Bird Divination in Mesopotamia-Libre

KASKAL
Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico

Volume 6 (2009)

BIRD DIVINATION IN MESOPOTAMIA
NEW EVIDENCE FROM BM 108874
Nicla De Zorzi
The divinatory text BM 108874 preserves omens mostly taken from the falcon (surd). According to
its colophon, it has to be dated to the reign of the Kassite king Meli-ipak (1186-1172 B.C.). A copy
of the text was first published by Gadd 1927, pl. 48, who artificially combined it with the Neo-
Assyrian duplicate K. 6278+ (see below sub 2.).
In the following, a commented edition of BM 108874 will be offered, along with a general
presentation of what is currently known about bird divination in Ancient Near Eastern cuneiform
sources. An analysis of the divinatory interpretative apparatus of the text is provided in the final
part of the article.

1. Bird divination in cuneiform sources
1.1. Anatolia
A significant evidence for bird divination in the Ancient Near East comes from the Hittites.
1

Following and recording the flight and other movements of various types of birds was the task of
It is my pleasure to thank L. Milano and P. Cor for having made many valuable suggestions and for
their costant encouragment. The trustees of the British Museum are thanked for permission to edit BM
108874 and K 6278+ and to quote unpublished texts. The staff of the Department of the Ancient Near East
has provided all possible assistance during my two stays in London. I express my sincere thanks to I. Finkel
and M. Geller for having provided collations of some difficult points. I would also like to thank M. Maiocchi
for his precious technical assistance with the copies of the tablets. Any mistakes and omissions are, of course,
my own.

1. The evidence is thoroughly discussed by Archi 1975, 119-180, nal 1976, 27-56 and Beal 2002, 65-73,
with pertinent literature. See also van den Hout 2003, 119-120.
86 Nicla De Zorzi
the Hittite bird watchers, the
L
IGI.MUEN and the
L
MUEN.D.
2
According to the
divinatory texts, the
L
IGI.MUEN is the one who is responsible for observing the flight of the
birds, whereas the
L
MUEN.D plays a role in the ritual context following the observation.
3

In Hittite bird divination the oracular field is usually longitudinally divided by a river or a road
and the flight is described in its relationship with these elements. The basic structure of the
observation includes the first seeing of the bird, its coming by, the patterns of its flight within the
field, its going away. A rich terminology made by preverbs or adverbs gives additional informations
about the flight.
4
After that, the bird watcher gives the result; then the name of the senior haruspex
is given and the result is again offered in the Hittite equivalent of quotation marks.
5

Another type of divination involving birds was in use among the Hittites, the @URRI-bird
oracle.
6
This was performed by a different professional, the diviner / exorcist
L
@AL /
L
AZU (=
br). No description of the phenomenon is given in this case: only its being a favourable or
unfavourable oracle being stated. The oracles were performed by the equivalent of the Akkadian
br, it has therefore been argued that the @URRI-bird divination prescribed the observation of the
exta of the bird.
7
Moreover, in Neo-Assyrian texts the word @URRI seems to describe a bird
nesting in a burrow: this has led to the suggestion that the Hittite @URRI-birds simply gave a
response by grabbing either the head or the tail.
8
Others have eventually suggested that it was a
poison oracle, of the sort performed on chickens by the Azande in Sudan.
9

A religious text involving birds was found at Sultantepe (STT 341). The tablet has a Neo-
Assyrian duplicate from Niniveh (CT 41 5) and a parallel (KAR 125) from Assur. It is based on
birdcalls of various birds interpreted as mythological references: the birds examined were thus
connected to a deity whom the phrase was applied to.
10

2. Or occasionally a combination of the two:
L
IGI.D. See Archi 1975, 129 and Beal 2002, 65 n. 63.
3. For the Hittite bird watchers see Archi 1975, 130. For the rituals of the Hittite augures see most
recently Bawanypeck 2004, 31-46 with pertinent literature.
4. For the species of birds observed see Archi 1975, 141-144. For the oracular fields and the bird
movements see Archi 1975, 150-157 and Beal 2002, 65-68. As van den Hout 2003, 120 points out, most
of the technical terms describing bird movements are Luwian terms.
5. See Beal 2002, 70-71 and van den Hout 2003, 120.
6. For divination through the @URRI-bird see Archi 1975, 139-141, Kammenhuber 1976, 11, Beal 2002,
71-72, van den Hout 2003, 119 and Tognon 2004, 59-82.
7. Archi 1975, 140 and Gurney 1981, 151, followed by Kammenhuber 1988, 89. Boissier 1935, 30 n. 1 had
previously suggested that the words erai- and zizzipki, which sometimes describe the @URRI-bird, were a
part and a configuration of the liver respectively.
8. Gurney 1981, 153. Accordingly, the erai- and the zizzipki were marks or disfigurations on the bird body,
which could change the result of the investigation. See Beal 2002, 72.
9. See Beal 2002, 72 on Evans-Pritchard 1937, 258-351.
10. See Lambert 1970, 111-117. The practice of relating birds to deities is also known from Mesopotamian
omen texts. For instance, CT 40 49: 41: umma(DI) na-an-na-ru i##r(MUEN) Sn(
d
30) zumuru(SU-)
smu(SA
5
) u pe#(BABBAR) ... if the nannaru, the bird of the god Sn, is body is red and white... (see also
CT 40 49: 31, 36, 37, 43). The text probably belongs to the divinatory series umma lu ina ml akin for
which see below, 89.
Bird Divination in Mesopotamia - New Evidence From BM 108874 87
1.2. Syria
The first evidence for bird divination in Syria comes from Mari, where it probably existed alongside
other practices such as hepatoscopy and divinatory ecstasy.
11

A letter dated to Ya~dun-Lm (ARM 26 229: 14-16) refers to a womans dream being confirmed
by means of the observation of i##rt ~urrim partridges: i-na i##rt(MU&EN.@) ~u-ri-im / wa-ar-
ka-s ap-ru-s-ma / na-a\-la-at by means of partridges / I investigated on it (the dream). / (The
dream) was seen (Durand 1988, 469).
In another letter (ARM 26 145: 13-17) the diviner ama-nya complains: [i-n]a ~a-al-#-im â /
wa-^-ba-ku -ul brm([DU]MU.M&.&U.SU
13
.SU
13
) / -ul s-um-ma-tim
MU&EN
/ i-na-ad-di-nu-[n]im

[i]n the district where / I live neither [divi]ner / nor doves / they give me (ibid., 309).
A text known as the Ritual of E^tar suggests the freeding of i##rt ~urrim to stimulate the
ecstasy of a diviner (see Durand 1988, 386).
12
According to Durand 1988, 38, i##r ~urrim is a
general word for any bird living in a hole, while summatum is a more precise indication of the actual
bird used in the ritual.
Further evidence for bird divination in Syria comes from Alala~.
13
A number of administrative
texts (mostly lists of cereal allocations) from Alala~ VII indicate that birds were fed and used for
offerings and divination. The activities of two bird fowlers (
L
MUEN.D uându), Kinni and Aya-
ârru, are well documented.
14

Moreover, the text Al T 269 (Zeeb 2001, no. 35): 16 allocates to a man named Ku-uz-zi 1 pa
emmer for buying eight birds. In Al T 274 (Zeeb 2001, no. 11): 30 one Ku-uz-zi is described as
L
ZU br diviner. Unfortunately, divinatory texts concerning birds have not been found at
Alala~.
However, a parallel is found in the inscription of Idrimi (ca. 1500 B.C.) who claims to have
dwelt for seven years among the @apiru where he practiced augury and extispicy:
i##r(MUEN.@I.A) -za-ki / pu~d(SILA
4
.@I.A) ab-ri-ma I freed the birds and ispectioned the
lambs (ll. 27-28) (Dietrich-Loretz 1981, 204).
15
The birds were probably released in order to
interpret their flight.

1.3. Mesopotamia
In ancient Mesopotamia birds were normally used as a means to tell the future.
16
Predictions could
be made in two different ways: either observing their flights and behaviours, or their physical
peculiarities prior and after the sacrifice.

11. The evidence is discussed by Durand 1997, 273-282.
12. On this ritual see Durand-Guichard 1997, 35-39 and 46-63. See also Durand 2000, 124-129.
13. The evidence is discussed by Zeeb 2001, 264-283.
14. See ibid., 264-267 and 280-282.
15. For the inscription of Idrimi see Dietrich-Loretz 1981, 201-269 and Mayer W. 1995, 333-350. For further
commentaries on ll. 27-28 see McEwan 1980, 62, Archi 1975, 120 and Zeeb 2001, 272-273.
16. The evidence for bird divination in ancient Mesopotamia has been recently discussed by McEwan 1980,
58-64. See also Maul 2003, 85-86.
88 Nicla De Zorzi
The first form of divination is attested as early as the second millennium B.C., while much of
the material comes from the first millennium omen series umma lu ina ml akin If a city is set on
a height.
17
The professional who is in charge of this divinatory technique is named dgil i##r
observer of birds (for divination purpose) in Neo-Assyrian sources.
18

The second form of bird divination - we can term it bird-extispicy - is known since the Old-
Babylonian Period.
19
Despite most of the Old-Babylonian divinatory texts concerning extispicy deal
with the inspection of the entrails of a lamb or a sheep offered and slaughtered to the gods,
administrative texts confirm that also deliveries of birds and oil for divination purposes were in
use.
20
The signs observed on the sacrificial bird were its colours and the disfigurations of some
parts of its body.
21
The professional in charge of the performance was the diviner-br.
22
The association of birds, oil and sheep offerings with divination is confirmed by an unusual text
(K 57) published by Nougayrol 1967, 35-37. It seems to be a sort of manual for the art of the
diviner.
23
Its first paragraph (ll. 1-13), structured like an omen compendium, provides a list of

17. The series, which, like other omen collections, developed over the course of several hundreds years, was
standardized around the middle of the seventh century B.C. The standard or latest version of umma lu
consisted of at least 107 tablets, covering almost all the common occurrences of daily life in ancient
Mesopotamia. Gadd 1925-1931 made the first attempt to treat the series as a whole, although earlier
publications of parts of the series had been already provided by Boissier 1894-1899 and Holma 1923.
Ntscher 1928, 1929, 1930 used the texts published by Gadd 1925-1931 as a basis for the first serious
study of the series. In more recent times, Moren 1978 has attempted a reconstruction on the basis of all
the published and a lot of unpublished witnesses. She has then edited the tablets 1-21 (Freedman 1998)
and recently the tablets 22-40 (Freedman 2006).
18. The evidence is collected by CAD D, 25. A list of court personnel, published by Fales Postgate 1992,
no. 1, mentions three dgil i##r among other professionals: the scribe (tuparru), the diviner (br), the
exorcist (ipu), the physician (as).
19. The first Old-Babylonian texts dealing with the physical features of sacrificial birds were published by
Goetze 1947, no. 51-53. In his review of Goetze 1947, Kraus 1950, 145 pointed out that the anatomical
terminology for the parts of the body of the bird was similar to that of other extispicy texts concerning
the sheep, thus suggesting that MUEN bird was a term used to describe a feature of the exta
(followed by CAD I/J, 213: 4 and AHw, 390: 6). The theory was refuted by Nougayrol 1967a, 23-38.
Final proof for bird-extispicy in Mesopotamia appears in a religious text, Rm 222+513 quoted by
Nougayrol 1967a, 31 - published by Starr 1983, 62-63. Lines 22-24 read as follows: i-na i##ri(MUEN) e-
pu-u-ma / i-na ta-mi-it a-kar-ra-bu / ki-it-tam u-uk-nam in the bird which I sacrifice and / in the tamtu
prayer which I say / (establish) the truth. A similar divinatory request dated to the Seleucid period is
published by McEwan 1980, 59-69. An Old-Babylonian omen report giving the result of the inspection
of a sacrificial bird is published by Tsukimoto 1982, 106-110. Another bird-extispicy text found at Susa
was published by Labat 1974, no. 7.
20. For oil deliveries see Pettinato 1966a, 21. The administrative text BE 6/1: 118 (Ranke 1906) mentions six
birds ana npeti br for the performance of the diviner. See also Veldhuis 2006, 489 n. 10.
21. See Nougayrol 1967a, 34. Note that the protases of some first millennium umma lu-texts also refer to
the colours of the birds observed. For instance, the protasis of CT 40 49-50: 29 reads as follows:
umma(DI) i##ru(MUEN) qabal(MURUB
4
) gul-gul-li- pe#(BABBAR) ma-la zi-bi i-ma-#i u zumuru(SU-
) smu(SA
5
) if a bird has a white (spot) in the middle of its skull and it reaches as far as its throat and
its body is red ... (see also CT 40 49-50: 30, 35, 40). For CT 40 49-50: 29 see Ntscher 1930, 186.
22. Nougayrol 1967a, 37 and Archi 1975, 119 n. 5. See also Jankovi 2004, 23 and n. 87.
23. A parallel text is the divinatory vademecum KAR 151 (Nougayrol 1967a, 35 n. 1). The concluding
sections of KAR 151 include a lecanomancy ritual and a list of favourable and unfavourable days for the
divinatory practices: extispicy (?) (l. 1 is broken), hemerology (ina uddagidd (?) l. 2), 24 astrology (ina
attal Sn (if the diviner makes divination) by means of the eclipse of the moon l. 3; ina attal ama
by means of the eclipse of the sun l. 4), lecanomancy (ina amni by means of oil l. 5), bird-
extispicy or augury (ina i##ri by means of a bird l. 7; ina i##r ~urri by means of a partridge ll. 8-
9; ina summati by means of a dove l. 10), libanomancy (ina nignakki by means of a censer l. 11).
Line 12 reads: umma([DI]) ina niq(SISKUR.SISKUR) immeri(UDU.NTA) tes-li-su ma~-r[at [if]
(the diviner makes divination) by means of the sacrifice of a sheep his prayer will be accepted.
The second paragraph (ll. 18-20) bears omens taken from the mannerism and the behaviour of the
diviner and its customer during the investigation; the third (ll. 25-31) concerns aleuromancy, i.e.,
divination from the scattering of flour on water.
25

