Andrushko Et Al 2006

THE BURIALS AT SACSAHUAMAN AND CHOKEPUKIO:
A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL CASE STUDY OF IMPERIALISM

FROM THE CAPITAL OF THE INCA EMPIRE
Valerie A. Andrushko, Elva C. Torres Pino, and Viviana Bellifemine
B
INTRODUCTION
ioarchaeology, the study of human skeletal re-
mains in archaeological contexts, can provide a
wealth of evidence for understanding diet, health and
Valerie A. Andrushko. Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, valeriea@umail.ucsb.edu
Elva C. Torres Pino. Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Cuzco, Peru
Viviana Bellifemine. Archeo-Tec, Inc., Oakland, CA 94618
Comparison of the elite site of Sacsahuaman in the capital city of Cuzco with the site of Chokepukio, located
nearby in the Lucre Basin, indicates that Inca imperial policies introduced rigid social stratification and division
of labor. The results from Sacsahuaman show that elite status did not buffer individuals from diseases, particu-
larly with regards to inflammatory reactions of the long bones. Commoner individuals from Chokepukio dis-
played evidence of joint disease that may reflect arduous physical labor, perhaps as a result of labor tribute
requirements. By increasing stress on subject populations, Inca economic control may have impacted the health
of the local populace through arthritic conditions, in turn limiting the empires ability to maximize its return on
labor-based tribute obligations. By incorporating a multidisciplinary approach, this study reveals the biological
effects of administrative policies on different sectors of society under Inca rule, and the consequences of these
biological impacts on imperial endeavors.
La comparacin de entierros provenientes de una clase elite del sitio de Sacsahuaman, en la capital de Cuzco, con
los del sitio domstico de Chokepukio, situado en el valle de Lucre, dilucida una serie de consecuencias introducidas
por la poltica imperial inca en forma de una rgida estratificacin social y divisin de trabajo. Los resultados de
Sacsahuaman muestran que individuos en una posicin de elite no estaban protegidos de contraer enfermedades,
especialmente infecciones bacteriales en las extremidades seas. Los individuos de Chokepukio, evidencian
enfermedades de las articulaciones que reflejan una vida de arduo trabajo fsico, probablemente para cumplir con
los impuestos requeridos por el imperio inca. El control econmico inca pudo haber impactado directamente la
salud de las poblaciones conquistadas causando condiciones artrticas debilitantes, posiblemente limitando la
abilidad del imperio de maximizar la recaudacin de impuestos de base laborable. Incorporando una perspectiva
multidisciplinaria con varias lneas de evidencia, como resultados osteolgicos, anlisis estadstico funerario, y
documentos etnohistricos, este estudio revela los efectos biolgicos de las polticas administrativas sobre distintos
sectores de la poblacin bajo el mandato inca, y las consecuencias de estos impactos biolgicos sobre los quehaceres
imperiales.
disease, warfare, social status, and population move-
ments (Larsen 1997). Particularly in the Andean re-
gion, where superior preservation conditions have
aided in the accumulation of human remains for such
studies, skeletal analyses have the potential to make
64
awpa Pacha 28
significant contributions to archaeology (Verano
1997). For Inca studies, bioarchaeological data rep-
resent a line of evidence into past human activity
that complements knowledge derived from archaeo-
logical and historic sources. To date, relatively few
osteological studies have been carried out in the Cuzco
region (e.g., Eaton 1916; MacCurdy 1923), however
recent excavations in and near Cuzco have produced
samples of human remains now available for study.
Within bioarchaeology, studies of imperialism
constitute a growing sub-field investigating the bio-
logical effects of the rise, expansion, and collapse of
empires. In addressing the ways in which imperial
policies affected health in past populations, research-
ers explore factors such as diet, nutrition, and access
to resources, the role of violence in imperialism, the
effects of migration, and the spread of infectious dis-
ease in created urban environments (Tung 2006).
Studies have also examined the empires role in the
formation, preservation, and disruption of ethnic
identity, through analysis of mortuary practices and
cranial modification (Torres-Rouff 2003; Blom
2005). Examples from New and Old World societ-
ies have shown that no single consequence of impe-
rialism can be uniformly predicted; rather, numer-
ous factors may result in beneficial or detrimental
changes to groups subsumed under an empires con-
trol (e.g., Tung 2003; Buzon 2004; Nystrom 2005).
