate land uses, improve tenement design, establish playgrounds and parks, and dramatically improve private and public sanitation. As Peterson (:,;,) once concluded, Together they [the coalition] yielded a virtual city planning agenda for nineteenth-century American cities (p. ,). That agenda presumed a better environment led to improved behavior, tying the search for a healthier urban society to better-planned communities. Fracturing the Coalition, Establishing the Professions In the rst decades of the :cth century, planners embraced the tenets of the city beautiful and the city ef- cient (Bledstein, :,;o; Corburn, :cc; Kirschner, :,o; Rosenkrantz, :,;:). However, the City Beautiful planning activity seemed curiously to ignore the lessons taught by D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 0 8 earlier generations of city planning advocates . . . [its] promoters [tending] to value aesthetics over substance (Schultz, :,,, p. ::: ). Daniel Burnham, the mastermind behind the Plan of Chicago, and Frederick Law Olmsted, Jr., rst president of the American City Planning Institute, came to personify the aesthetic and economic emphases within planning, while the pioneering work of reformers such as Florence Kelley, Mary Simkhovitch, and Lillian Wald was marginalized (Peterson, :cc,; Spain, :cc:; Wirka, :,,o). As planning historian Peter Hall has re- marked, in Burnhams Plan for Chicago, beauty clearly stood supreme, with health almost nowhere (Hall, :,, p. :,). With the start of the new century, a generation of public health professionals rejected the sanitary movement as a viable model for improving public health in favor of germ theory, which focuses on the individual (Corburn, :cc). Public health leaders such as Charles Chapin (:,c:) noted: The daily press and even the medical press speaks as if street cleaning, scavenging, modern plumbing and tenement house reform were the mainstay in ghting infection and reducing the death rate (p. :,;). Chapin disagreed, believing it more appropriate that public health focus on persons and their behavior. This narrower focus prevented continuing cross-eld collaboration. Health in the Background of Planning As a result, as Peterson (:cc,) pointed out, public health would not play a lead role in the birth of American city planning (p. ,,). However, while the two professions drew away from each other, health remained a concern of the planning profession, and the two elds did not sever all connections, especially outside America (e.g., Fleming, :,:o). In the U.S., one planner noted that health is and must be the background of planning (Rosenauer, :,, p. :,c). Without a unifying concept, professionals in the two elds worked together episodically around specic issues related to a variety of subelds (Britten, :,,; Frank, :,; Hyde, :,; Pond, :,,;; Smith, :,,). Canadian Matthew Lawson (:,o), symbol of the con- tinuing interest in health in planning outside the United States, reminded his audience at the national planning con- ference that while physical standards were often established using functional, nancial, real estate, and aesthetic ar- guments, such standards were rst established to create a city which was a good place for people to live in (p. :;). He, along with an earlier generation of city planners, believed that all sorts of social evilscrime, bad health, the breakdown of the family, and so forthwere due in large measure to bad living conditions (p. :;), conclud- ing that these problems would disappear only when these living conditions were improved to an adequate standard (p. :;). Though planners focused on economic, func- tional, and aesthetic justications for physical standards, these were no more important than the social aim of a ne place to live (Lawson, :,o, p. :;,; also see Fleming, :,:o). Perhaps the most remarkable contribution that public health professionals made to planning practice during this period related to housing, blighted neighborhoods, and urban renewal. The American Public Health Associations Committee on Hygiene of Housing, chaired by the dis- tinguished Yale University professor of public health Charles-Edward Amory Winslow, produced its rst Basic Principles of Healthful Housing in :,, (American Public Health Association, :,:). Four sets of principles concerned how physiological needs, psychological needs, protection against contagion, and protection against accidents should be incorporated into housing construction, linking the interests and skills of technicians in public health and housing (p. :o). Like the earlier sanitary movement, the principles were accompanied by minimum standards to ensure natural light and reduce noise, as well as newer ideas such as designing to provide privacy and opportunities for a family life as part of a larger effort by health and plan- ning organizations as well as the federal government to design safe, healthy homes for the coming generation (Hise, :,,;). Such standards gured prominently in urban planners efforts to revitalize downtowns in the mid :cth century. For instance, the Community Redevelopment Agency (CRA) of Los Angeles justied its :,,: decision to declare ,, acres southeast of downtown a blighted area (Commu- nity Redevelopment Agency of Los Angeles, :,,:) with a survey of the areas population, ascertaining the prevalence of crime and delinquency, and family income, and health status, specically the rate of active tuberculosis. The CRA used the Committee on Hygiene of Housing of the Ameri- can Public Health Associations appraisal method to assess the housing stock, and nding ,:% of the housing to lack