With regard to augury, the first source of the genre is an Old-Babylonian tablet found at Ur and
published by Weisberg 1969-1970, 87-104. It records 25 omens whose predictions involve at least
six different kind of birds.
26
The birds are the heron (igir), the mesukku-bird, the mountain bird
(i##r ad), the eagle (er), the hunting-falcon (kasssu).
27
Their activities are: nest-building (qinnam
qannum), entering the city (ana libbi lim erbum), costantly flying (nawmtn) over the town or the
army, being costantly seen (amrumNtn) in the city, eating (aklum), seizing (#abtum) or fighting
(ma~#umGt) with another bird.
During the first millennium much of the material concerning birds was collected into the omen
series umma lu, possibly Tablet 64 to Tablet 79. Tablets 64 and 65 deal with eagles (er) acting in
the city or in relationship to the army;
28
Tablet 66 deals with falcon (surd) omens;
29
Tablet 67 deals

performance of an extispicy, which are in accordance with hemerological texts as well as with extispicy
reports and queries. The most important edition of KAR 151 is by Koch 2005, 273-296. On the
relationship between KAR 151 and hemerological texts see Livingstone 1993, 97-113.
24. On UD.DA.GD.DA = uddagidd (AHw 1400b and Borger 2003, 381: ausgefallener 30. Monatstag;
Nougayrol 1967a, 36: jour fri; George 1992, 153: extracalary day) see Landsberger 1949, 254 n. 31.
25. See Guinan 2002, 15-16.
26. The tablet is a forerunner to the bird tablets of the first millennium series umma lu, as demonstrated by
the fact that one of his omens occurs verbatim on a Neo-Assyrian umma lu tablet from Niniveh:
Weisberg 1969-1970, 104 and Moren 1998, 13. For further Old-Babylonian forerunners to umma lu see
Durand 1988, 483-506, Joanns 1994, 303-312 and Guichard 1997, 305-328. See also Freedman 1998, 13.
27. For Akkadian and Sumerian bird names and their occurrences among cuneiform sources see Salonen
1973. A catalogue of Sumerian bird names has been recently provided in Veldhuis 2004, 213-305. For
Akkadian bird names see also Black Al Rawi 1987, 117-126.
28. No attempt is made here to deal with unpublished sources. According to Freedman 1998, 339, the incipit
of Tablet 64 is contributed by CT 41 13: 32. It reads: umma([DI) er(.MUEN]) ana bt() amli(L)
irrub(TU) btu (.BI) [] [if an eagle] enters a mans house _ that house [...]. The texts have been
reconstructed on the basis of CT 41 14 + CT 39 25 (see Moren Foster 1988, 278): on the obverse it
deals with fish omens (Tablet 63 according to Freedman 1998, 339), while on the reverse it deals with
eagle omens. The incipit of Tablet 65 is contributed by CT 41 14: rev. 9-10. It reads: um
4
-ma e-ru- ma-du-
tu
4
ina ~arrni(KASKAL) eli(UGU) um-ma-na-a-ti i-ta-na-a- miqitti(UB-ti
4
) um-ma-na-a-ti ibai(GL-i) if
numerous eagles are repeatedly flying in front of an army on campaign _ the downfall of the army will
occur: see Moren 1978, 210-211 and 213 (against Weisberg 1969-1979, 104, who identified CT 41 14: 9
with the catch-line of Tablet 67).
29. The incipit of CT 39 24 describes falcons walking on the road. According to its colophon, CT 39 23-24
should be identified with umma lu Tablet 66.
90 Nicla De Zorzi
with the actions of crows (ribu) and eagles in relationship to the army;
30
the incipits of Tablets 68-
70 are not preserved; Tablet 71 deals with chickens (ittid) being seen in the city;
31
Tablet 72 deals
with birds entering the city;
32
the incipits of Tablets 73-78 are not preserved.
Tablet 79 is the most complete tablet of the group.
33
It deals with falcons acting during the
military campaign of the king and more specifically during the journey to the land of the enemy (ana
mt nakri ~arrna #abtu) and the establishing of a camp (madakta aknu). The signs observed are the
flight patterns of the falcon such as crossing (etqu) and circling around (sa~ru); behaviours such as
hunting a prey (buura na), fighting with another bird (#alta epu), flapping the wings (kapp sallu),
screeching (as), defecating (z nad) or urinating (nti atnu). Another context of observation is
the palace of the king: the birds are described entering (erbu), nesting (qinna qannu) and giving birth
((w)aldu) in the palace. Most of the apodoses predict the outcome of the kings campaign.
The reconstruction of umma lu bird tablets is an hard task due to the small number of
preserved colophons. It is therefore difficult to exactly identify the bird omen texts within the
series: most of them describe the behaviour of various birds, such as the eagle and the crow but
also the partridge (i##r ~urri), the swallow (sinuntu), the dove (summatu), the goose (kurk), to
mention just a few examples, within different contexts.
34
Additional information about umma lu bird omens is provided by the rituals designated to
ward off the evil predicted by an omen. It was a common practice in ancient Mesopotamia to recur
to the appropriate rituals to ward off danger, when the omens observed portended illnesses or
similar things. These apotropaic rituals bear the Sumerian title NAM.BR.BI and list a combination
of ritual actions and prayers for the exorcists performance.
35
A great number of Namburbis are

30. The Tablet is preserved at least in three copies (Moren 1978, 212-213). The first is CT 39 25, whose
incipit corresponds to the catch-line of CT 39 23-24: 34-35: umma(DI) ummnu(ERN.NI)
~arrna(KASKAL) illakma(DU-ma) ribu(UGA.MUEN) ana pn(IGI) ummni(ERN.NI)
itanassi(G.D.D) ummnu(ERN.NI) ~arrna(KASKAL) illiku(DU-ku) ul(NU) iturr(GUR.RA) if the
army goes on campaign and a crow is repeatedly calling in front of the army _ the army that went on
campaign will not return. The second is CT 39 25, an excerpt tablet whose incipit corresponds to CT 39
25. The third is an unpublished tablet, BM 38341, which quotes the first 6 lines of CT 39 25.
31. According to Freedman 1998, 340, the incipit of Tablet 71 is contributed by an unpublished tablet, BM
46598: 1: umma([DI) ittid(DAR.MUEN]) i-na li(URU) inammar(IGI) ana libbi() li iti(URU.BI) [...]
[if a chicken] is seen in the city inside that city .... BM 46598 has been recently joined to BM 43899
(courtesy of Ch. Walker).
32. BM 46598: 23 contribues the incipit of Tablet 65: [ MU]EN ana libbi() li(URU) irrubam(TU-am) ik
x ana libbi() li(URU) irrubam(TU-am) lumnu(@UL) ana li iti(URU.BI) [] [if abir]d entered a
citywill enter the city _ evil willto that city(see Freedman 1998, 340).
33. Published by Leichty 2003, 259-284.
34. For unplaced bird omens see Moren 1978, 243-246. Two bird omens from Assur are published by
Heeel 2007b, nos. 27 and 28: the first (VAT 9921) is a fragment of a Neo-Assyrian tablet concerning
the partridge (i##r ~urri); the second (VAT 13802) is a fragment of a Middle-Assyrian tablet dealing with
the actions of various birds (see also Weidner 1952-1953, pls. 11-12). Unplaced is also the little fragment
from Nimrud published by Wiseman Black 1996, no. 47. We should add to the list IM 74500,
published by Fawzi 1978, 40-66, which concerns crows entering the house of a man, acting on the roof,
the window, the door of the house or in various spatial relations to a man.
35. Most of the namburbi rituals were published by Caplice 1965-1973 and 1974. The most recent edition is
by Maul 1994.
occasioned by ill-portending bird omens, mostly taken from falcons, doves and partridges entering
the house of a man.
36

2. Text edition of BM 108874
BM 108874 is a small, carefully polished and perfectly preserved omen tablet in Babylonian script
(see Fig. 1, photo, and Fig. 2-3, copy). It includes 25 omens taken from the observation of the flight
patterns of the falcon (surd) in different contexts: while a man goes off on his errand (omens 1-
2), is about to make a journey (omens 4-5), goes against the enemy (7-11), is about to make a
sacrifice (12-15), is brought to the palace under guard (16-17), begins to build his house (18-19), is
about to plow a field (omens 23 and 25). Omens 20-22 describe the behaviour of the falcon while
in the mans house a patient is sick. Omens 3, 6 and 24 concern the flight patterns of the raven
(ribu) while a man goes off on his errand (3), is about to make a journey (6), throws the seed (24).
37

The British Museum preserves a Neo-Assyrian version of the text, K 6278+Rm 2 389 (see Fig.
4). Gadd 1927, pl. 48, published a mixed copy in Neo-Assyrian script of K 6278+ and BM 108874,
artificially combining the former, which is defective in some parts, with the latter.
However, K 6278+ shows a number of orthographical variants and, above all, a different order:
BM 108874: 12=K 6278+: 18; BM 108874: 13=K 6278+: 23-24; BM 108874: 14=K 6278+: 21-22;
BM 108874: 15=K 6278+: 19-20; BM 108874: 24=K 6278+: 37; BM 108874: 25=K 6278: 36.
Three omens show a reverse order of the flight patterns: K 6278+: 28 (= BM 108874: 18), K
6278+: 29 (= BM 108874: 19), K 6278+: 33 (= BM 108874: 20). Moreover, K 6278+: 13 (= BM
108874: 9) preserves a different apodosis, while K 6278+: 23 (= BM 108874: 13) preserves a
different version of the first part of the protasis.
Two fragmentary omen tablets in Neo-Assyrian script, K 6880 and Sm 100+Rm 425, published
by Holma 1923, pl. 12 and 20 respectively, concern the flight patterns of the falcon and probably
duplicate K 6278+.
The colophon of BM 108874, copied by Gadd 1927, pl. 49 and published by Hunger 1968, no.
65, identifies the tablet as a copy (GABA.RI) of an original from the land of Subartu (SU.BIR
4
KI
),
written during the 3
rd
_ 2
nd
regnal year (MU.3.KM.2.KM) of the Kassite king Meliipak (1186-
1172 B.C.).
38
Unfortunately, the provenience of the tablet is unknown.

36. See Caplice 1965, 108-115 for a catalogue and id. 1967, 34-38 and 273-286 for specific texts. See also
Maul 1994, 229-270.
37. According to Veldhuis 2004, 226 the Akkadian ribu means both raven and crow, i.e., Sumerian
.NG.GA
MUEN
and BURU
4
MUEN
respectively.
38. The geographical identification of Subartu fluctuates from period to period (the classical works on the
issue are Ungnad 1936 and Gelb 1944. See most recently Michalowski 1986, 129-156 and Archi 1998, 3-
5). In the Middle-Babylonian Period it seems that it should be identified with Assyria (see
Sassmannshausen 2001, 131-133). Accordingly, the reference to Subartu might reflect the political and
cultural interrelations between Babylonia and Assyria after the invasions of Aur-uballi\ I (1353-1318
B.C.) and Tukulti-Ninurta I (1233-1197 B.C.). The double numbering of regnal years is not unique in
Kassite chronology, although its exact meaning is uncertain: see Brinkman 1976, 410-411.
92 Nicla De Zorzi
2.1. Transliteration (see Fig. 2-3)
Obv. 1. DI NA ana .- ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 15 NA ana 2,30 NA i-ti-iq .-su
KUR-ad
2. DI KIMIN R.D
MUEN
15 NA iz-ziz-ma ta-~e-e NA DU-ak NA.BI KI DU-ku
.TUG TUK-i
3. DI KIMIN .NG.GA
MUEN
iz-zi-iz-ma GB NA G-si NA.BI KI IGI.ME-
GAR-nu DU-ma @A.LA K
4. DI KIMIN KASKAL ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA i-ti-iq-ma ana ku-
tal-li- GUR NA.BI KI DU-ku @A.LA K .BI DG.GA
5. DI KIMIN KASKAL ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 15 NA ana 2,30 NA i-ti-iq NU KUR
.
6. DI KIMIN KASKAL ZI-ma .NG.GA
MUEN
ina 15 NA GUB-ma G-si NA.BI KI
IGI.ME- GAR-nu NU DU-ak .BI NU DG.GA
7. DI NA ana KR ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 15 NA ana ku-tl NA NIGIN-ma ana 2,30
NA i-ti-iq NA.BI KR- KUR-ad
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA i-ti-iq ta-~e-e NA
UB-ma DU NA.BI ina KR @A.LA K
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA te-bi-ma a-na EGIR-
GUR NA.BI EN KR- KUR- ina TAG
4
ana - TU
10. DI NA ana

KR ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA i-ti-iq 2,30 NA i#-
bat-ma ta-~e-e NA DU NA.BI di-ik-tam GAZ
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana ku-tal NA NIGIN-ma ana 15
NA i-ti-iq NA.BI KI DU-ku ~u-bu-us-su i~-~a-bat .BI NU DG.GA
12. DI NA SISKUR.SISKUR ana AN- ana na-q-e ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 15 NA ana
2,30 NA DIB-iq NA.BI AN- SISKUR.SISKUR- ma-~i-ir
13. DI NA SISKUR.SISKUR ana AN- BAL-ma TA AN- ana - ZI-ma
R.D
MUEN
TA 15 NA ana ku-tal NA NIGIN-ma ana 2,30 NA DIB NA.BI
UD.ME- GD.ME TI.LA UD.ME GD.ME
14. DI NA SISKUR.SISKUR DI AN- ana na-q-e ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA
ana ku-tal NA NIGIN-ma ana 15 NA DIB NA.BI UD.ME- LGUD.ME ina MU-
a-na U
15. DI NA SISKUR.SISKUR ana AN- ana na-q-e ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA
ana 15 NA DIB ib-sat AN- u E
18
.TR- UGU- GL SISKUR- NU NA KI
16. DI NA GIM EN.NU.UN ana .GAL L-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA
DIB UGU EN KA- GUB-az GABA.RI NU TUK
Rev. 17. DI NA GIM EN.NU.UN ana .GAL L-ma R.D

TA 15 NA ana 2,30 NA DIB
L.BI KI.-u GD.DA
18. DI NA APIN BE-ma SIG
4
UB-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA DIB
.BI DAGAL-i EN .BI LIBIR.RA
19. DI NA APIN BE-ma SIG
4
UB-ma R.D
MUEN
NA.BI NU DG.GA
20. DI ina NA GIG GIG-ma ina e-rim ina ku-tl GIG R.D
MUEN
TA za-mi-i a
2,30 ana za-mi-i a 15 DIB GIG.BI r-~i ZI-bi
21. DI ina NA GIG GIG-ma ina e-rim ina ku-tl GIG R.D
MUEN
TA za-mi-i a 15
ana za-mi-i a 2,30 DIB GIG.BI GIG-su GD.DA
22. DI ina NA GIG GIG-ma ina e-rim ina ku-tl GIG R.D i-a-a GIG.BI
BA.U
23. DI NA SAG A. ana ma-~a-#i ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TI.LA. a A. IGI-mar
24. DI NA E.NUMUN -ma .NG.GA
MUEN
ina UGU- DU-ma ina 2,30 NA G-si
AB.SN GUN-s ut-tar
25. DI NA SAG A. ana ma-~a-#i ZI-ma R.D
MUEN
TA 2,30 NA ana 15 NA DIB
AB.SN GUN-s L-\a
Colophon: KR 25 MU.BI GABA.RI KUR SU.BIR
4
KI

ITI
APIN.DU
8
.A UD.8.KM
MU.3.KM.2.KM
me-li-i-pak LUGAL î-pir U
I
EN-A-EM DUMU
I
AN-TUK-ni
DUB.SAR TUR.RA IN.SAR

List of variants in K 6278+
2. l. 2 : [DI] NA KIMIN for DI KIMIN; l. 2: ZAG for 15; 3. l. 3: [DI] NA KIMIN for DI
KIMIN; l. 3: DU for iz-zi-iz-ma; 4. l. 4: [DI] NA ana for DI KIMIN; 5. l. 6: [DI] NA ana for
DI KIMIN; 6. l. 7: [DI N]A ana for DI KIMIN; 7. l. 8: ana
L
KUR for ana KUR; 8. l. 10: ana
L
KUR for ana KUR; l. 11: ta-~e-e L id-di-ma DU-ik for ta-~e-e NA UB-ma DU; 9. l. 12: ana
L
KUR for ana KUR; l. 12: ZI-ma ana EGIR- GUR-r for te-bi-ma a-na EGIR- GUR; l. 13: the
apodosis is NA.BI EN KR-^ KUR-d MUNUS.ME ana URU- GUR-ra; 10. l. 14: ana
L
KUR
for ana KUR; l. 15: GB for 2,30; l. 15: di-ik-ta- GAZ-ak for NA BI di-ik-tam GAZ; 11. l. 16:
ana
L
KUR for ana KUR; l. 16: ana ku-tl-li for ana ku-tal; l. 16: ana ZAG for ana 15; l. 17: ~u-bu-us-su
i~-~ab-bat for ~u-bu-us-su i~-~a-bat; 13. l. 23: iq-q-ma for BAL-ma; l. 23: -ma between AN- and
ana -; l. 24: ana [ku]-tl-li for ana ku-tal; l. 24: ana GB NA DIB-iq for ana 2,30 NA DIB; l. 24:
GD.D[A.ME] for GD.ME; 14. l. 21: [DI] NA KIMIN-ma for DI NA SISKUR.SISUR ana
AN- ana na-q-e ZI-ma; l. 21: ana ku-tl-li for ana ku-tal; l. 21: ana ZAG NA DIB-i[q] for ana 15 NA
94 Nicla De Zorzi
DIB; l. 22: LGUD.DA.ME for LGUD.ME; 15. l. 19: DIB-iq for DIB; l. 20: the apodosis is
NA.BI ib-sat AN- u
D
E
18
.TR- GL.ME- SISKUR- NU ma-~ir; 16. l. 25: [ki]-i ma-#ar-ti
for GIM EN.NU.UN; l. 25: na-- for L-ma; l. 26: the apodosis probably begins with [NA.B]I; 17.
l. 27: DIB-iq for DIB; 18. l. 28: the direction of the flight has a reverse order; 19. l. 29: the direction
of the flight has a reverse order; l. 29: DIB-iq for DIB; l. 29: the apodosis begins with NA.BI; 20. l.
31: [DI]B-iq for DIB; 21. l. 32: DI ina NA KIMIN-ma for DI ina NA GIG GIG-ma; l. 33:
for a; l. 33: the direction of the flight has a reverse order; l. 33: DIB-i[q] for DIB; 22. l. 34: DI ina
NA KIMIN-ma for DI ina NA GIG GIG-ma; 23. l. 35: SAG.{DU} for SAG; 25. l. 36: DI
NA KIMIN-ma for DI NA SAG A. ana ma-~a-#i ZI-ma