Three fundamental questions underlie bioarch-
aeological inquiries into the health effects of imperi-
alism: (1) How did the rise of an empire affect health
among subjected peoples? (2) How did the rise of an
empire affect health among elite individuals within
the empire? (3) How did the health effects of the
empire on its subjects in turn affect the ability of the
empire to function efficiently? As noted by DAltroy
(2006), in this burgeoning sub-field the first ques-
tion has been emphasized over the second in most
bioarchaeological analyses, and the third question has
been under-explored.
The analysis presented here addresses each of
these three questions by investigating the biological
effects of the rise of the Inca Empire in the core re-
gion of the polity. The sites of Sacsahuaman and
Chokepukio, located in and near the capital city of
Cuzco, respectively (Figure 1), represent two very
distinct manifestations of Inca imperial control. At
Sacsahuaman, a number of Inca elites were buried in
a sacred area of the site, their high status evident in
elaborate mortuary treatment. In contrast, burials
from Chokepukio represent a local population en-
gaged in agricultural work and craft production. The
disparity in status between the two sites is made evi-
dent by the differentiated funerary practices, as well
as by the general quality of life documented in the
skeletal remains. Comparison of human remains from
Figure 1. Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio in the Cuzco Valley, Peru.
65
Andrushko, Torres, Bellifemine: Burials at Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio
these two sites exposes the states pervasive influence
not only on the lives of subject populations but also
on elite individuals within the empire. By incorpo-
rating a multidisciplinary approach with multiple
lines of evidence from osteological data, statistical
mortuary analysis, and ethnohistoric documents, this
study reveals the biological effects of administrative
policies on different sectors of society under Inca rule,
and the consequences of these biological impacts on
imperial endeavors.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONTEXT
The Inca Empire (A.D. 14381532) successfully es-
tablished wide-ranging and variable strategies of
power, described as a mosaic of control (Schreiber
1992: 62), to rule over a broad territory encompass-
ing the modern day countries of Peru, Ecuador, Chile,
Bolivia, and northwestern Argentina. Politically, the
Inca Empire functioned as a divine monarchy with
regional administrators and an impressive military
force focused on continual expansion. At the epi-
center of the empire, Cuzco served as the capital and
locus of political power, from which the Inca wielded
their authority through a variety of imperial adminis-
trative policies. Success in expansion largely depended
on the empires ability to fluidly apply diverse strate-
gies of control. These diverse strategies had distinct
biological impacts that are explored in this study.
Sacsahuaman
Sacsahuaman, located on the open hillside above
Cuzco, was originally considered to be a fortress when
encountered by the Spanish, based on their precon-
ceptions of military construction and the three vast
polygonal ramparts that compose the most visible
section of Inca structures (Betanzos 1996: 155158
[1577]). However, more recent site interpretations
point to additional functions, including as a Temple
of the Sun and public arena for state rituals (Espinoza
1987). The varied uses of the site are indicated by
plazas, dwellings, temples, storehouses, roads, bas-
tions, watchtowers, and aqueducts. Guaman Poma
de Ayala refers to the significance of the site in three
sections of his El primer nueva cornica y buen
gobierno (1936: 337[339], 405[407], 641[655]
[1615]), and other chroniclers such as Cieza de Len
(1984 [1533]) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1986
[1609]) describe Sacsahuaman as a Royal House of
the Sun that played a vital role in the central work-
ings of the Inca Empire.
In some accounts of Inca history, the emperor
Pachacuti constructed the city of Cuzco in the shape
of a puma, with Sacsahuaman as the head and the
Coricancha as part of the body (Rowe 1968: 60).
Other chronicles assert that Pachacutis son Topa Inca
built the fortress of Sacsahuaman in six years, be-
ginning construction four years after his return to
the city of Cuzco following an uprising in the
Collasuyo province (Betanzos 1996: 155 [1577]).
Archaeological evidence appears to support
Pachacutis involvement in the sites inception, with
construction continuing under Topa Inca (Niles
1999: 260; Julien 2004: 34).
Though traditional archaeological projects have
taken place periodically at Sacsahuaman, there have
been no systematic analyses of skeletal remains from
the site until excavations in 1999 uncovered the 43
individuals that were made available for this study.