toilets, baths, water supply sources, or sufcient sleeping areas per person, declared it blighted (e.g., American Public Health Association, :,,c). This was another example of reformers middle-class values inuencing public health and planning. The com- munities designated as blighted areas were often poor, working-class neighborhoods with rich social lives and community identities (Gans, :,o:). Communities of color were designated blighted and became sites for urban re- newal, also called Negro removal (Fogelson, :cc:). :: Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter :cco, Vol. ;:, No. : D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 0 8 Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl :, Healthy communities were, by denition, places that embodied the values of the nations White middle class. According to a survey conducted by Cecil Sheps (:,,:), in the middle of the :cth century planning and public health agencies communicated only on a narrow range of concerns. Most planning agencies were simply not interested in many health-related issues, including hospital sites, emergency planning, and environmental pollution. A survey :o years later (American Society of Planning Ofcials, :,o) found that most planning agencies (,%) spent less than :% of their time planning for health serv- ices and facilities. Health was still in the background. Rebirth of a Relationship As early as the :,ocs, a growing chorus of critics began to question suburbanization and investigate more critically its effects on society (Gottman & Harper, :,o;; Helphand, :,; Jacobs, :,o:). Their environmental, psychological, and political concerns would eventually motivate interna- tional organizations to support a new approach to health and planning. Environmentalism re-energized natural resource plan- ning, and eventually led the environmental justice move- ment to call attention to potentially hazardous land uses. Criticism of suburban developments consumption of natural resources, devoting water to suburban lawns, and the environmental consequences of automobile use gradu- ally led to a growing chorus of calls for changes in Ameri- can development practices (Bormann, :cc:; Rome, :cc:). In :,o, at a panel on planning for sanity held at the national planning conference, Herbert Gans rejected the argument that the physical environment played a major role in mental health, but argued that planners could none- theless play a role in the removal of stress (Gans, :,o). He admonished planners to reject the bulldozer approach to planning, advising them instead to combat poverty and racial discrimination, and ensure that the physical envi- ronment will give people as much satisfaction as possible, and help them live the way they want to live (p. ::). Others would maintain that the suburbs were a teenage wasteland of alienation, suicide, and dysfunctional family life (Gaines, :,,; Oliver, :cc,). Planners and other social scientists responded by reinvigorating an older literature on the relationship of environment to behavior that remains part of the founda- tion for studies of sprawl. Spurred by such books as Amos Rapaports House, Form and Culture (:,o,), the literature looked at the cultural context of behavior (Wapner, Dem- ick, Yamamoto, & Minami, :,,,). When evidence sug- gested that suburban development might be tied to a sedentary lifestyle, these studies provided a methodology to test such a relationship. A brief but memorable effort attempted to bring planning and public health professionals together to man- age the provision of health services in the United States. After the Hill-Burton Act of :,o, which provided funding to support the construction and expansion of hospitals, and passage of Medicare and Medicaid in the mid :,ocs, Congress attempted to rationalize health care through the Comprehensive Health Planning Act of :,oo (Gottlieb, :,;; Greeneld, :,oo; Lave & Lave, :,;). The act re- sponded to rising waiting times, lack of personal attention, and a shortage of nurses. A :,o report produced for the federal government by the American Society of Planning Ofcials (ASPO) asserted that these problems would not be necessarily solved by placing more doctors, more hospitals, or more money into the present system (ASPO, :,o, p. ,). Thus the report proposed managing the development of new services and limiting redundancy and cost within the system. Not surprisingly, ASPO (:,o) maintained that urban planners can and should play supporting roles in community health planning (p. o). The report approached the topic cau- tiously, recognizing that most planning agencies had played at most, a marginal role (p. :) in such activities up to that time. The new legislation offered an opportunity to move from the fragmented, voluntary approach to health issues in the past to comprehensive community health planning, something that planners were eminently suited to support. Ultimately, though, opponents of greater public control of the largely private health care system ended the experiment in the early :,cs, demonstrating again, as the ASPO suggested, that one explanation for the minimal attention planners gave to health was the historic resistance of the health eld to . . . comprehensive plan- ning approaches (p. :). Starting the mid :,cs, the World Health Organization drew on the more active relationship between planning and public health outside the United States to develop the healthy cities movement (Ashton, :,,:; Duhl & San- chez, :,,,). This alliance focused on individual cities prompted by old health concerns such as inuenza and new ones such as