2.2. Translation
Obv. 1. If a man goes off on his errand and a falcon crosses from the right of the man to the
left of the man _ he will attain his desire.
2. If ditto a falcon stays on the right of the man and proceeds alongside the man _ that
man: wher(ever) he goes, he will have gain.
3. If ditto a raven stays and caws to the left of the man _ that man: he will go where he
decides and he will enjoy a profit.
4. If ditto goes on a journey and a falcon crosses from the left of the man to the right of
the man and returns to his back _ that man: wher(ever) he goes, he will enjoy a profit;
his heart will be satisfied.
5. If ditto goes on a journey and a falcon crosses from the right of the man to the left of
the man _ not attaining of the desire.
6. If ditto goes on a journey and a raven proceeds to the right of the man and caws _ that
man: he wont go where he decides and his heart wont be satisfied.
7. If a man goes against an enemy and a falcon circles from the right of the man to the
back of the man and crosses to the left of the man _ that man: he will conquer his
enemy.
8. If a man goes against an enemy and a falcon crosses from the left of the man to the
right of the man and execrates next to the man and (then) flies (away) _ that man: he
will enjoy shares of booty in (the country) of the enemy.
9. If a man goes against an enemy and a falcon flies off from the left of the man to the
right of the man and returns behind him _ that man: the lord of his enemy while
leaving his land will return to his house.
10. If a man goes against an enemy and a falcon crosses from the left of the man to the
right of the man, takes the left of the man and proceeds alongside the man _ that man:
he will cause losses.
11. If a man goes against an enemy and a falcon circles from the left of the man to the
back of the man and crosses to the right of the man _ that man: wher(ever) he goes, he
will be robbed of his property; his heart wont be satisfied.
12. If a man is about to sacrifice to his god and a falcon crosses from the right of the man
to the left of the man _ that man: his god has accepted his sacrifice.
13. If a man sacrifices to his god and gets up from the house of his god to his house and a
falcon circles from the right of the man to the back of the man and crosses to the left
of the man _ that man: his days will be long; he will have a long life.
14. If a man is about to sacrifice to his god and a falcon circles from the left of the man to
the back of the man and crosses to the right of the man _ that man: his days will be
short; he will die within this year.
15. If a man is about to sacrifice to his god and a falcon crosses from the left of the man
to the right of the man _ the anger of his god and his goddess will be upon him; his
sacrifice ... (?)
16. If a man is brought to the palace under guard and a falcon crosses from the left of the
man to the right of the man _ he will triumph over his adversary and he will have no
rival.
Rev. 17. If a man is brought to the palace under guard and a falcon crosses from the right of
the man to the left of the man _ that man: his confinement will be long.
18. If a man dugs the foundation of a house and laids the bricks and a falcon crosses from
the left of the man to the right of the man _ that house will become large and the lord
of that house will become old.
19. If a man dugs the foundation of a house and laids the bricks and a falcon crosses from
the right of the man to the left of the man _ {the inhabitant of the house of that man
wont be happy}.
20. If in the house of a man a patient is sick and in the morning behind the house a falcon
crosses from the outer left corner to the outer right corner _ that patient: he will
[recover] soon.
21. If in the house of a man a patient is sick and in the morning behind the house a falcon
crosses from the outer right corner to the outer left corner _ that patient: his sickness
will be long.
22. If in the house of a man a patient is sick and in the morning behind the house of the
sick a falcon flies away _ that patient: he will die.
23. If a man is about to plow a (fallow) field and a falcon crosses from the right of the
man to the left of the man _ he will see luxuriance of the field.
24. If a man throws the seed and a raven goes upon it and caws to the left of the man _
the furrow will increase its yield.
25. If a man is about to plow a (fallow) field and a falcon crosses from the left of the man
to the right of the man_ the furrow will decrease its yield.
Colophon: Total: its line are 25. Copy (from an original) of the country of Subartu, the month of
Ara~samnu, the 8
th
day, the 3
rd
year, the 2
nd
year
of the king Meliipak work of (?) that the hand of Bl-nadin-ûmi, son of Ila-uârânni
young scribe, wrote.

96 Nicla De Zorzi
3. Remarks on paleography and grammar
Palaeography: on l. 9 the sign before ana - TU it is possibly to be read TAG
4
(ezbu). In the
colophon the sign after LUGAL is not clearly written. Hunger 1968, 34 interpreted it as KI&
(ki^âti) totality. It seems to be rather two signs, IGI and UD (perhaps î-pir work of), where
each has been written over traces which were not properly erased.
The sequence NU NA KI on l. 15 cant be explained. The interpretation of the scribes name
is rather difficult: the last sign is &IM, but the sequence EN-A&-&IM is not elsewhere attested. &IM
might be a pseudo-cryptic writing for ûmu name: accordingly, the scribes name would be Bl-
nadin-ûmi (I owe this idea to I. Finkel). The reading of the second name
I
AN-TUK-ni as Ila-
uârânni was suggested by Hunger 1968, 34.
Orthography: the text makes use of a high percentage of logograms but a good number of syllabic
spellings are also attested. Some verbs appear both in syllabic and logographic form: the preteritum
3
rd
singular of etqu is mostly i-ti-iq in the first part of the text and DIB or DIB-iq in the second part.
The verb teb is mostly written with ZI, but note (l. 9) te-bi. One notes that the praeteritum 3
rd

singular of izuzzu is spelled both iz-zi-iz (l. 3) and iz-ziz-ma (l. 2).
Other syllabic spellings of verbal forms in BM 108874 are: i#-bat (l. 10), i~-~a-bat (l. 11), ma-~i-ir (l.
12), i-a-a (l. 22), ut-tar (l. 23), ma-~a-#i (ll. 23 and 25).
The verbs of K 6278+ have mostly logographic form. However, one notes that K 6278+: 11 (=
BM 108874: 8) has id-di-ma for UB-ma and K 6278+: 23 (= BM 108874: 13) has iq-q-ma for BAL-
ma. Other syllabic spellings of verbal forms in K 6278+ are: i~-~ab-bat (l. 17), ma-~ir (l. 20), na-- (l.
25).
In BM 108874 the term kutallu is syllabically spelled either with tal(RI) (ll. 4, 11, 13, 14) or with
tl(PI) (ll. 7, 20, 21, 22), while K 6278+ always spelled it with tl(PI).
For the conjunctive, both u (BM 108874: 15 = K 6278+: 20) and (BM 108874: 10 = K 6278+:
15) are attested.
In BM 108874 the 3
rd
m. sg. possessive suffix is normally written -. However, one notes that
on l. 17 an older -u is attested. Moreover, the relativ pronoun has the form a (ll. 20, 21 and 23) and
not , which is the form attested in K 6278+.
With regard to prepositions, BM 108874 makes use of the logographic abbreviations A for ina
and DI for ana. However, one notes the syllabic writing a-na on l. 9 and l. 24.
Morphology: a certain inconsistency is noted regarding the tense-usage. &umma is normally
followed by preterites but one notes the present illak (DU-ak) on l. 2 and the stative te-bi on l. 9; the
apodoses usually have present-futures but note the stative ma-~i-ir on l. 12.39

39. The majority of the verbs have in fact logographic form. When written logographically, the verb does not
distinguish person, gender, aspect or mode. A more extensive study of the verbal morphology within
divinatory texts is highly desirable: see briefly Glassner 2005, 292-296.
4. Commentary
ana #ibtu itbi in the protases of omens 1-3
The term #ibtu, need, want, request, is widely attested in letters from the second and the first
millennium as well as in divinatory texts (CAD $, 167-169: 1).
The lexical list Erim~u 1: 194-196 (Cavigneaux et al. 1985, 18) associates #ibtu with eritu wish,
request and ~ii~tu need, lack. The compiler of the standard commentary to the omen series
umma izbu used similar evidence in explaining the apodosis .BI ina BAD u~-ta-a^-î-i~ (umma izbu
1: 64) with the justification ~i-î~-tum = #i-bu-t (Leichty 1970, 213). However, the two terms are not
exactly interchangeable, as shown by a Neo-Babylonian letter, TCL 9 114: 15, which reads as
follows: #i-bu-t u ~i-i~-t ... bl li-pu-ra may my lord write about wish(es) and need(s) (see CAD
@, 204 sub ~ii~tu, lexical entries).
In divinatory texts #ibtu is widely used with the verbs epû and ka^du to indicate a purpose
that is to be achieved (CAD $, 169-170: 2). The expression ana #ibti teb may then be interpreted as
to leave (in order to achieve) a purpose, to start an undertaking (CAD $, 169: 2a).
The protasis of BM 108874: 1-3 (umma amlu ana #ibtu itbi) is paralleled by the first lines of
two texts, K 139 and K 3995 (Virolleaud 1911, 116 and 125-126), which deal with divination from
stars twinkling (#ar~u(SUR): CAD $, 100 sub #ar~u C) in various relations to the observer (right
side, left side etc.). These are designated to provide a yes or no answer (damqu favourable; a~tu
unfavourable) to the question of success or failure. What follows next is a quotation of K 139: 1-
4:

K 139: 1-4
1. umma(DI) amlu(NA) ana #ibtu(.-) itebbma(ZI-ma) kakkabu(MUL) itu(TA) imitti(15)
amli(NA) ana uml(GB) amli(NA) i#arri~(SUR) damqu(SIG
5
)
2. umma(DI) itu(TA) umli(150) ana imitti(15) i#arri~(SUR) a~tu(BAR)
3. umma(DI) kakkabu(MUL) ina ku-tl amli(NA) itu(TA) imitti(15) ana umli(150) i#arri~(SUR)
a~tu(BAR)
4. umma(DI) kakkabu(MUL) ina ku-tl amli(NA) itu(TA) umli(150) ana imitti(15) i#arri~(SUR)
damqu(SIG
5
)

1. If a man leaves (in order to achieve) his purpose and a star twinkles from the right of the man
to the left of the man favourable.
2. If (it) twinkles from the left to the right unfavourable.
3. If a star twinkles on the back of the man from the right to the left unfavourable.
4. If a star twinkles on the back of the man from the left to the right favourable.

The same protasis occurs in the fragmentary behavioural omen text Sm 332 (Kcher -
Oppenheim 1957-1958, 69, 71, 75-76), which shows three relevant groups of protases: the first
98 Nicla De Zorzi
refers to animals seen by a person (ll. 1-14), the second to human beings encountered while walking
along the street in the morning (ll. 15-33 and rev. ll. 1-11), the third to persons seen in the street (rev.
ll. 12-29).
40
The first line of the second section reads as follows: umma(DI) amlu(NA) ana
#ibtu(.-) sqa(SILA) ittiqma(DIB-ma) ka-su-u ana pnu(IGI-[) ...] if a man goes down a
street on his errand and a person in fetters in front of [him (crosses ?)...].
Interestingly, the expression ana ep #ibti for the achievement of a purpose occurs in Old-
and Middle-Babylonian extispicy reports as well as in first millennium extispicy compendia as one
of the standard topics of investigation for the diviner.
41

The structure of the Old-Babylonian extispicy reports, although not strictly standardized, often
includes an introduction mentioning the purpose, the client and the god to whom the divinatory
sacrifice was offered, thus demonstrating that extispicy was performed to obtain answers to very
specific questions.
42
The content of the queries is related to the subject on whose behalf the extispicy is performed:
when the client of the diviner is the king, as in the great part of the Old-Babylonian letters and
reports from Mari published by Durand 1988, the queries concern either public matters such as the
safety of the land, the security for troops and emissaries, the vagaries of a war, or private matters
such as the well-being of the king and his family and the relationship between the king and the
gods. Sometimes also economic affairs are investigated. Conversely, when the client is private, the
queries mostly concern the health of the individual, his relations with the gods, his economic
affairs.
43

According to an Old-Babylonian report, published by Ungnad 1908, 257-274 pl. 6, an extispicy
was performed ana ep #ibti, concerning an undertaking, to be achieved in the month of Addaru.
The introductory statement of a similar Old-Babylonian report (BM 26594: Richardson 2002, 239
nr. 3), preserves the name of the client on whose behalf the extispicy (ana ep #ibti) was performed.
Accordingly, the liver-reading can be clearly situated in time and space. The beneficiary of the
report is one Galdani, whose business activities in Sippar during the middle years of Ammi#aduqas
reign are well documented.
44
Even if the report itself doesnt give any specific information about

40. Kcher-Oppenheim 1957-1958, 62-80 published an Old-Babylonian physiognomical-behavioural omen,
VAT 7525, as well as a number of later behavioural divinatory texts. These might be located within the
Tablets 80-86 of the divinatory series umma lu (see Moren 1978, 219-222 and Freedman 1998, 1-14).
Interestingly, the omens of Sm 332 (and its duplicate Funck 3) are partially paralleled by a section of the
first tablet of the diagnostic series Sakikk (SA.GIG) Symptomes. On this subject see briefly George
1991, 158.
41. For Sargonic, Old- and Middle-Babylonian extispicy reports see: Goetze 1957, 89-105; Nougayrol 1967b,
219-235; Kraus 1985, 127-218; Starr 1977, 201-208; Meyer 1987, 245; Jeyes 1989, 190-191 n. 51 (with
unpublished examples listed on 187 n. 6); Al-Rawi 1994, 21-63 nr. 5; Koch-Westenholz 2002, 131-145;
Richardson 2002, 229-244; Veldhuis 2006, 487 n. 2, with more literature on Old-Babylonian extispicy
reports. For introductory informations on the omen compendia see Maul 2003, 71-73.
42. See Koch-Westenholz 2002, 140 and Veldhuis 2006, 487-497.
43. For a more detailed analysis of the material from Mari see Durand 1988, 24-59. On the content of public
and private queries see also Jeyes 1989, 38-41 and Koch-Westenholz 2002, 141-143.
44. See Richardson 2002, 232 n. 19.
the occasion for the extispicy, it might be suggested that the inconveniences of the commercial
activity were of enough concern to induce Galdani to seek divinatory support.
45

One adds that in Old-Babylonian letters and in legal texts ana ep #ibti frequently means to do
business (CAD $, 170: 3; see also similar formulations with #ubtu quoted by CAD E, 218-219: 2c
sub epu). Thus the evidence suggests that, although in divinatory texts the expression should be
understood in its broadest sense (i.e., any kind of undertaking), it might frequently refer to business
ventures.
46

As early as the Old-Babylonian Period, omen compendia quoting individual omina for specific
purposes were drawn up.
47
What follows next is a quotation of BM 80906 (Jeyes 1989, 122-124 pl.
5):

BM 80906: 10-13
10. umma(BE) {a-na} ~arrni(KASKAL) um-ma-ni a-ar i-la-k[u zi-tam i-kal]
11. umma(BE) {a-na} mar-#-im [i-ba-al-lu-u\]
12. umma(BE) a-lam la-wi-a-at
!
a libbi() a-lim u#-#[i-am-ma e-p-ka i-na-i-iq]
rev. 13. umma(BE) a-na kakki(GI.TUKUL) a-bu-{un}-[na-at um-ma-ni-ka i-la-pa-at]

10. If (the divination is performed) for the campaign _ my army, wherever it go[es, will have
profit].
11. If (the divination is performed) for the patient _ [he will recover].
12. If you are besieging a city _ the townsman will co[me out and kiss your feet].
rev. 13. If (the divination is performed) for the armed forces _ (the enemy) at the co[re of your
army will strike].