The burials were recovered from the Suchuna sector
in the northwest corner of Sacsahuaman, which, along
with the section known as the Qocha, is associated
with the eighth huaca (shrine) named Calispuquio
on the third ceque of the Chinchaysuyu quarter
(Rowe 1980: 19; Solis 1999: 4). Each huaca was sym-
bolically located on ceque lines radiating from the
center of Cuzco, with the Calispuquio huaca associ-
ated with the royal clan (panaca) of Topa Inca. In
Rowes (1946: 203) chronology, Topa Inca was the
tenth king, reigning from A.D. 1470 to 1490, during
which time the Calispuqio huaca was likely estab-
lished. The proximity of these burials to the Qocha
and the huaca of Calispuquio indicates that this was
probably an area of ceremonial significance.
Areas of the Suchuna sector of Sacsahuaman had
been previously excavated, though these findings were
never formally reported (Solis 1999: 8). During the
1999 excavations, archaeologists did not attempt to
recover the entirety of burials, but rather excavated a
random sample established through a grid system
(Solis 1999: 13). Based on the random sampling
66
awpa Pacha 28
methods, the burials reported here may be consid-
ered representative of the cemetery population.
Chokepukio
Chokepukio is a multi-component site located in the
Lucre Basin, 30 km southeast of Cuzco. Data from
archaeological excavations suggest that a small farm-
ing community occupied the site from at least 400
B.C. until the intrusion of the Wari (McEwan et al.
1995; Andrushko et al. 2000). During the Middle
Horizon (A.D. 7501000), the site was used by the
Wari, evidenced by Wari style ceramics and shrines,
and a local Qotakalli population (Barreda Murrillo
1973; McEwan 1987).
In the subsequent Late Intermediate Period (LIP,
A.D. 10001476), the Pinagua ethnic group con-
trolled the Lucre Basin region surrounding
Chokepukio (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004: 246).
During this time, the Pinagua constructed monu-
mental architecture in the form of niched-hall build-
ings at Chokepukio and used the site as a base of
political power (McEwan et al. 2002: 294). These
buildings show stylistic similarities to earlier niched
hall structures at the Wari sites of Pikillacta and
Viracocha Pampa (McEwan 1987; Topic and Topic
1992). Researchers have suggested that these Wari
buildings served as lineage halls for ritual feasting
based on analysis of the architecture and associated
high-status artifacts; the presence of secondary buri-
als in these Wari buildings has been interpreted as
ancestor worship (McEwan et al. 2002: 293). The
niched hall buildings at Chokepukio appear to have
served a similar purpose, indicated by parallels in
architecture type and by the associated luxury items
made of ceramic, metal, precious stones, and bone
(McEwan et al. 1995). Within these buildings, sec-
ondary burials containing adult and sub-adult indi-
viduals may represent lineage ossuaries (Andrushko
and Cordy-Collins 1999; McEwan et al. 2002: 294).
While Chokeupkio retained ceremonial signifi-
cance in the Late Horizon (A.D. 14761532), its
political significance diminished relative to earlier
time periods. The large niched temples used in the
LIP for feasting and alliance formation did not main-
tain their political function in the Late Horizon;
rather, a series of small houses were constructed
around the abandoned buildings to form a village,
with no evidence of elite-status buildings (Hiltunen
and McEwan 2004: 245). Most of the activities dur-
ing the Inca occupation involved pottery manufac-
ture, craft production, and agriculture (Chatfield
1999; Hiltunen and McEwan 2004: 245).
Though the site lacks a distinct cemetery sec-
tion, certain areas around the LIP and Inca build-
ings were preferentially used for interment, and 176
individuals have been recovered in excavations con-
ducted from 1994 to 2004. Of these 176 individu-
als, 89 are derived from the Inca occupation. Tem-
poral and cultural affinity of the burials was deter-
mined by depth, architectural and artifact associa-
tions, tomb characteristics, and a small number of
radiocarbon dates. The 89 Inca individuals from
Chokepukio are described in the present study and
compared to the contemporaneous burials from
Sacsahuaman.
METHODS
The 43 individuals from Sacsahuaman were studied
in August 2005, while the Chokepukio skeletal as-
semblage was analyzed over several field seasons from
1999 to 2004 by V. Andrushko. Data were collected
on age, sex, dental and skeletal conditions, and cra-
nial vault modification.