AIDS, examining health in a broad en- vironmental context, followed by targeted interventions to improve the health of city residents, particularly the poor and underserved. The healthy cities movement spread rapidly into the United States. The California Healthy Cities and Communities Project was founded in :,; (Twiss, Duma, Look, Shaffer, & Watkins, :ccc), and included a varied group of health professionals, civic lead- D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 0 8 ers, and other professionals, facilitating their cooperation on health issues. As late as :,,, however, a survey of the planning and public health literature found the two elds still in differ- ent orbits (Greenberg, Popper, West, & Krueckeberg, :,,). This review observed that the Journal of the American Planning Association considered issues of resource, land use, and economic development, while the American Journal of Public Health concentrated on the health of the people. Although the components of a consolidated movement existed, they remained separate. The Sprawl Synthesis In the :,,cs, sprawl became a rallying cry that created a new coalition across professional boundaries. Sprawl and the geography of nowhere (Kunstler, :,,,) galvanized op- position among activists and professionals in architecture (Duany, Plater-Zyberk, & Speck, :ccc), urban planning (Frumkin, Frank, & Jackson, :cc; Ewing, :,,;), historic preservation (Moe & Wilkie, :,,;), public policy (Wolch, Pastor, & Drier, :cc), and public health (Lopez, :cc). Some critics of sprawl identied themselves with earlier parallel movements, such as Main Street America (National Trust for Historic Preservation, :,;;), New Urbanism (Calthorpe, :,,,), and Smart Growth (Bollier, :,,; Wolch et al., :cc). A wide range of environmental, historic pres- ervationist, architecture, and planning groups organized opposition to sprawl (Sierra Club, :,,,; Sprawl City, :ccc; Sprawl Watch, :,,). : Early opponents focused on two consequences of sprawl: its impact on the natural environment, primarily through the loss of farmland; and the growth of trafc congestion (Galster et al., :cc:). Indeed, transportation researchers played an important role in dening sprawl as a planning issue, contrasting American reliance on auto- mobiles to the mix of transportation modes elsewhere. Eventually, researchers used the level of active travel, including public transportation as well as walking or biking, to help dene sprawling areas (Boarnet & Crane, :cc:; Ewing, :cc,). In the rst years of the ::st century, health stepped out from the background in urban planning. A newly recognized epidemic of obesity was linked to the built environment, creating new visibility and credibility for scholars and practitioners arguing for the need for the two professions to work together (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, :cc:). The signal event occurred in :cc,, when the two leading public health journals, the American Jour- nal of Public Health (AJPH) and the American Journal of Health Promotion (AJHP), published issues on the relation- ship between health and the built environment. These issues cemented the connection between urban planning and public health through the effect of the built environment on physical activity and body weight. While Frumkin (:cc:) identied eight areas of common concern (air pollution, heat, physical activity patterns, motor vehi- cle crashes, pedestrian injuries and fatalities, water quality and quantity, mental health, and social capital), the plan- ning/public health literature has focused overwhelmingly on sprawls relationship to sedentary lifestyles (Langdon, :,,; Must et al., :,,,; Poston & Foreyt, :,,,; U.S. De- partment of Health and Human Services, :,,o). The obesity epidemic continues to receive widespread media attention, and foundations and the federal government nance research on the relationship of the built environ- ment to physical activity and health (Lopez, :cc; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, :cc:). The link between physical activity and urban form illuminates the potential benets and challenges of collab- oration between public health and urban planning profes- sionals under the conceptual umbrella of sprawl (Handy, Boarnet, Ewing, & Killingsworth, :cc:). Planners interest in Americans physical activity has a long history, going back at least to the playground movement of the social progressives and the recreation planners of the mid :cth century (Boyer, :,;; Hyde, :,). The new effort is more ambitious, aiming to explain sedentary lifestyles in order to understand and avert their adverse effects on health. This has led to a signicant critique of the postwar American development paradigm (Boarnet & Crane, :cc:; Frank & Engelke, :cc:; Humpel, Owen, & Leslie, :cc:; King et al., :,,,; Lee & Vernez Moudon, :cc). The anti-sprawl pro- ponents argue that this paradigm, constructed around use of the automobile, has produced settlements that discour- age physical activity and diminish social capital, resulting in adverse health consequences (Putnam, :ccc; Srinivasan, OFallon, & Dearry, :,,,). Thus the two main targets of the coalition are the automobile and obesity, though other issues, such as insecure food systems and mental health, have also made lesser contributions to collaboration be- tween the elds. Proponents of this perspective suggest increasing settlement densities, in direct opposition to their predecessors concern over congestion. Will the Umbrella Hold? The anti-sprawl literature has its critics. Gordon and Richardson (:ccc) question simplistic economic analyses, while others argue that sprawl may be good for a wide : Journal of the American Planning Association, Winter :cco, Vol. ;:, No. : D o w n l o a d e d