In the course of the systematization of the material, whole tablets were devoted to a single topic:
for instance, the seventh tablet of the Multbiltu the final chapter of the first millennium extispicy
series concerns extispicies performed for the health of the patient; tablets 8 and 10 concern
extispicies performed for warfare; tablet 9 concerns extispicies performed for the land.
48

A passage of Multbiltu 2 (Koch 2005, 114-115) gives the standard list of the purposes of an
extispicy and labels ana ep #ibti within it:

45. Richardson 2002, 233 conjures that the reading was undertaken in connection with an upcoming boat
journey.
46. See Koch-Westenholz 2002, 144.
47. For Old-Babylonian omen compendia see Goetze 1947 and Jeyes 1989.
48. The canonical version of the exispicy series (Ikar brti or simply Brtu) consists of nine chapters with
collections of omens concerning various parts of the entrails and a final chapter called Multbiltu, which
contains general rules of divinatory interpretation. The most recent edition of the Multbiltu is by Koch
2005, 85-272. On Aurbanipals Brtu see Jeyes 1997, 61-65 and Koch-Westenholz 2000, 25-31.
100 Nicla De Zorzi
CT 20 43-48: i 59-61
59. bi-rit imitti(15) ia-um-ma umlu(150) nakri(KR) ana ulum(SILIM) arri(LUGAL) ana
kakki(GI.TUKUL) ana ~arrni(KASKAL)
60. ana #a-bat li(URU) ana ulum(SILIM) mar#i(GIG) ana zann(SUR-an) am(AN-e) ana ep(D-e)
#ibti()
61. u mim-ma ma--da-a-ti trta(UR
5
.) teppuma(D-ma)

59. The right middle pertains to me, the left to the enemy. For the well-being of the king, for
warfare, for the campaign,
60. for taking a city, for healing the sick, for rain, for undertaking an enterprise
61. and whatever else you perform the extispicy.

Similar lists are recorded by the Ni#irti Brti (the secrets of the art of the diviner) material.
49

These later texts, which tabulate standard lists of divinatory topics and general rules of association
between the protasis and the apodosis, represent the diviners learned effort to reach a great degree
of abstract generalization.
50
Large sections of one of the best preserved Ni#irti Brti texts, TCL 6 5
from Seleucid Uruk, contain lists of two or more protases quoted in close succession and joined to
lists of divinatory topics: ana alk ~arrni going on a campaign, ana ep #ibti undertaking an
enterprise, ana #abt li seizing a city, ana erb mr ipri admitting a messenger, ana ep asti
performing medicine and predictions on the fate of the patient or whether the diviner should
make a prognostication at all. For instance, TCL 6 5: 53-54 (Koch 2005, 305) reads as follows:

TCL 6 5: 53-54
53. umma([BE]) padnu(GR) inma(2-ma) a-~i-e maqtu(UB.ME) dannu(KAL) l(NU) akin(GAR-
in) aplnu(KI.TA-nu) #ululta(TUK!) i(GI.@UR) imitti(15) pa\er(DU
8
)
54. [ana] alk({DU}) ~arrni({KASKAL}) u #abt(DIB-bat) li(URU) u ep((D) #ibti() u mim-ma
!

a-su-ti almat(SILIM-at)

53. [If] there are two Paths and they lie separately, the Strength is not there (and) the Lower Part
has a covering, the Design on the right side is split _
54. it is favourable [for] going on a campaign, and seizing a city, and undertaking an enterprise, and
performing any kind of medicine.

49. The Ni#irti Brti seems to include texts concerned with extispicy which do not belong to any of the
chapters of the extispicy series itself. See Borger 1957, 190-195 and most recently Koch 2005, 273-534.
50. See Koch-Westenholz 2000, 23-25.
Elsewhere, the list of divinatory purposes is found with small variations in a lecanomancy
ritual published by Zimmern 1901, 196 no. 82: ii 21-23: ana ulum(SILIM-um) arri(LUGAL) ana s-
kap nakri(KR) ana ulum(SILIM-um) #bi(ERIN
2
) [...] ana ep(D-e) #ibti() ana zann(SUR-an)
am(AN-e) {ana} [...] ana #ummirt(.S.S.KI.ME) u mim-ma ma-la [...] for the well-being of the
king, for slaying of the enemy, for the well-being of the army [...] for undertaking an enterprise, for
the rainfall, for [...] for (fulfilling) ambitions and anything else [...].
The topic is not restricted to impetrated omens.
51
A section of umma lu 79 preserves a similar
list among omens taken from the observation of the behaviour of various birds (mostly the falcon)
in relation to the king. umma lu 79: 77 (Leichty 2003: 267) reads as follows: umma(DI)
i##ru(MUEN) KIMIN urd(SR.D
MUEN
) itu(TA) imitti(15) amli(NA) ana uml(150) amli(NA)
ittiq(DIB) aaru(KI-) ilammi(NIGIN) ana ka-la damqu(SIG
5
) umma(BE-ma) ana bt() mar#i(
L
GIG)
illak(DU) amlu (NA.BI) iballu\(DIN) umma(BE-ma) ana ep(D-e) #ibti() #ibssu(-su)
ikaad(KUR-d) umma(BE-ma) ep(D-e) a-su-ti qba(ME-a) iakkan(GAR-an) umma(BE-ma) ana
ep(D-e) t~zi(M) nakra(KR) ta-sa-kip umma(BE-ma) ana [#a]-bat li(URU) la(URU)
i#abbat(DIB-bat) if a bird ditto and a falcon crosses from the mans right to his left and goes
around his place everything will be good. If he is going to the house of a sick man that man will
live. If he is carrying out an enterprise he will attain his desire. If he is practicing medicine there
will be no prognosis. If he is making war you will drive out the enemy. If he is [tak]ing a city he
will take that city.
Therefore, given the widespread use of standard lists of divinatory topics within all types of
divinatory techniques, it should not surprise that the protases of BM 108874: 1-11 and 20-22 record
the following contexts: starting an undertaking (ana #ibtu teb ll. 1-3), starting a journey (ana ~arrni
teb ll. 4-6), going against an enemy (ana nakri teb ll. 7-11), having a sick man into his house (mar#u
mar#u ll. 20-22).
However, it might be remarked that, while the first millennium standard omen compendia (such
as the Bartu) usually connect long lists of ominous signs to a wide range of standard occasions, in
BM 108874 each observation confines its implication to a particular case which is declared in
advance.
From this point of view it might be compared with an unusual first millennium divinatory text
from Sultantepe (STT 73) which quotes only impetrated omens and records all steps of the oracular

51. One distinguishes two basic types of divinatory practices: omina oblativa, i.e., observation of unsolicited
omens, and omina impetrativa, i.e., techniques designed to elicit omens. More types of impetrated
divination were current for the the Old-Babylonian Period than later on: extispicy; libanomancy, i.e.,
divination from the configurations of the smoke from a censer; lecanomancy, i.e., divination from the
shape taken by drops of oil in a basin of water; aleuromancy, i.e., divination from the scattering of flour
on water. Later, impetrated omens ceased to be part of the standard repertoire and the diviners attention
turns to unsolicited omens such as celestial and meteorological events, abnormal births, human
behaviour and physiognomy, animal behaviour. For further analysis and literature see Guinan 1997, 421-
422, Maul 2003, 381-386 and id. 2007, 361-372.
102 Nicla De Zorzi
consultation, from the description of the occasion to the prayer of the petitioner and the ritual
preparation for receiving the sign.
52

STT 73: 61-75 prescribes two prayers to the constellation Ursa Major (
MUL
MAR.GD.DA,
Costellation Wagon) in order to help obtain a sign through a dream (incubation).
53
The first
prayer (ll. 61-64) is followed by the description of the ritual preparation for sleeping (ll. 65-68) and
by the interpretation of the dream styled as in an omen compendium. What follows next is a
quotation from the very last section (Butler 1998, 356-357):

STT 73: 69-70
69. um-ma mm-ma nadinu(UM-) mar#u(GI[G) iballu\(T]I) um-ma mm-ma l(NU) nadinu(UM-)
mar#u(GIG) imt(UG
x
)
70. um-ma ana ep(D-e) #ibti(.) teppu(D-u[]) mm-ma nadinu(UM-) #ibssu(-su)
ikaad(KUR-d) l(NU) nadinu(UM-) l(NU) ikaad(KUR-d)

69. If (in his dream) something is given to him _ the sic[k man will get wel]l; if something is not
given to him _ the sick man will die.
70. If you perfor[m] this to foretell the success of an enterprise, if they give him something _ he
will have success; if they do not give (him) anything _ he will fail.

In the second prayer the petition to Ursa Mayor is addressed in the second person. STT 73: 73-75
(ibid., 357-358) reads as follows:

STT 73: 73-75
73. (end of preceding line) ina ba-li-ki mtu(L.UG
x
) l(NU) imt(UG
x
) bal\u(TI) ~ar-ra-an l(NU)
i#abbat(DIB-bat)
74. [um-m]a ~arrn(KASKAL) te-ba-ku #i-[bu-t]i akaad(KUR-d) mim-ma lid-di-nu-ni
75. [um-ma ~arrni(KASKAL)] te-ba-ku #i-[bu-t]i l(NU) akaad(KUR-d) mim-ma lim-~u-ru-nin-ni

52. STT 73 was edited by Reiner 1960, 23-35 (see also id. 1995, 70-73). A new edition of the text has been
recently published by Butler 1998, 349-377. STT 73 adds to the known types of impetrated omens three
prior unattested: dream-incubation, sprinkling of an ox with water to observe its reaction, psephomancy,
i.e., divination from the casting of stones within a fixed field of observation. On psephomancy see also
Finkel 1995, 271-276 and Maul 2003, 87.
53. For the practice of incubation, i.e., sleeping in temples or sacred places for oracular purposes, in the
Ancient Near East see most recently Butler 1998, 217-239. For further prayers to Ursa Mayor see Mayer
1976, 429.
73. (end of the preceding line) Without you the dying man does not die and the healty man cannot
go on his journey.
74. I[f] in this journey I am undertaking I am to succeed, let them give me something (in my
dream).
75. [If in this journey] I am undertaking I am not to succeed, let them receive something from me
(in my dream).

The obtaining (or not obtaining) of a sign through a dream is associated with three of the most
common circumstances seeking divinatory investigation - the health of the man, the outcome of his
journey, the success of his ventures - although, as in BM 108874, these are previously stated, i.e.,
the divination is occasioned by specific and individual cases.

#ibssu ikaad in the apodosis of omen 1
The apodosis of BM 108874: 1 states that the man #ibssu ikaad will attain his desire (CAD $,
169-170: 2c).
The expression #ibta kadu frequently occurs in omens taken from birds in the standard
version of the divinatory series umma lu. The apodoses of umma lu 79 concern the outcome of
the kings military activities (Leichty 2003). For instance, the apodoses of omens 2, 3, 5, 16, 17 read
as follows: arru(LUGAL) e-ma illaku(DU-ku) #ibssu(-su) ikaad(KUR-d) the king: wherever he
goes, he will succeed in his enterprise.
However, the fate of the man (amlu) is object of divinatory enquiry too. The apodosis of
umma lu 79: 81 reads as follows: amlu (NA.BI) aar(KI) illaku(DU-ku) #ibssu(-su) ul(NU)
ikaad(KUR-d) that man: wherever he goes, he will not succeed in his enterprise.
The last section (ll. 122-138) of the mentioned above STT 73 lists similar predictions of success
or failure kad #ibti attaining (ones) desire and l kad #ibti not attaining (ones) desire
obtained by pouring water over the head of a recumbent ox and observing its reaction.
54
What
follows next is a quotation of STT 73: 122-125 (Butler 1998, 363):

STT 73: 122-125
122. um
4
-ma alpu(GUD) is-su-us-ma it-bi kad(KUR-ad) #ibti()
123. um
4
-ma alpu(GUD) is-su-us-ma ul(NU) it-bi l(NU) kad(KUR-ad) #ibti()
124. um
4
-ma alpu(GUD) itbma(ZI-ma) lssu(TE-su) ana imittu(15-) iddi(UB) l(NU) kad(KUR-
ad) #ibti()
125. um
4
-ma alpu(GUD) itbma(ZI-ma) lssu(TE-su) ana umlu(150-) iddi(UB) kad(KUR-ad)
#ibti()

54. See Reiner 1960, 28-29 and id. 1995, 72.
104 Nicla De Zorzi
122. If an ox wailed and (then) got up attaining of the desire.
123. If an ox wailed and (then) didnt get up not attaining of the desire.
124. If an ox got up and lowered his cheek to the right not attaining of the desire.
125. If an ox got up and lowered his cheek to the left attaining of the desire.

The introducing prayer (ll. 110-117) invokes the divine judges (il dajn), which should let the
ox provide a sign, as follows: um-ma annannna(NENNI) mr(A) annanna(NENNI) #ibssu(-su) i-
ka--du whether NN, son of NN, will attain his desire (l. 117) (ibid.).
A similar prayer is preserved on the reverse (ll. 3-6) of a partial duplicate to STT 73, the Assur
text LKA 138.
55
The prayer is addressed to ama, lord of judgement (bl dnim) and Adad, lord
of divination (bl bri) as follows (l. 4): annanna(NE[NNI) mr(A) annanna(NENNI) #ibssu(-su)
ikaadu] N[N, son of NN, may attain his desire] (McEwan 1980, 64).
56
In this case the divinatory
technique invoked is the observation of the bird flight (ll. 5-6): lu- ku-dur-ra-nu
MUEN
lu- kap-pu-rap-
u
MUEN
lu- a-ra-ba-nu-
MUEN
itu(TA) imittja(ZAG.MU) lil-su-ma-[am-ma ana umlja ] let either
the wren(?), the broad-winged bird or the araban-bird fly swiftly from my right [and to my left...]
(ibid.).
Interestingly, the end of LKA 138: 4-6 can be at least partially restored by means of a first
millennium umma lu bird omen text, CT 39 23-24: 28-29, which duplicates these lines and adds a
ritual (ll. 30-32) to seek the flight.
57

The obverse of LKA 138 concerns divination through the observation of shooting stars. This
divinatory technique also appears in STT 73: 85-87, 92-99, 104-109. The first section (ll. 85-87) is
introduced by a prayer addressed to Ninlil with the following petition (ll. 86-87): ki-i
annanna(NENNI) mr(A) annanna(NENNI) /#ibssu(-su) i-ka--du kakkaba(MUL) itu(TA)
imittja(ZAG-ia
5
) lil-su-ma-am-ma ana umlja(GB-ia) ltiq(DIB-iq) if NN, son of NN / is to have
success, let a (shooting) star pass from my right towards my left (Butler 1998, 360).
The second section (ll. 92-99) begins with a prayer addressed to the stars of each of the three
paths of heaven, which should let (ll. 98-99) kakkabu(MUL) [itu(TA) imittja(ZAG.MU) lil]-su-ma-
am-ma ana umlja(150.MU) ltiq(DIB-iq) / {um}-m[a ana #ibti(.&) itu(TA) ark]atja([EG]IR.MU)
a-na pnja(IGI.MU) ltiq(DIB-iq) one star sho[ot from my right] and pass towards my left / if [(this
ritual being performed) regarding an aim] let it pass [from beh]ind me towards in front of me (ibid.,
362). One notes that the verb lasmu to run fast (CAD L, 104-106) describes both the course of
the shooting stars (STT 73: 98) and the bird flight (LKA 138: rev. 5-6).
Finally, in STT 73: 104-109, the directions of the shooting stars in relation to the viewer (right
side, left side, front, back) are observed in order to give a favourable (damqu) or unfavourable (l
damqu) answer.