1
The frequency of each patho-
logical condition was tabulated, analyzed for patterns
based on age and sex, and compared between the
two sites using the chi-square statistic.
Specific attributes of mortuary treatment were
recorded including tomb type, burial position, and
artifact associations. Tombs were classified accord-
ing to their structural characteristics, and burials were
1
Data collection followed the methods employed by Bass
(1987), Brothwell (1981), Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994),
Lovejoy et al. (1985), Moorrees et al. (1963), Phenice (1969),
Stuart-Macadam (1985, 1991), Suchey and Katz (1986),
Ubelaker (1999), Walker et al. (1988), White (2000), and
the Global History of Health Project Codebook (http://
global.sbs.ohio-state.edu/global.php). Data collection for cra-
nial vault modification followed the standards described by
Torres-Rouff (2002).
67
classified as primary, secondary, or indeterminate. The
number of individuals in each interment was recorded
as single, double, or multiple. Other recorded at-
tributes included the position of the body (e.g., flexed
or tightly flexed) and additional burial treatment,
such as interment in vessels or in stone covered tombs.
Artifacts found within the tombs were classi-
fied according to material (metal, ceramics, bone,
stone, or shell) and morphology. The diversity of ar-
tifacts per burial was based on the number of differ-
ent types of implements in each tomb. All artifacts
and interment attributes were checked for correla-
tion with age and sex, cross-tabulated, and included
in a cluster analysis.
2
DEMOGRAPHY AND MORTUARY ANALYSIS
DemographySacsahuaman
In the Sacsahuaman burial sample (Appendix 1), 29
individuals were female, 12 individuals were male,
and two were of indeterminate sex.
3
In terms of age
distribution, this assemblage of 43 individuals con-
tained one juvenile (45 years) and 42 adults. The
breakdown of ages within the adult categories was as
follows: four young adults (1825), 12 young middle
adults (2635), 16 old middle adults (3645), seven
old adults (46+), and three adults of indeterminate
age (greater than 18 years).
DemographyChokepukio
While the burials at Sacsahuaman skewed heavily
toward the older adult female demographic, a very
different distribution is present at Chokepukio (Fig-
ure 2; Appendix 2). The Chokepukio sex distribu-
tion shows 19 females, 30 males, and 40 individuals
of indeterminate sex (mostly juveniles). In terms of
age distribution, in this assemblage of 89 individuals
there were 36 juveniles and 53 adults. Among the
36 juveniles, six were less than one year old, 22 were
between 112 years, and eight were between 1218
years of age at the time of death. The age distribu-
tion within the adult category was five young adults
(1825), nine young middle adults (2635), 16 old
middle adults (3645), seven old adults (46+), and
16 adults of indeterminate age (greater than 18). The
average adult age at death was 36.3 years at
Sacsahuaman and 34.2 years at Chokepukio.
The demographic profile suggests that the Choke-
pukio burial grounds were available to all members of
the population, young and old, male and female. The
presence of only one juvenile at Sacsahuaman con-
trasts dramatically with Chokepukio, where 40% of
the burials are aged 018 years.
4
While Chokepukio
represents a balanced distribution of all sex and age
groups, at Sacsahuaman the demographic profile ap-
pears artificially biased in terms of both age and sex.
2
Statistical methods for the mortuary analysis followed
Bellifemine (1997). Statistical significance for a correlation
was taken to be at the 95% confidence level. Cross-tabula-
tions were also used to identify other possible correlations
among variables (e.g., diversity vs. tomb type). Hierarchical
cluster analysis, used to simplify the dataset by grouping cases
into clusters with some form of similarity among them,
was applied to artifact data using Wards method of
agglomerative clustering technique (Sneath and Sokal 1973).
3
Because the sex distribution is skewed towards females, a re-
view of sex determination methods was necessary to rule out
methodological error. The Phenice method was employed as
the most accurate estimator of sex in the 12 cases with pre-
served pubic symphyses. In the absence of the pubic sym-
physis, the greater sciatic notch and other pelvic characteris-
tics were assessed in conjunction with cranial and mandibular
characteristics (19 cases). In the five cases where the pelvis
was not preserved, only the cranium and mandible were used
as indicators of sex. In one adult individual sex could not be
determined due to lack of elements. In all cases, overall
robusticity of the skeletal elements and metric assessments
of the femoral and humeral heads and other joint surfaces
aided in identifying sex. With 72% (31/43) of the individu-
als sexed either by the Phenice method or by pelvic charac-
teristics along with cranial and mandibular characteristics,
the skewed sex determination does not appear to have re-
sulted from methodological error; rather, this sex distribu-
tion likely reflects cultural factors.