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2 0 0 8 Sloane: From Congestion to Sprawl :, range of Americans, including minorities (Kahn, :cc:; Lemmon, :ccc). Some question whether the evidence proves the relationship between urban form and health (Transportation Research Board & Institute of Medicine, :cc,). A different group of scholarsinterested in the social environment of healthclaim that lower-income commu- nities bear an urban penalty (Freudendberg, Sandro, & Vlahov, :cc,), manifest in poorer food security (Sloane et al., :cc,), access to care (McCord & Freeman, :,,c), and health status (Geronimus et al., :,,o; Vlahov & Galea, :cc:). They concern themselves with the tendency to overlook the racial and social disparities that inuence health (Day, :cco). Identifying a common concern appears to enhance collaboration across professional boundaries. Umbrella concepts have allowed urban planners and public health professionals, as well as architects, engineers, geographers, political scientists, and others, to span boundaries. But will sprawl retain its ability to unify critics of current practice and their visions of better alternatives in the future? The answer depends on whether the sprawl literature matures into more sophisticated, scientically rigorous study. First, sprawl is not just about suburbs. Political, social, and economic decentralization have seriously af- fected vulnerable inner-city minority populations even as they created opportunities (Gordon & Richardson, :ccc). Highly segregated communities with poor nutritional and recreational environments aggravate high rates of obesity (Lewis et al., :cc). The literature should address the diverse health challenges communities face (Day, :cco). Second, obesity is not the only adverse outcome of sprawl, and physical activity is not the only contributor to overweight. The air that inner-city children breathe as they play is also unhealthy. Rates of asthma have increased. Although causes are not fully understood, recent studies suggest that transportation corridors contribute to higher rates of respiratory diseases (Gauderman et al., :cc; Spielman et al., :cco). Further, as noted above, higher concentrations of fast food restaurants in minority neighborhoods with high rates of obesity suggest it may be valuable to increase food se- curity as well as physical activity (Pothukuchi & Kaufman, :ccc). Encouraging franchise ownership among minority businesspeople may foster undesirable eating habits in the communities those businesses serve. Inevitably, public interest and funding will eventually shift away from sprawl and obesity. Sustaining the relation- ships sprawl has created between planning and public health professionals may depend upon an institutional net- work that reects a broader vision. The American Planning Association and the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning could make the interdisciplinary focus on plan- ning and health a permanent feature of future conferences and activities to encourage this. Planners also need to assert themselves and lead on these issues rather than only reacting. The shift to an in- dividual focus played an important role in fracturing the older alliance between planning and public health. Health professionals once again lead the campaign against obesity and sprawl, even though planners were pioneers in den- ing sprawl and understanding its consequences for society (Jackson, :cc,). Planners can and should continue to provide their unique perspective on these health issues. It may be, however, that the umbrella is impossible to sustain. At some moments in time professionals and advo- cates make common cause around an issue that reects their generations perspectives. Transferring that issuehanding on the umbrellamay be difcult. A new generation of environmentalists debates whether environmentalism is dead (Shellenberger & Norhaus, :cc). Those who feared the effects of decentralization replaced the critics of con- gestion. The opponents of sprawl may soon nd their concerns pass. Regardless, planners should resist environmental determinism and remain open to the inuence of social, political, cultural, and economic inuences, as well as those of the built environment, on human behavior. Research has demonstrated the importance of socioeconomic status and race on health outcomes (Kawachi, Daniels, & Robinson, :cc,). Planners can play a crucial role in the international policy debate, and can speak from experience of the dan- gers of stereotyping classes of people. They should lead the effort to redress economic and social inequities, promote environmental sustainability, and develop communities that are economically prosperous as well as healthy places for a diverse population to live. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Marlon Boarnet, Beverlie Conant Sloane, Dowell Myers, and anonymous reviewers for reading versions of this article. Notes . For instance, the bibliographies on sprawl by Howard Frumkin (:cc:) and Ashwani Vasishth (:cc) include :;, citations and :: citations respectively. References American Public Health Association, Committee on Hygiene of Housing. (:,:). Basic principles of healthful housing (:nd ed.). In American Public Health Association, Committee on Hygiene of Housing, Housing for health: Papers presented under the auspices of the D o w n l o a d e d
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