55. On LKA 138 see Reiner 1960, 28 and Butler 1998, 350.
56. For the role of ama and Adad as gods of divination see Lambert 1997, 85-98 and most recently id.
2007, 1-5.
57. See Reiner 1960, 29-31 and Riemschneider 1975, 233. On the relationship between STT 73, LKA 138
and &umma lu bird omens see Archi 1975, 119-120.
The third section parallels the mentioned above Virolleauds astrological texts, K 139 and K
3995, which deal with divination from stars twinkling (#ar~u) in various relations to the observer,
although in STT 73: 104-109 the stars dont twinkle but pass by, cross (etqu). Similarly, omens
from tablet 2 of the astronomical compendium MUL.APIN Plow Star describe stars either
twinkling (#ar~u) (iii 42-45, 46-47, 50-51) or crossing (etqu) (iii 48-49) from west to east.
58

The closest parallel to Virolleauds texts issues from a section of the second tablet of the
diagnostic series Sakikk (SA.GIG) Symptoms, which deals with omens derived from stars
twinkling (#ar~u) after omens derived from various animals (birds, reptiles and insects) and before
omens derived from lights and lighting seen by the exorcist (ipu) going to the house of the patient.
The predictions concern the life or the death of the patient as well as in some cases success or
failure (kad/l kad #ibti).
59
Lines 63-66 (Heeel 2001-2002, 34) read as follows:

63. umma(DI) kakkabu(MUL) itu(TA) imitti(15) amli(NA) ana uml(150) amli(NA) i#ru~(SUR-u~)
damqu(SIG
15
) ana mar#i(GIG) imt(BA.)
64. umma(DI) kakkabu(MUL) itu(TA) uml(150) amli(NA) ana imitti(15) amli(NA) i#ru~(SUR-u~)
a~tu(BAR) ana mar#i(GIG) iballu\(AL.TI)
65. umma(DI) kakkabu(MUL) ana pn(IGI) amli(NA) i#ru~(SUR-u~) kad(KUR-d) #ibti(A) ana
mar#i(GIG) imt(BA.)
66. umma(DI) mi-i~-ra ana pn(IGI) amli(NA) i#ru~ma(SUR-u~-ma) eli(UGU?) tiq(DIB-iq) l(NU)
kad(KUR-d) #ibti(A) ana mar#i(GIG) iballu\(AL.TI)

63. If a star twinkled from the right of the man to the left of the man favourable; the patient: he
will die.
64. If a star twinkled from the left of the man to the man right of the man unfavourable; the
patient: he will recover.
65. If a star twinkled in front of the man attaining of the desire; the patient: he will die.
66. If (a star) twinkled directly in front of a man and passes by him ? not attaining of the desire;
the patient: he will recover.

The evidence discussed above suggests that some divinatory techniques such as the observation
of the bird flight as well as the course of the shooting stars and the behaviour of the oxen are
probably considered to be relevant in certain circumstances when the divination concerns the fate
of the common man.
60

58. The astronomical compendium MUL.APIN was edited by Hunger - Pingree 1989. One of the sources
for MUL.APIN 2 is a 4-column tablet from Sultantepe, STT 331-334 (see ibid., 7).
59. The second tablet of the series Sakikk is edited by Heeel 2001-2002, 24-49.
60. An expository text from Sultantepe (STT 400: 28-36) contains a list of birds attached to particular deities.
Worth mentioning is that two of them (ll. 35-36) are explained as i##r(MU&EN) l(NU) ka^d(KUR)
106 Nicla De Zorzi
Interestingly, the professional acting in Sakikk 2 and in STT 73 is the exorcist-ipu, to whom
the Manual of the exorcist Esagil-kn-apli attributes a competence on puruss(E.BAR)
kakkab(MUL.ME) i##r(MUEN.ME) u alp(GU
4
.ME) u ur#(M.ANE.ME) the oracular
decisions by the stars, the birds, the oxen and the goats (rev. 2), as well as on hepatoscopic omens,
the astrological series Enma Anu Enil and the series umma lu (rev. 16).
61
Therefore, it might be
argued that under certain conditions the îpu could assume the functions of a diviner.
62

Finally, let us turn back to the subject of the apodosis. Some late literary texts include rituals
prescribing the release of two doves of opposite sex in the opposite cardinal directions of sunrise
and sunset in order to secure the good will of higher authorities.
63
They are possible to be
interpreted as apotropaic rituals in which evil is transferred to another animate being.
64
One of the
most noticeable aspects of these texts is that they describe cult practices which seem to have been
performed for the benefit of the common man.
65
For instance, BAM 318: iv 24 reads as follows: {e}-
ma illaku(GIN-ku) ma-gir kma(GIM) ili(DINGIR) ni-iz-mat libbû(&-^) ika^âd(KUR-ad) wherever
he goes it will be favorable. He will achieve his wish like a god (Livingstone 2000, 379).

nmela irai in the apodosis of omen 2; zitta ikkal in the apodosis of omen 3
The apodoses of BM 108874: 2-3 read as follows: amlu ^ aar illaku nmela irai that man:
wherever he goes, he will have gain and amlu ^ aar pnu akn illakma zitta ikkal that man:
wherever he decides to go, he will enjoy a profit respectively.
The term nmelu means benefit, gain (CAD N/2, 157: 1). In Old-Assyrian letters and Old-
Babylonian legal texts it specifically means surplus, profit from partnership and other business
ventures (CAD N/2, 159: 2). In divinatory texts it indicates profit on business activities. The Old-
Babylonian extispicy report YBC 11056: 2-4 (Goetze 1957, 91) refers to the performance of an
extispicy as follows: a-na sa-~i-ir-ti a i-a-mu /i-na su-q i-ma-ti a-na ne-me-li /in-na-ad-di-in concerning
the trading goods which he bought whether they will be sold in the market for a profit.
Moreover, standard expressions such as nmela ra to have gain, nmela amru to see gain, nmela
aklu to enjoy gain, nmela kadu to attain gain are well attested in the apodoses of divinatory
texts from both the second and the first millennium (see CAD N/2, 158: 1c).
The term zittu means share (of an inheritance, of an income, of the profits of a business
enterprise, of agricultural produce, of booty) (CAD Z, 139-144).
In divinatory texts the expression zitta aklu means to enjoy (commercial) profit, but also to
enjoy booty as a result of military activities. Both appear in BM 108874 (l. 3 and 8 respectively).

#ibti(&) the bird (portending) failure to achieve ones goal. See Lambert 1970, 113. The same list
appears in the late explanatory text NIBRU
KI
N.BI.TA D.A Nippur Built of Itself: see George 1992,
144.
61. Recent editions of the Manual of the exorcist are by Geller 2000, 242-254 and Jean 2006, 62-82. On
puruss oracular decision see Butler 1998, 36-37.
62. See also Reiner 1960, 30.
63. These are discussed by Livingstone 2000, 375-387.
64. On this subject see recently Schwemer 2007b, 26-27.
65. Livingstone 2000, 384.
The first meaning is attested in Old-Babylonian smoke omens (UCBC 755: 8: Lutz 1929, 367-
377 pl. 2-3), Old-Babylonian oil omens (CT 3 3: 2: Pettinato 1966b, 65) and late hemerologies: for
instance, the hemerlogical text KAR 212: iii 3 records a day (propitious) for enjoying a profit (ana
zitta akli). Elsewhere, the expression zitta aklu, to have (business) profit, is found in the Old-
Babylonian bird omen text published by Weisberg 1969-1970, 87-104 (iii 6 and iv 13), as well as in
late bird omens (for instance: CT 40 49: 48, CT 40 49: 54, CT 40 50: 12).
Conversely, zittu booty, frequently occurs in Old-Babylonian oil omens (CT 3 2: 15: Pettinato
1966b, 62) and Old- and Late-Babylonian extispicy texts (see CAD Z, 143-144: 1e).
Finally, one adds that zittu and nmelu are connected in a first millennium tamtu text from
Nimrud, ND 5492 (Lambert 2007, nr. 1). The tamtus are a corpus of Babylonian oracle questions
addressed to the gods ama and Adad as a duo. The first question (ND 5492: 1-23) concerns an
historical matter: @ammurabis going on a campaign to seize Kasallu~~u (ll. 24-25: alk ~arrni
ana #abt
URU
Kasallu~~i a @ammurapi).
66
ND 5492: 19-20 reads as follows: it-ti zitti(@A.LA) n-me-li
ka-#a-ri / u allat(NAM.RA) li utu(UR
5
-t) al-me iturrnimma(GUR.ME-nim-ma) will they (the
soldiers) then safely return with a share of the abundant profit and spoil of that city ? (ibid., 24-25).

dktam idk in the apodosis of omen 10; ~ubussu i~~abbat in the apodosis of omen 11
BM 108874: 7-11 concern military activities. Many Mesopotamian omens concern the so called
battle divination, but they usually have the king as their subject.
67
The precariousness and the
dangers of the war always induced the king to consult the oracles before entering battle to make
certain that the gods supported his cause. However, the Babylonian tamtus confirm that the fate of
the soldier was object of divinatory enquiry too.
68

BM 108874: 7-10 prognosticate favourable outcomes for the man: the defeat of the enemy
(omen 7), the defeat of the enemys lord (omen 9), the booty within the enemys country (omen 8).
The apodoses of omens 10 and 11 reads as follows: amlu ^ dktam idk that man: he will
causes losses (CAD D, 139-140), amlu ^ ~ubussu i~~abbat libbaû ul i\b that man: he will be
robbed of his property, his heart wont be satisfied (for ~abtu to commit a robbery see CAD @,
10-11: 2).
Worthy of mention is that dkta dku and ~ubta ~abtu are often associated in letters and
historical texts (see CAD @, 10: 1 sub ~abtu A). Further parallels are found in the mentioned above
tamtu text ND 5492. The third recorded oracle question (ND 5492: 96-159) concerns the safety of
those who go out of the city (l. 160: ana ûlum #t lim) and worries that enemies could attack the
soldiers who go out of the city: i~-tab-tu it-tab-lu x [.. / -lu i-id-du-ku i-x [... (if) they should rob,
carry off, . [.. / or kill .. [... (the soldiers who go out of the city) (ll. 141-142: Lambert 2007, 30-31).
The fourth question (ll. 161-182) concerns the safety of the watch (ma##artu EN.NUN) against
the enemies (see the subscription, l. 183). ND 5492: 176-177 read as follows: ma--a-da da-a-ki la i-

66. Several tamtus offer questions from king about campaigns or other historical matters. On the historical
values of these texts see Lambert 2007, 20.
67. For Old-Babylonian battle divination see most recently Hamblin 2006, 186-192. Most of the Neo-
Assyrian queries to the sungod concern the kings military activities: see Starr 1990.
68. See Lambert 2007, nos. 1, 4, 5, 6.
108 Nicla De Zorzi
duk-ku / ~a-ba-ti la i-~ab-ba-tu (the enemy) will not kill as appropriate, will not plunder as
appropriate (ibid., 32-33).
ND 5492: 297-298, a tamtu for things going well up to the deadline of the year (ana ulum
bal\i ana adn atti), provides a list of dangerous occurrences: tb ~abbt attack by robbers (for
~abbtu robber see CAD @, 13-14) as well as tb nakri enemy attack, tb ni attack of a lion
and tb me~ onset of a storm (ibid., 38-39).

niq ana ilu ana naq itbi in the protases of omens 12-15
Omens 12-15 concern the relationship between the man (amlu) and his god (ilu) during the
performance of a ritual sacrifice (niq naq).
The term niq(SISKUR) is the most used Akkadian term for offering (CAD N/2, 252-259).
69

It is cognate with the verb naq(BAL) to pour out (as a libation), to offer (CAD N/1, 336-341).
However, as remarked by Lambert 1993, 195 and Limet 1993, 243, the Sumerian SISKUR has other
Akkadian renderings, thus suggesting that it originally covered a broader semantic field: ikribu, sull,
supp, tesltu, tmiqu, tninu (all terms for prayer to a god), nu~~u appease.
In third millennium sources the niq-offering usually consisted of animals which were meant to
feed the gods: the animals offered were mostly sheeps, oxen and goats, although birds were also
used.
70
As the offering of an animal for meat means first having to slaughter it, the term niq
indicates the sacrifice and the expression niq naq means to make a sacrifice (CAD N/1, 338:
3a).
71
In Old-Babylonian divinatory texts niq naq refers to the ritual slaughter of the sacrificial sheep
for purposes of extispicy.
72
The slaughter of the animal for divination was performed by the
diviner, the br, on behalf of his client, whom the sources term bl niq the owner of the
sacrifice.
73
The performance of the divinatory sacrifice followed a settled procedure and was
characterized by a number of prayers and rituals intended to propitiate the gods to give a favourable
omen.
74
According to a Neo-Assyrian source published by Zimmern 1901, nos. 1-20: 115, the
diviner slaughtered the sacrificial sheep ana il amli for the mans god, i.e., the personal god who
functioned as an intermediary between the great gods and the individual and whose favour needed
to be stimulated through regular offerings.
75

69. On SISKUR in third and second millennium cuneiform sources see Limet 1993, 243-255. The niq-
offering is well attested in Neo-Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian and Hellenistic temple rituals as well as in
Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid administrative texts. For the Hellenistic evidence see McEwan 1981,
169, Lanciers 1993, 203-223 and Linssen 2004, 158-160. For a general overview on ritual offerings in
Mesopotamia see Lambert 1993, 191-201 and Mayer - Sallaberger 2003, 93-102.
70. Mayer - Sallaberger 2003, 95.
71. For animal sacrifice in Mesopotamian religion see most recently Scurlock 2002, 389-403.
72. Jeyes 1991-1992, 24.
73. On the Babylonian br see Lambert 1998, 141-159.
74. For the procedure of the slaughter see Foxvog 1989, 167-176. The most important edition of the rituals
of the diviner is by Zimmern 1901, nos. 1-25 and 71-101. These are discussed at some length by Starr
1983, Jeyes 1991-1992, 22 and Scurlock 2002, 397-399.
75. On the personal god see van der Toorn 1996, 66-93, Abusch 1998 and id. 2002, 27-63.
As remarked by Leichty 1993, 238, the interwining of propitiation of the gods, ritual and
divination in Mesopotamia was so strong that the act of slaughtering and the performance of
rituals became subjects of divination in and of themselves.
As early as the Old-Babylonian Period divinatory texts dealing with the behaviour of the
sacrificial sheep were drawn up.
76
Similar omen collections were found in the library of the king
Aurbanipal.
77
For the most part these omens deal with the movements of the victim before and
after the slaughter and their apodoses are predictions about the favourable or unfavourable attitude
of the gods towards it.
Further references to religious and cultic activities are attested in the first millennium omen
series umma lu: Tablet 11 describes works in temples and to temple statues in addition to prayers
and rituals performed there by the king;
78
a section of Tablet 41

preserves omens relating to
accidents that may happen to the king or a noble riding his processional chariot, to his chariot
horses or to a gods chariot horses;
79
the little we know of Tablet 52

refers to the fire produced by
the kings brazier during cultic activities.
80

The second part of the series (from Tablet 80 on) is dedicated to human behaviour.
81
The
section concerns mans attitudes before and during the sleep (Tablet 82); mans experiences upon
awaking and going about his business (Tablets 84-85);
82
accidents that occur during everyday
activities and personal mannerism (Tablet 87); mans sexual behaviours (Tablets 103-104);
83
mans
familiar life (Tablet 105). As remarked by Guinan 1990, 10 and Leichty 1993, 241, the faulty acts
described by some omens of Tablet 87 derive the ominous import from their correlation to the
diviner/supplicants behaviours.
84
Moreover, at least three tablets of the section are completely
dedicated to cultic activities: Tablets 95-96 describe incidents occurring to a person on his way to
prayer; Tablet 120 deals with happenings during the New Year festival.
85