4
The sex and age differences between Chokepukio and
Sacsahuaman are statistically significant (p = 0.002 and p =
0.000, respectively).
68
awpa Pacha 28
Mortuary AnalysisSacsahuaman
Funerary Structures and Mode of Interment.
In the Sacsahuaman Suchuna cemetery sector, forty
ovoid tombs measuring approximately 60 cm in di-
ameter at the base and 80 cm high were exposed
during excavation and categorized into three differ-
ent types: A, B, and C (Solis 1999: 12). The type A
tomb, composed of stone and mortar, was only seen
in one case and was the least frequent type (2%).
Type B tombs (17/40, 43%) featured walls approxi-
mately 20 cm thick that tapered at the top, composed
of brown clay mortar with small gravel inclusions.
Type C tombs, constructed of brown clay mortar
with a greater amount of gravel inclusions, totaled
55% of the sample (22/40). Chronologically, type C
tombs appear to represent the earliest burial form,
followed by contemporaneous use of type A and B
tombs (Solis 1999: 13).
Most of the individuals were in situ primary
inhumations, positioned in a seated posture with
tightly flexed limbs. The majority were single inter-
ments, while three tombs contained two burials each.
The tombs had been sealed following interment, and
most contained burned organic material, consisting
of vegetable matter, carbonized maize kernels, and
chunks of carbon; in some instances similar burned
material was collected from outside the structures.
These external deposits appear to represent offerings
presented to the dead after the tombs were sealed, in
reiterative ceremonies conducted during periodic
revisitations to the grave (Solis 1999: 22).
Artifact Assemblage. An assemblage of 201
burial artifacts was recovered during the 1999 exca-
vations at Sacsahuaman (Appendix 3), including
pieces of metal (127), ceramic vessels (49), shells (15),
faunal bones (6), stones (3), and wood (1). The rich-
ness in burial artifacts is exemplified by Burial 3, an
old adult male (46+ years) with 61 artifacts that in-
cluded a large number of metal beads. Metal mir-
rors, also referred to as pectoral plaques (Julien
2004: 25), appear to signify high status, as the three
individuals buried with mirrors had overall rich ar-
rays of artifacts. Statistical correlations indicate that
decorated artifacts, mirrors, and an overall high diver-
sity of artifacts served as indicators of high status.
5
Figure 2. Comparison of Demographic Profiles.
5
There exists a statistically significant correlation between di-
versity and the presence of decorated artifacts (p = 0.035):
no decorated artifacts were present with individuals having
artifact diversities between 1 and 4, while those with arti-
fact diversities greater than 4 all had decorated artifacts. A
statistically significant correlation (p = 0.005) also exists
between the diversity of artifacts and the presence of mirrors.
69
Similar to Juliens (2004: 28) findings, the arti-
fact assemblage features the occurrence of paired ce-
ramic types, especially with plates, Cuzco bottles
(arbalos), and Cuzco jars (urpus). Pedestalled dishes
with covers (ollas) and tripod toasters were only re-
covered in their undecorated forms, suggesting that
these types were mostly associated with cooking ac-
tivities (Julien 2004: 27). The pedestalled dish with
lid may have a gender connotation, as this ceramic
type was recovered only from female burials.
6
After separating the classic tupu (pin with a
round or semi-circular head) from alfileres (small-
headed pins), no statistical correlation was found
between the type of pin and biological sex. Of the
13 individuals buried with alfileres, five were males
and eight were females. Of the 13 individuals buried
with tupus, three were males and ten were females.
7
No correlation with size or number of tupus was
found, and the overall analysis shows that tupu pins
were included with both sexes in this particular burial
population.