Gadd 1927, 9 underlined the similarity between BM 108874: 12-15 and the protases of a
fragmentary unpublished omen text, K 4000. The tablet is unfortunately preserved only on its right

76. YOS 10 47-49; VAT 9518, published by Ebeling 1931, 41-44 no. 9.
77. A number of first millennium sources were published by Meissner 1933, 118-122 and 329-330. For a list
of new texts see Leichty 1993, 240 nn. 11-14. For some Hurro-Hittite parallels see Hoffner 1993, 116-
119 and most recently Cohen 2007, 233-251.
78. The tablet has been recently edited by Freedman 1998, 181-190.
79. For Tablet 41 see Ntscher 1930, 19-29 and Moren 1978, 179-183. For religious references within the
apodoses of Tablet 41 see Moren 1978, 181. As Gadd 1927, 6-7 pointed out, many connections can be
traced between &umma lu Tablet 41 and Tablet 120, which contains omens taken from the New Years
festival (see also Moren 1978, 183, Sallaberger 2000 and Guinan 2002, 14).
80. The main source of Tablet 52 is CT 40 44: see Ntscher 1930, 79. On the content of this tablet see also
Moren 1978, 197-198.
81. For an outline of the content of Tablets 80-120 see Freedman 1998, 2.
82. Similar omens are part of the collection of umma lu tablets of the scribe Nab-zuqup-knu: see Guinan
2002, 15.
83. For erotomancy in Mesopotamian cuneiform sources see Guinan 1990, 10-11 and id. 1998, 38-55.
84. See also Guinan 2002, 15.
85. For Tablets 95-96 see Ntscher 1930, 218-226 and Moren 1978, 232-235. The most recent edition of
Tablet 120 is by Sallaberger 2000, 227-262. For processional omens as part of the personal collection of
the scribe Nab-zuqup-knu see Guinan 2002, 14.
110 Nicla De Zorzi
side for a total of about 12 lines. The preserved protases (K 4000: 1, 2, 5, 7, 10) read as follows:
umma(DI) amlu(NA) niq(SISKUR.SISKUR) ana ilu(DINGIR-) [...] if a man (performed) a
sacrifice to his god [...].
Moren 1978, 233-234 relates K 4000 to umma lu 95-96. The incipit of Tablet 95

is preserved by
CT 39 39-40: 48: umma([DI]) amlu(L) ana ili(DINGIR) i-kar-rab-ma egirr(INIM.GAR) ar-~i i-ta-
nap-pal-[] ar-~i im-man-gar ilu(DINGIR) te#-lit-su i-m[e] [if] a man is praying to a god and an oracle
repeatedly answers [him] promptly _ he will be accepted promptly; the god has hea[rd] his prayer
(Ntscher 1930, 216).
86
However, most of the preserved omens of the Tablet are contributed by
CT 39 41-42: rev. iii and record circumstances wherein an oracle (egirr) responds to a mans
prayer.
87
Lines 1-13 describe an oracle saying yes or no. Lines 15-25 refer to an oracle being
heard in various spatial relations to the individual (right and left, in front, behind). Lines 26-33 refer
to oracles of various animals (a donkey, an ox, a sheep, a dog, a pig, a goat, a bird). The apodoses
indicate whether the persons prayer will be granted or not.
88

The incipit of Tablet 95 is contributed by the excerpt text CT 39 34-36: 112 too.
89
The obverse
of the tablet and the first paragraph of the reverse (ll. 64-79) are occupied by fire omens (umma lu
94).
90
The tablet proceeds with a section on divination casting flour upon water (ll. 80-92).
91
CT 39
34-36: 93-111 extracts from an unplaced chapter whose incipit is: umma(DI) amlu(NA) ana bt()
ilu(DINGIR-) itbi(ZI) if a man goes to the temple of his god (Ntscher 1930, 206). Our
knowledge of this chapter is mostly due to another excerpt text, CT 39 38: 8-15, whose subject are
cultic prescriptions (mainly taboos).
92
A parallel protasis, connected with the flight patterns of a
falcon, is contributed by CT 40 49-50: 34: umma(DI) amlu(NA) ana bt() ilu(AN-) itbma(ZI-
ma) surd(SR.D
MUEN
) ana imitti(15) amli(NA) tiq(LU-iq) damqu(SIG
5
) if a man goes to the
temple of his god and a falcon crosses to the mans right favourable (Ntscher 1930, 186).

86. No attempt is made here to deal with unpublished sources. The first part of CT 39 39-40 shows omens
derived from a mans shoe being devoured by a pig, an ass, a horse and proceeds with observations of
the objects upon which a man might sit, and (on the reverse) of the nervous twitching of various
members of his body: see Boissier 1905, 175-178, Gadd 1926, 7 and Ntscher 1930, 214-218.
87. KK 2238 + 4018 are published in CT 39 41-42 as a composite text with KK 9697 + 12855 (which begins
with the catch-line of CT 39 39-40), K 6960, KK 12822 + 13964 + Sm 623 (all fragmentary duplicates):
see Gadd 1926, 8, Ntscher 1930, 218-225 and Moren 1978, 233.
88. On divination by egirrs (overheard) utterances in Mesopotamia see Oppenheim 1954-1955, 49-55 and
Bottro 1974, 98. Finet 1982, 48-56 analyzes a case of cledonomancy at Mari. Sometimes also the divine
message received in a dream is called egirr: see Butler 1998, 155-157.
89. Ntscher 1930, 208.
90. For Tablet 94 see Ntscher 1930, 199-202 and 204. See also Moren 1978, 227-232 and Freedman 1998, 2.
91. Ntscher 1930, 204-206. The practice of the aleuromancy, i.e., divination based on the scattering of flour
on water, is documented by CT 39 34-36 as well as by a Late-Babylonian text (AO 3112) published by
Nougayrol 1963, 381-386. On aleuromancy see also Maul 2003, 85. Guinan 2002, 26 stresses the
similarity between this section and the third paragraph of the manual of the diviner, the mentioned
above K 57, for which see Nougayrol 1967a.
92. For CT 39 38 see Ntscher 1930, 206-208. According to Freedman 1998, 342, the chapter umma amlu
ana bt ilu itbi and the preceding section on casting flour upon water are so anomalous that they probably
represent an interpolation into the series rather than excerpts from a series tablet.
The content of umma lu 96 might parallel that of BM 108874: 12-15. According to Moren
1978, 234, the Tablet concerns omens taken from the animals and birds that may cross the path of
one on his way to prayer. Unfortunately, all that we know of this Tablet is half a dozen broken lines
on a corner fragment, CT 39 43. CT 39 38: 2-7 preserves some further lines. The second half of the
protasis and the apodosis can be restored by means of CT 39 41-42: 10-11: [...] u
4
-um ana
ili(DINGIR) ut-nin-nu sqa(SILA) ina alku(DU-) #erru(MU) ana pni(IGI) [...] / te#-lit-su e-ma-at
a-ra-an- pa\ir({DU
8
}) [if a man], on the day he prays to a god, while walking in the street, a snake
in front of him [...] his prayer is heard; his guilt is forgiven (Freedman 1998, 343).

ilu niqu ma~ir in the apodosis of omen 12; ibst ilu u itaru elu ibai in the
apodosis of omen 15
The apodoses of omens 12 and 15 focus on the favourable or unfavourable attitude of the gods
towards the performance of the sacrifice.
Many divinatory texts refer to the oracular decision (puruss) of the personal god (ilû) and
personal goddess (i^tarû) concerning the future of the man. What follows next is the prayer which
the petitioner of STT 73: 52-55 addresses to the gods of the night (ilnu bl muti) (l. 55): itti(KI)
ilja(DINGIR-ia
5
) itarja(
D
15-ia
5
) u-ud-bi-ba-nin-ni-ma lu-u en-e
!
(KUR)-ku di-ni li-di-nu
puruss(E.BAR-{a}-[a) lip-ru-su] allow me to speak with my personal god (and) personal goddess
and, either they pass judgment (as to whether or not) I will be weak, (or) [may they take] the
oracular decision concerning me (Butler 1998, 354). The pertinent incantation rubric reads as
follows (l. 56): itti(KI) ilu(DINGIR-) u itaru(
D
E
18
.TR-) da-ba-bi-im-ma arkat(EGIR)
ramnu(N-) pa-ra-si (it is the text) to speak with his personal god and his personal goddess, and
to learn his future (ibid.).
93
BM 108874: 15 predicts an unfavourable outcome for the man: the term ibstu refers to the
divine anger (CAD /3, 382-383) provoked by mans guilts (such as cultic impurity or not
observance of the requests made by the god) and resulting in his misfortune.
94
Note that ibstu is a
feminine plural: K 6278+: 20 preserves the correct plural form, GL.ME, of the verb ba, while
BM 108874 has the singular form GL.
A first parallel can be found in CT 31 30-32: 29, which concerns the behaviour of the sacrificial
sheep: umma(DI) immeru(MIN=UDU) nu(IGI.ME-) ezb(TAG
4
-ba) ilu(DINGIR) ina
niq(SISKUR.SISKUR) amli(L) ul(NU) izziz(GUB-iz) ib-sat ili(DINGIR) ana amli(L)
ba(GL.ME) if sheeps eyes are left (?) the god wasnt present in the slaughter of the man;
there will be anger of the god towards the man.
A second parallel can be found in CT 39 34-36: 81, within a section of 12 omens taken from
wheat being cast into water: umma(DI) ina m(A) inu(MIN-) l illak(DU-ku) ib-sat
ili(DINGIR) ana amli(L) if (flour scattered) in the water does not go twice anger of the god
towards the man (Ntscher 1930, 204). CT 39 34-36: 80 equates the apodosis of BM 108874: 12:

93. Butler 1998, 36-37. Note that puruss also means legal decision (CAD P, 529). For legal and divinatory
texts sharing technical terminology see Abusch 1985, 99 and id. 2002, 33 n. 22.
94. On this subject see most recently Abusch 2002, 27-63.
112 Nicla De Zorzi
umma(DI) qmu(ZD) na-da ina m(A) inu(MIN-) i-la-ku ilu(DINGIR) niq(SISKUR.SISKUR)
amli(L) im-~ur if flour scattered in the water goes twice the god has accepted the slaughter of
the man (ibid.).
A third parallel is found in the apodosis of a physiognomic omen, CT 28 25-27: rev. 34:
umma(DI) tirku(GE
6
) pnu(IGI-u) kma(GIM) nab-lu ib-sa-at ili(DINGIR) ana amli(L) if the
surface of the dark spot is like a flame anger of the god towards the man (Bck 2000, 211).
To these remarks one adds that the expression ibst ili anger of the god is often included in
the formulary of the Neo-Assyrian divinatory queries to the god ama.
95
The structure of the
queries prescribes, after the closing formulas, a list of ezibs formulas, which are instructions about
the proper performance of the rituals associated with the divination.
96
For instance, PRT 41+ (=
Starr 1990, no. 81) states: e-zib ik-rib ili(DINGIR) m-re-ti ib-sat ili(DIN[GIR) u
D
15] disregard
that a votive offering requested by the god, anger of god and goddess... (l. 19) (see also ibid., no.
199: 6).
Similar formulas occur at the end of the tamtus.
97
One of the ezibs at the end of ND 5492: 319-
320 reads as follows: e-zib ik-rib me-ri-ti ib-sat ili(DINGIR) / u itar(
D
15
!
) elu(UGU-)
ba(GL-a) ilu(AN-) itaru(
D
15-) ittu(KI-) / [ab]-su km-lu ignore that a prayer of petition
for anger of god / and goddess may be upon him, his god and goddess with him / may be [ang]ry
and furious (Lambert 2007, 40-41).

GIM EN.NU.UN ana .GAL L in the protases of omens 16-17
The protasis of BM 108874: 16-17 is logographically spelled DI NA GIM EN.NU.UN ana
.GAL L, while K 6278+: 25 has the syllabic spelling [umma amlu ki]-i ma-#ar-ti ana ekalli(.GAL)
na--, which is duplicated by a umma lu bird omen text, CT 40 49-50: 1 [umma amlu k m]a-#ar-ti
ana ekalli(.GAL) na---ma i##ru(MUEN) itu(TA) uml(GB) amli(NA) [].
The interpretation of the sequence is rather difficult. The Sumerian EN.NU.UN has various
Akkadian renderings: ma##artu watch, guard (mostly EN.NUN) (CAD M/2, 333-340), ma##ru
guardian, watchman (
(L)
EN.NU.UN) (CAD M/2, 341-344), #ibittu prison (CAD $, 155-157).
98

K 6278+: 25 preserves the syllabic spelling ma-#ar-ti. The term ma##artu, since the Old-Babylonian
Period, indicates the watch, i.e., the men assigned as guards (CAD M/2, 334-335: 1). At Mari, for
example, ma##artum and baz~tum border guards designate the garrison troops assigned to defend
outer cities.
99
In the Old-Babylonian Period it refers to the duty (service) performed for the
palace or the temple (see CAD M/1, 339-340: 6). The tamtu ND 5492 records a ta-mit ana

95. The most recent edition of the divinatory queries to the god ama is by Starr 1990.
96. According to Starr 1990, xii, the main purpose of the ezib formulas is to eliminate any
misunderstanding, untward event, mishap, or cultic impurity caused by thought, word or deed, which
might affect the outcome of the extispicy.
97. Lambert 2007, 18 gives the following interpretation of the ezib clauses: means of asking the two gods
that even though certain contingencies had not been covered in the wording of the question, reliable
answers would still be given.
98. For the Akkadian renderings of EN.NU.UN see also Borger 2003, 286.
99. Hamblin 2006, 197. Many references from Mari are listed by CAD M/1, 335: 1b. See also Durand 1998,
381.
ulum(SILIM-um) ma##arti(EN.NUN) tamtu for the safety of the watch (l. 183: Lambert 2007, 32-
33), which refers to the guard duty for the security of the fields against enemies (ll. 164-165). In the
Neo-Assyrian Period the term is widely used to indicate the watch for astronomical
observation.
100

Even though the beginning of the line is broken, it seems that the preposition used in K 6278+:
25 is k (ki-i) and not kma (GIM). Note that the reading ki-i rather the more common GIM is
confirmed by the ezib formula of a Neo-Assyrian medical query, AGS 147 (= Starr 1990, no. 276):
12: e-zib di-nim mu(UD-mu) an-ni-i ki-i \bu(DG.GA) ki-i ~a-\u-u disregard the (formulation) of
todays case, be it good, be it faulty. Compare it with AGS 72 (= ibid., no. 77): 9: e-zib ik-rib di-
nim mu(UD-mu) ann(NE-i) kma(GIM) \bu(DG-bu) kma(GIM) ~a\(LL-).
101

Moreover, a pronominal suffix of 3
rd
person singular, which doesnt appear in the version
preserved by BM 108874, is added to the verb (na--) in the Neo-Assyrian version of the protasis.
Thus the evidence suggests that BM 108874 and K 6278+ preserve two partially different
versions of the protasis. The dictionaries, following the mixed text edition of Gadd 1927, pl. 48,
translate the sequence as follows: when the guards bring a man to the palace (CAD M/1, 334:
note the wrong reading EN.NUN for EN.NU.UN); if when they bring a man to the palace under
guard (CAD N/2, 92). Ntscher 1929-1930, 180 translates it as follows: (wenn ein Mensch) sich
als Verhafteter zum Palast begibt, giving to ma##artu the passive meaning of (one) who is
watched, i.e. captured, taken into arrest.
102

eli bl dabbu izzaz in the apodosis of omen 16; klau irrik in the apodosis of omen 17
The bl dabbi is either the adversary (in court), i.e., the mans personal adversary, or the
enemy in general (CAD D, 3-4), thus being used as a synonym of the most common Akkadian
term for enemy, i.e., nakru.
The context of the observation and the wording of the apodosis might suggest a correlation
with some Mesopotamian magical texts centred on the action of the personal adversary (bl lemutti
/ bl dabbi / bl amti, occasionally also bl lumni and bl dni), who frequently appears in anti-
witchcraft incantations and anti-witchcraft rituals as the male complement of the witch (kaptu) -
the performer of destructive magic - and whose sorceries were thought to cause misfortune, mostly
social problems, such as dismissal by authorities, defeat in lawsuit and slander.
103
The various aspects of the misfortune caused by the bl dabbi are described in SpTU 2 22: ii 8-
16 (Weiher 1983) in the following terms:
104

100. For all the relevant references see Hunger 1992, 327a.
101. On this evidence Borger 2003, 399 remarks: das reicht aber nicht aus, um fr gim die Lesung k
anzusetzen.
102. See Ntscher 1929-1930, 182.
103. For a list of texts involving the bl dabbi see most recently Schwemer 2007a, 30 nn. 13-15. For the
sorceries performed by the bl dabbi see Abusch 1985, 91-100. For an overview on the image of the
witch (kaptu) in Mesopotamia see id. 2002, 3-25. A full discussion of the role of the bl dabbi in anti-
witchcraft rituals has been recently offered by Schwemer 2007b, 70-71, 81-84 and 127-131.
104. SpTU 2 22 and some parallel texts are discussed by Abusch 2002, 27-63. See also Geller 1988, 1-23.
114 Nicla De Zorzi
SpTU 2 22: ii 8-16
8. umma(DI) amlu(NA) bl(EN) lemutti(@UL-ti) irî(TUK-î) bl(EN) dabbû(KA-^)
zru(@UL.GIG) dibal(DIB.BAL.A) zikurud(ZI.KU
5
.RU.DA.A)
9. kadabbed(KA.DIB.BI.DA) e-pi^ lemnti(@UL.ME&) lawû(NIGIN-^) ina pn(IGI)
ili(DINGIR) ârri(LUGAL) kabti(IDIM) u rub(NUN) û-u^-ku[n
?
]
10. gi-na-a u-dur urra(U
4
) u ma(GI
6
) ina-an-ziq #tu(ZI.GA) sad-rat-su
11. kar-#i- ikkal(K.ME) a-ma-tu-^ u^-tan-nu- i^-di-i~-^ ipparis(TAR-is)
12. ina ekallû(.GAL-^) la ma~-ra- ûntû(M.GI
6
.ME-) par-da
13. ina ûttû(M.GI
6
-) mtti(.ME) i-dag-gal ubn(U.SI) lemutti(@UL-t) arkû(EGIR-)
tar#at(LAL-at)
14. n(IGI) lemutti(@UL) irteneddû(U&.ME&-^) di-na i-ta-na-dar itti(KI) br(
L
@AL) u îli(
L
ENSI)
15. dnû(DI-^) u purussû(E&.BAR-^) la ûr-î amlu(L) ^(BI) qt(&U) amlti(NAM.L.U
18
.LU)
kimiltim(DIB-tim)
d
Marduk(
D
AMAR.UTU)
16. ireddû(U&-û) ilu(DINGIR) ârru(LUGAL) kabtu(IDIM) u rub(NUN) ittû(KI-^) ana
sullumi(SILIM-mi) eli(UGU) bl(EN) dabbû(KA-^) ana ûzuzzi(GUB-zi)

8. If a man has an adversary, his adversary in court, (and) hate, distortion of justice, cutting of life,
9. aphasia, all these evils he does; he besieges him; in front of the god, the king, the noble and the
prince he is caused to be in bad repute;
10. he is constantly frightened; he worries day and night; losses are suffered regularly by him;
11. people speak defamation about him; his words are changed; his profit is cut off;
12. in his (= of the king) palace he is not well received; his dreams are confused;
13. in his dreams he sees dead people; a finger of evil is pointed at him;
14. an evil eye constantly pursues him; he constantly fears the lawsuit; by the diviner and the dream
interpreter
15. his judgement and his oracular decision are not secured; this man: the hand of the man (and)
the wrath of Marduk
16. follow him; (so that) the god, the king, the noble and the prince may make peace with him
(and) cause him to triumph over his adversary.

Similarly, the subscript to a Late-Babylonian ritual text (VAT 35: 18) against the witchcraft
performed by the bl dabbi reads as follows: [ina] mu~-~i bl(EN) amtû(INIM-^) izzazzu(GUB-zu)
he will triumph over his adversary (Schwemer 2007b, 129-130).
In the main, the Mesopotamians ascribed to the action of witchcraft personal distress (physical
and/or psychological) as well as circumstances involving socio-economic loss of wealth and social
status.
105
Interestingly, a parallel text to SpTU 2 22, BAM 316: ii 9-10, issues the idea that witchcraft
causes misfortune by provoking the anger of the gods: ib-sat ili(DINGIR) u itari(
D
U.DAR)
elu(UGU-) ba(GL-a) ilu(DINGIR) u itaru(
D
U.DAR) / ittu(KI-) ze-nu- ki-pi ep--
itti(KI) ili(DINGIR) u itari(
D
U.DAR) u-zu-ur the anger of god and goddess is upon him, god and
goddess / are angry with him; witchcraft has been practiced against him; he has been cursed before
god and goddess (Abusch 2002, 31-32). The text ends (ll. 22-25) with a ritual performed for the
reconciliation with the personal gods (l. 22: ilu u itaru ittu isallimu) and the attainment of
favourable omens (l. 22: egirru iir), thus focusing on the close relationship between propitiations
of the gods, rituals and divination.
106

The tamtu ND 5492: 249-255 connects the action of the bl dabbi with witchcraft and sorcery:
ina a-mat nir-ti tu-i u nu-ul-la-ti / mi-qit [p ...] x ZIB [x] a-~i-ti / ina a-mat mu-a\-pi-li a-r[i-i] / GAB-
na-i-i ina a-mat bl(EN) ik-k[i-] / bl(EN) dabbu(DU
11
.DU
11
-) ina a-mat bl(EN) i-di-[] /
bl(EN) man-za-zi-i- ina a-mat ep-i / -pi-i k[i-pi] ru-~e-e ru-se-e (will the man be spared) from the
matter of murder, slander, falses accusation / malicious talk [...] .. [.] hostile speech / from the
matter of the slanderer, the . [..] / and the ...; from the matter of someone angry with [him] / and
his prosecutor; from the matter of the lord of [his] side / and the lord of his rank; from the
matter of magic / voodoo, wi[tchcraf]t, black magic and sorcery ... ? (Lambert 2007, 36-37).
The connection between the protasis and the apodosis of omen 17 seems to rely on the
association of ideas (guard, ma##artu prison, klu). The apodosis reads as follows: amlu ^
klau(KI.-û) irrik that man: his confinement will be long.
Long detention is frequently attested in omen apodoses (see CAD K, 359-360: 1b). The tamtu
ND 5492: 343 worries that klu prison, msiru confinement and dannatu distress might befall a
man (see Lambert 2007, 39-40). A fragmentary incantation against the bl dabbi (KAR 253: Ebeling
1949, 196-202) refers to the imprisonment of the adversary (l. 17: ina ki-li [...]-^).
Interestingly, klu(KI.) prison seems to be the subject of an unfortunately not preserved
Neo-Assyrian war ritual for the king, whose incipit (KI. AL.DIB) is mentioned by the manual of
the exorcist Esagil-kn-apli (obv. 23: see Jean 2006, 60).
107
It follows the incipit of a ritual to cross
into the steppe land (EDIN.NA DIB.B.DA) and a ritual that the arrow of the enemy doesnt
come near a man (GI L.KR NU.TE.GE
26
.E.D) respectively. A famous letter of an Assyrian

105. See Abusch 2007, 375-376.
106. On this subject see also Stol 1993, 33-36, Heeel 2000, 49-54 and id. 2007a, 120-130. As shown by
Abusch 2002, 40, the idea of witchcraft overpowering the personal gods and thus causing mans
misfortune is probably a later addition within the corpus of anti-witchcraft literature, corresponding to a
diminution of the importance attributed to the personal god. The development should be located at the
time that witchcraft became part of the iptu in either the Old-Babylonian or as late as the early Kassite
Period (see also ibid., 56 and n. 88).
107. 107. For the reading of KI. as klu prison see Casini 1990, 127-134. On KI. AL.DIB (klu #abtu)
imprisonment see also Geller 2000, 254 n. 23. Conversely, Jean 2006, 60 translates the expression as
follows: pour quil tienne son poste.
116 Nicla De Zorzi
king (CT 22 1) demanding the collection of various scholarly texts from the Ezida in Borsippa
refers to a series battle (ikar t~zi) as well as to the ritual to cross into the steppe land.
108

Further military rituals are partially attested in the correspondence of the Neo-Assyrian ips.
109
The relationship between war rituals and bl-dabbi and anti-witchcraft rituals has been recently
re-qualified by Schwemer 2007a, 29-42. However, Mesopotamian war rituals are not very well
known because of the fragmentary state of preservation of the sources. Moreover, as the
correspondences between ritual and divination are still to be investigated, the interrelations
suggested above cannot be proved definitely at present.

u bti iptma libitta iddi in the protases of omens 18-19
The flight patterns of the falcon are observed while a man opens the foundations of a house
and laids the brick (u bti iptma libitta iddi).
The protasis parallels the incipit of a first millennium ritual (Si 12) concerning the opening of
the foundations of a house.
110
It reads: [e-nu]-ma u(U
8
) bti() tepett(BAD-) ina ar~i([IT]I)
\bi(DU
10
.GA) ina u
4
-mu al-mu kma(GIN
7
) u(U
8
) tepett(BAD-) libitta(SIG
4
) tanadd([U]B-)...
[wh]en you open the foundations of a house, on a good [mon]th, on a favourable day, as you open
the foundations and you l[ai]d the brick... (Ambos 2004, 132-133). It is followed by a list of ritual
prescriptions in order to propitiate the gods Ea, ama and Asallu~i, the great gods, builders of
settlements and shrines (l. 11: ilni rabti bn dadm u ert), as well as Kbu and Kulla lord of
fundaments and bricks (l. 7: bl u u libnti).
111
The expression u pet describes the uncovering
of the old fundaments which preludes to the laiding of the first brick of the new fundaments (libitta
nad).
In ancient Mesopotamia divination and ritual are closely interrelated on the occasion of building
activities.
112
All phases of the building of a house or a temple were followed by purification and
apotropaic rituals to devert the bad omens. This was particularly true, because of its religious
implications, in the case of the building of a temple, when the kings professionals, the br
diviner, the ipu exorcist and the kal lamentation-priest, were involved in the performance
of the pertinent rituals.
113
The br investigated the gods attitudes prior to the beginning of the
activities; the ipu purified the place prior to the laiding of the fundaments and dedicated the

108. The most recent edition of the text is by Frame - George 2005, 280-281.
109. A number of war rituals were published by Ebeling 1953, nos. 3-4, Elat 1982, 5-25, Mayer 1988, 145-164,
id. 1990, 14-33, id. 1993, 313-337. A new war ritual is published by Schwemer 2007a, 29-42. Further
evidence comes from the Hittite (see Beal 1995, 63-76) and Ugarit (see Prechel 2003, 225-228). For the
Neo-Assyrian evidence see also Jean 2006, 91-96.
110. For first millennium foundation rituals see most recently Ambos 2004. For a brief overview on Neo-
assyrian foundation rituals see also Jean 2006, 102-103. On the Hellenistic evidence see Linssen 2004,
231-233.
111. For a detailed analysis of the role of the gods in Mesopotamian foundation rituals see Ambos 2004, 21-28.
112. See ibid., 35-36. On the relationship between omens and rituals see also Sallaberger 2000, 261-262.
113. The rituals performed by these professionals during building activities are discussed by Ambos 2004, 7-14.
building; the kal appeased the gods by means of prayers during the development of the
construction.
114

Moreover, omens taken from accidents occurring by building activities appear in three omen
series: the series qqur pu He demolishes and (then) he rebuilds, the series umma lu (tablets 1-
21) and the series TUKUM.BI
ITI
APIN.DU
8
.A.TA If from the month Arahsamnu.
115
The latter
is unfortunately known only from its incipit, umma(DI) ina libbi() li(URU)
igrtu(.GAR
8
.ME) i-qup-p if within a city the wall collapses, which corresponds to the incipit
of the kal ritual e-nu-ma igr(.GAR) bt() ili(DINGIR) i-qa-pu when the wall of the gods house
collapses.
116
The incipit of Si 12 indicates that choosing a propitious time (ina ar~i \bi ina mi almi) for
building activities was considered of great importance. This was the goal of the series qqur pu: the
chapters 1-33 of the series give chronological indications for building activities to houses and
temples, while chapter 41 concerns grave building.
117
The incipit of chapter 1 reads as follows:
umma(DI) ina
ITI
XY u(APIN) bti() iptma(BE-ma) libitta(SIG
4
) iddi(UB) if in the month XY
he opens the foundations of a house and he laids the brick (Labat 1965, 58).
umma lu 5 concerns houses under construction.
118
Many omens of this tablet refer to the
month in which the foundations of a house are laid or to happenings during building activities. For
instance, &umma lu 5: 20 reads: umma(DI) i-nu-ma u(APIN) bti() na-du- egirr(INIM.GAR)
damiq(SIG
5
) id-bu-ub KIMIN if, when the foundations of a house are laid, a positive oracle speaks
ditto (Freedman 1998, 89).

umma ina bt amli mar#u mari# in the protases of omens 20-22
The behaviour of the falcon is observed while in the house of a man someone is sick (mar#u
mari#). The health of the individual is one of the standard topics of Mesopotamian divinatory
enquiry and it is widely attested in extispicy reports and queries.
Interestingly, the same three omens occur in the second tablet of the diagnostic series Sakikk
(SA.GIG), omens 3-5.
119
These are followed by jackal (zib) (ll. 7-12), raven (ribu) (ll. 13-16),
partridge (i##r ~urri) (ll. 17-18) and dove (summatu) (l. 18) omens.
120
The tablet concerns the
encounters made by the exorcist (ipu) on his way to the house of the patient.

114. See also Jean 2006, 102-103.
115. The series qqur pu was edited by Labat 1965. For the series TUKUM.BI
ITI
APIN.DU
8
.A.TA see
Ambos 2004, 29-31. The house omens of &umma lu are discussed by Guinan 1996a, 61-68. For parallels
between qqur pu and umma lu see Freedman 1998, 159, 162-167 and Ambos 2004, 31-32 and 36.
116. The incipit of the series is preserved by the Babylonian diviners manual: see Oppenheim 1974, 199:
13. For the kal ritual enma igr bt ili iqpu see Ambos 2004, 29 n. 206 and 171-192.
117. On the content of qqur pu see also Maul 2003, 57-58.
118. See Freedman 1998, 87-108.
119. The diagnostic series has been recently edited by Heeel 2000. For the second tablet of the series see id.
2001-2002, 24-49. One manuscript of the tablet (D, from Sippar) preserves a variant apodosis for omen 3
and 4: see ibid., 41.
120. An Uruk parallel to the jackal and raven omens is published by Weiher 1983, no. 32: see Heeel 2001-
2002, 41.
118 Nicla De Zorzi
Sakikk 2: 3-5 differs from BM 108874: 20-22 in the reverse order of the bird flight: from right
to left in the first omen and from left to right in the second, such as in K 6278+: 33.
The serialization of Sakikk is attributed to the Babylonian scholar Esagil-kn-apli, who served
as ummnu scholar under the king Adad-apla-iddina (1068-1047 B.C.).
121
It has been recently
suggested that Esagil-kn-apli might have used for his work, at least in some cases, a number of
already existing traditions, rather than producing them by himself.
122
However, a direct borrowing
from BM 108874 to Sakikk 2 is hard to imagine. On the other hand, the existence of clear parallels
between the diagnostic omens and the terrestrial omens of the series &umma lu has been frequently
emphasized, although the direction of the borrowings is still debated.
123
The presence of the same
three omens both in Sakikk 2 and K 6278+ (even if the text is not fully preserved) is not final
proof of a direct borrowing, but it nevertheless suggests a possible identification of K 6278+ as part
of the series &umma lu.
From the point of view of the interpretation of the text, one notes that the second part of BM
108874, i.e., from omen 16 on, focuses on circumstances which usually involve the exorcist-ipu,
or, perhaps, the mutual action of both the exorcist and the diviner: witchcraft (?) (omens 16-17),
building activities (omens 18-19), diagnostics (omens 20-22).

qaqqad eqli ana ma~#i itbi in the protases of omens 23 and 25; zra uddu in the protasis of
omen 24
The flight patterns of the falcon and the behaviour of the raven are observed during agricultural
activities such as the plowing of a field (omens 23 and 25) and the throwing of the seed (omen 24).
The noxious presence of birds during agricultural activities is confirmed by letters,
administrative and literary texts as well as by the archaeological evidence.
124

Ur III texts from Umma mention the hiring of men against crows.
125
Old-Babylonian letters
from Mari attest to the employing of guardians (ma##ar) in order to protect fields (eqla na#ru) from
wild animals and birds.
126

A small collection of Old-Babylonian incantations (YOS 11 69) instruct how to fight against
four different types of pests.
127
The subscript to the second incantation (rev. l. 7) indicates that it is
meant for catching the ravens (KA.INIM.MA .NAGA.GA
MUEN
DAB
5
.BA).
The Sumerian proverb SP 3.182 (= SP 7.92) refers to a BURU
4
MUEN
(crow) that devours the
crop: A. BURU
4
MUEN
.GIN
7
Z E.DA.RA.A@ you can devour a field like a crow (Alster
1997, 110 and 163).
128

121. On Esagil-kn-apli see Finkel 1988, 143-159.
122. Heeel 2000, 104-110 and id. 2001-2002, 26.
123. See Freedman 1998, 12 and Heeel 2001-2002, 26 n. 20.
124. Some ploughing scenes on cylinder-seals represents crows flying down on the furrows: see Osten-Sacken
1999, 265-278.
125. Veldhuis 2004, 227.
126. The evidence from Mari is discussed by Wassermann 1999, 341-354.
127. On YOS 11 69 see Wassermann 1999, 348-349, Cavigneaux al Rawi 2002, 10 and Veldhuis 2004, 300.
128. On SP 3.182 see also Cavigneaux al Rawi 2002, 49 and Veldhuis 2004, 227.
A balag-composition to Inanna describes the chasing away of BURU
5
MU&EN
(sparrows) from
the grain (l. 419) (Kramer 1987, 71-90).
129

An Assyrian list of portents (CT 29 48-50) refers to a seed crow (?) (BURU
5
.&E.NUMUN)
which give birth in the city (l. 6).
130
The lexical list @AR.RA = ~ubullu 18: 342 (Landsberger 1962)
also records a BURU
4
.&E.NUMUN
MU&EN
= e-rib ze-ri (see CAD A/2 sub ribu, lexical entries).
Worth mentioning is the similarity between the Akkadian words for raven/crow (ribu / (h)
ribu) and locust (erbu).
131
The Sumerian word for locust is BIR
5
(NAM)
(MU&EN)
. However, in the
post Old-Babylonian Period the use of BIR
5
(NAM) for locust was replaced by BURU
5
, which in
the Old-Babylonian Sumerian literature denoted the sparrow, thus contributing to various
misinterpretations in antiquity as well as in modern Assyriology.
132
The locust was the most common cause of field pest in Mesopotamia.
133
The Sumerian
agricultural manual known as The Farmers Instruction (Civil 1994) refers to the danger of
locusts that destroy crops (ll. 64-66). The manual of the exorcist Esagil-kn-apli (obv. 22: Jean 2006,
67) lists various agricultural exorcistic rituals: ritual against the flooding of Adad (U
4
.D.RA.RA
DIB.B.DA), an exorcism of the steppe land (MA.MA EDIN.NA) and a ritual against the
tooth of the locust (Z BURU
5
DIB.B.DA).
134
An Old-Babylonian agricultural incantation
from Meturan (H 103: Cavigneaux al Rawi 2002, 14-56) describes the exorcist laying its nets
against noxious animals into the steppe land (l. 1: MA.MA EDIN G I.NI.IL.LA). One of the
animals mentioned is the locust (H 103: ii 1).
An unfortunately not well preserved tamtu (K 11310: Lambert 2007, no. 17) also refers to
locusts (erbi BURU
5
.@I.A).

5. Text structure and divinatory interpretative apparatus
A great effort has been so far devoted to the study of the technical apparatus of Mesopotamian
extispicy texts.
135
Conversely, discussions on the principles of interpretation of Mesopotamian
terrestrial omens are rather rare.
136

This paragraph offers an analysis of the features of the divinatory interpretative apparatus of BM
108874. However, it should be remarked that, as we dont possess the signifying code, the approach
used here is highly speculative.

129. On BURU
5
MU&EN
sparrow see Veldhuis 2004, 229-231. For the chasing away of sparrows from the
fields see also Ana ittû (Landsberger 1937) 4: i 49-50.
130. On CT 29 48-50 see Guinan 2002, 31-40. A BURU
5
.&E.NUMUN
MU&EN
also appears in a &umma lu bird
omen text, CT 41 1: 2, unfortunately only partially preserved.
131. Wassermann 1999, 345 n. 20.
132. The problem of the difference vs analogy between BIR
5
and BURU
5
is extensively analyzed by
Cavigneaux al Rawi 2002, 44-50. See also Civil 1994, 104 n. 83, Black 1996, 25 and Veldhuis 2004, 224-22.
133. The evidence is discussed by George 1999, 291-292.
134. For the ritual against the tooth of the locust see ibid., 295-298.
135. Major contributions on extispicy are Starr 1983, 14-24; Meyer 1987; Jeyes 1989, 51-92; Leiderer 1990;
Starr 1990, xxxvi-lv; Koch-Westenholz 2000, 38-70; Glassner 2004, 63-80.
136. See Guinan 1989, 227-235; id. 1993, 61-67; id. 1998, 38-55; id. 2002, 7-40.
120 Nicla De Zorzi
Already from the analysis of the first group of omens (1-3) one gets a glimpse on the divinatory
logic:

PROTASIS APODOSIS
Context Bird behaviour Prediction
1 man: starting an enterprise falcon: crossing from the right of the
man to his left
success of the enterprise
2 DITTO falcon: staying on the right of the man
and proceeding alongside him
having gain
3 DITTO raven: staying and cawing to the left
of the man
enjoying a profit

The description of the bird behaviour is organized according to the binary opposition right/left,
which is the most productive in Mesopotamian extispicy and, in the main, in all kind of divinatory
techniques.
137
The right side is usually associated with positive values; the left side, conversely, is
associated with negative values. In 2 the staying of the falcon on the right side leads to a positive
prediction. 3 predicts a similar positive outcome, though the bird stays on the left: looking back to
the signs, one gets that the outcome of the third omen results from the product of two values, i.e.,
the negative value (_) of the left side combined with the negative value of the raven (_), an
inauspicious bird, leads to a positive prediction (_)(_)=(+).
The principles so recovered seem to be confirmed by 6 and 24, where the behaviour of the
raven is again observed.

PROTASIS APODOSIS
6 man: starting a journey raven: proceeding to the right of the
man and cawing
not going where planed;
discontent
24 man: throwing the seed raven: staying and cawing to the left
of the man
increasing of the furrows yield

In 6 the product of the positive value of the right side (+) with the negative value of the raven
(_) leads to a negative prediction (+)(_)=(_). In 24, as in 3, the negative value (_) of the left side
combined with the negative value of the raven (_) leads to a positive result (_)(_)=(+).
The rule may be summarized as follows: positive sign combined with positive sign leads to a
positive result (+)(+)=(+); negative combined with negative leads to a positive result
(_)(_)=(+); negative combined with positive leads to a negative result (_)(+)=(_). If the
protasis contains two or more terms they could be treated like individual elements.
138
See, for
instance, 7-11:

137. On the opposition right/left in divinatory texts see Guinan 1996b, 5-10.
138. The rule of the product of signs is widely applied in extispicy texts: see Koch-Westenholz 2000, 43.
PROTASIS APODOSIS
7 man: going against an enemy falcon: circling from the right of the
man to his back and crossing to his
left
conquest of the enemy
8 man: going against an enemy falcon: crossing from the left of the
man to his right and excreting next to
him
booty in the country of the
enemy
9 man: going against an enemy falcon: flying off from the left of the
man to his right and turning back
leaving of the enemys lord;
returning home
10 man: going against an enemy falcon: crossing from the left of the
man to his right and taking up a
position to his left and proceeding
alongside him
causing losses
11 man: going against an enemy falcon: circling from the left of the
right
being robbed of the property;
discontent

In 7 the falcon circles from the right side (+) to the back, which is usually associated with
negative values (_). The negative product, (+)(_)=(_), in combination with the negative value of
the crossing of the bird to the left side (_), gives a double negative (_)(_)=(+), i.e., a positive
result. The application of the rule in 8 suggests that, at least within the divinatory system of BM
108874, the act of excreting next to a man is charged of negative values. The positive predictions of
9 and 10 themselves derive from the product of three values, one positive and two negatives.
Although the protasis of 11 shows a similar structure, the outcome of the omen is negative. The
disrupting of the standard pattern seems to be catalyst of a new interpretative principle.
139
7 and 11
might be read as an antithetical pair: the opposite directions of the flight lead to antithetical
predictions.
The organization by antithetical pairs also appears on 12-15, which could be read as two
intersecting pairs of omens (12/15; 13/14). In 12/15 the positive/negative outcomes of the
apodoses derive from the binary logic itself rather than from the sum of the sign values of the
protases.
PROTASIS APODOSIS
12 man: going to sacrifice to his god falcon: crossing from the right of
the man to his left
the god accepts the sacrifice
15 man: going to sacrifice to his god falcon: crossing from the left of
the man to his right
anger of his god and his goddess
upon him

With regard to 12, the crossing of the bird from right (+) to left (_) leads to a positive
prediction. 15 correlates an antithetical prediction with the opposite direction, from left (_) to right
(+), of the bird flight.

139. See Guinan 1989, 229. Similar structures occur in the teratological omen series umma izbu: see De Zorzi
2007, 362-376 (unpublished MA thesis).
122 Nicla De Zorzi
With regard to 13-14, the application of the rule would lead to a negative result in both cases:
PROTASIS APODOSIS
13 man: going to sacrifice to his
god and returning home
falcon: circling from the right of the
left
long days; long life
14 man: going to sacrifice to his
god
falcon: circling from the left of the
right
short days; death

The opposite directions of the bird flights (from right to left in 13 and from left to right in 14)
determine opposite predictions.
To these remarks one adds that whether the falcons flight starts from the right and reaches the
left or vice versa, it seems not to have by itself any influence on the positive/negative value of the
prediction.
140
See, for instance, 1 and 5:
PROTASIS APODOSIS
1 man: starting an enterprise (ana
#ibtiu itbi)
falcon: crossing from the right of
the man to his left
success of the enterprise (#ibssu
ikaad)
5 man: going on a journey falcon: crossing from the right of
the man to his left
not attaining of the desire (l
kad #ibti)

Even though the flight have the same pattern (crossing from right to left), the corresponding
predictions have an opposite polarity. The only difference between them is the context of the
observation. Moreover, in 1 the connection between the protasis and the apodosis is strengthened
by the repetition of the term #ibtu.
16-17 and 18-19 are two couples of antithetical pairs. With regard to 16-17, the flight of the bird
from left (negative side) to right (positive side) leads to a positive prediction, while the flight from
the opposite direction leads to a negative one.

PROTASIS APODOSIS
16 man: being brought to the
palace
falcon: crossing from the left of the
man to his right
staying above the enemy; no
rival
17 man: being brought to the
palace
the man to his left
long confinement

140. Conversely, in K 6278 the flight from the right side always has a positive value.
PROTASIS APODOSIS
18 man: digging the foundation
of a house and laiding a brick
falcon: crossing from the left of the
man to his right
enlargement of the house; long
life of the owner of the house
19 man: digging the foundation
of a house and laiding a brick
the man to his left
unhappiness of the inhabitants
of the house

With regard to 18-19, the antithetical meanings of the apodoses are determined by the opposite
direction of the bird flight. As for 16-17, the flight from left to right is associated with a positive
result.
Finally, another feature of the text worth mentioning is the presence of triadic patterns of
organization. See, for instance, 20-22:

PROTASIS APODOSIS
20 man: in his house someone is
sick
falcon: crossing (in the morning
behind the house) from the outer
left corner to the outer right corner
getting up soon
sick
falcon: crossing (in the morning
behind the house) from the outer
right corner to the outer left corner
long sickness
sick
falcon: flying away (in the morning
behind the house)
death

The first two omens of the triad represent an opposite pair. In 20 the flying of the bird from left
to right determines a positive outcome (as in 16-19). Conversely, the flying from right to left in 21
determines an opposite negative outcome. The protasis of the third omen of the triad describes a
completely different behaviour of the bird (flying away): its prediction has a stronger inauspicious
value than the prediction of the negative member of the previous pair.
See also 23-25:

PROTASIS APODOSIS
23 man: plowing a (fallow) field falcon: crossing from the right of
the man to his left
seeing luxuriance of the field (bulu\
libbi a eqli immar)
24 man: throwing the seed raven: going upon it and cawing to
the left of the man
increasing of the furrows yield
(eru bilassa uttar)
25 man: plowing a (fallow) field falcon: crossing from the left of the
man to his right
decreasing of the furrows yield
(eru bilassa uma\\a)

23 and 25 may be paired as polar opposites: the antithetical meaning of the apodoses is related
to the opposite order of the bird flight. Moreover the apodosis of 24 is symmetrically opposite to
that of 25 (biltu atru/biltu ma\). Finally, one notes the phonetic association between bul\u health,
vigour, luxuriance (23) and biltu yeld (24 and 25).

124 Nicla De Zorzi
6. Conclusions
Our study of BM 108874 has provided us with a number of insights that are worth summarizing
briefly here.
First, the existence of many interconnections between terrestrial omens and other types of
divinatory texts, such as extispicy omens, dream omens, astrological and diagnostic omens has been
demonstrated. Moreover, it has been pointed out that some of the omens of BM 108874 seem to
share their terminology with various rituals (war, foundation, agricultural rituals) belonging to the
sphere of competence of the exorcist-ipu.
The idea of the overlap and exchange among the different mantic disciplines has been
frequently emphasized by Assyriologists.
141
However, no serious attempt has been made so far to
collect and analyze comprehensively all the evidence. For instance, the recent edition of the corpus
of Babylonian queries-tamtus by Lambert 2007 calls into question their connections with the related
category of the ikribus, i.e., ritual texts prescribing rites whereby the answer to a tamtu was obtained.
The sharing of technical terminology between BM 108874 (terrestrial omens), the tamtus and some
anti-witchcraft rituals suggests that the analysis of the complementarities among the various fields
of Mesopotamian scholarship should be pursued in order to better understand the ways and the
strategies of textual transmission.
In the final part of the article, we tried to shed some light on the divinatory logic of BM 108874.
It has been stressed that, despite the great effort which has been so far devoted to the study of the
technical apparatus of Mesopotamian extispicy texts, discussions on the principles of interpretation
of Mesopotamian terrestrial omens are rather rare and their hermeneutic principles of interpretation
remain to be investigated. An effort towards a better understanding of the divinatory language
would provide many insights into the role of writing and script in the divinatory process and the
function of Mesopotamian literary devices.

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132 Nicla De Zorzi
Fig. 1. BM 108874 (The original dimension of the tablet are 8,4 x 4,2 cm).
133 Bird Divination in Mesopotamia - New Evidence From BM 108874
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135 Bird Divination in Mesopotamia - New Evidence From BM 108874
Fig. 4. K 6278+Rm 2 389 (from Gadd 1927, pl. 48)

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KASKAL

Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico

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