Cluster analysis tests identified a group formed
by eight females with a specific set of artifacts, each
buried with tupus, metal objects, ceramics, copper
objects, decorated objects, and personal ornaments
(items for personal care and adornment). In contrast,
none of them had lithics, bone, shell, silver, metal
foils, beads of any material, small mirrors, tumis
(shaped blades), or wood. These particular women
may represent a sub-group within the population,
recipients of specific funerary treatment, based on
the supposition that differentiation among grave as-
sociations appears to symbolize class and status lev-
els attained during life and accentuated at death (Saxe
1970; Binford 1971; Julien 2004: 44).
In sum, the individuals from the Sacsahuaman
cemetery were interred in well-prepared tombs fur-
nished with a wide array of artifacts in most cases.
The presence of tupu pins, in the majority of cases
together with some textile remains, indicates that the
bodies were wrapped in garments prior to interment.
No artifacts were found to present a sex-based, sta-
tistically significant correlation. However, a group
of females possessed a distinctive assemblage of items
that may reflect social divisions within the burial
group. Class differentiation within this group of in-
dividuals is also indicated by the inclusion of the
decorated artifacts in graves with a diverse array of
objects. Although gold was not recovered from any
of the tombs, the decorated ceramic vessels, artifacts
of silver and Spondylus shells, and structured tombs
identify this Sacsahuaman cemetery as a resting place
for a highly regarded sector of society, especially when
compared to the mortuary practices at Chokepukio.
Mortuary AnalysisChokepukio
Mode of Interment and Special Burial Treat-
ment. Burial type at Chokepukio could only be de-
termined for 60 of the 89 individuals, of which 60%
were primary inhumations and 40% were secondary
inhumations; 50% were single interments, 20% were
double, and 30% contained multiple individuals.
Position was determined for 26 individuals, most fre-
quently found in tightly-flexed and flexed positions.
Individuals at Chokepukio were rarely recovered in
prepared tombs, but rather found tucked into cor-
ners of older buildings, placed into small rooms, and
interred in superficial graves. However, a few indi-
viduals show special burial treatment that distin-
guishes them from the majority. Three cases of cist
type tombstombs lined with stones and/or plaster
were found, containing an adult male, adult female,
and a 23 year old juvenile. The interment of indi-
viduals in ceramic vessels was also encountered in a
few instances, including both adult secondary inter-
ments in large vessels and juvenile primary burials in
smaller ceramic containers.
One distinctive group of burials excavated dur-
ing the 2004 field season at Chokepukio is an as-
semblage of seven individuals between the ages of 3
and 11 years, mostly centered in the 56 year range.
These children were found together, wrapped tightly
with textiles and rope, and interred with a large num-
ber of artifacts. These burials may represent a unique
ceremonial event, and are currently undergoing fur-
ther study including isotopic analysis (Gibaja et al.
6
However, this correlation was not found to be statistically
significant (p = 0.088).
7
Given the disproportionate number of females in this sample,
this distribution is not significant.
70
awpa Pacha 28
2005). For the present study, this small child assem-
blage and the secondary adult burials found in asso-
ciation have been removed from the artifact analysis,
as these burials represent anomalous cases that are
not representative of the treatment of the majority
of the population.
Artifact Assemblage. Excluding the special as-
semblage as noted above, 62 individuals had infor-
mation recorded on artifact associations, and of these
37% (n=23) were buried with artifacts of bone, ce-
ramics, lithics, and metal (Appendix 4). Within this
sample, the diversity of artifacts ranged from 1 to 4.
8
The Chokepukio individual with the highest quan-
tity and diversity of artifacts was Burial 104, an adult
female buried in a plaster-lined circular cist tomb
and interred with two large ceramic pots, a miniature
ceramic vessel, a seedpod whistle, and stone pendants.
Our mortuary analysis supports the interpreta-
tion that individuals at Chokepukio were of lower
status than those at Sacsahuaman. Grave goods are
uncommon, and when present usually consist of small
personal items such as tupu pins or refuse items such
as small ceramic sherds and obsidian flakes. The com-
parison of tomb type, artifact count, and diversity of
artifacts indicates that individuals at Chokepukio had
far fewer and less elaborate grave furnishings (Table 1).
9
These characteristics show that the occupants
of Sacsahuaman were of a higher social class than
those individuals buried at Chokepukio. Since both
groups were living at the same time period under the
same general climatic conditions, disparities observed
between the two sites should reflect cultural factors
related to life within different social spheres. In com-
paring the two sites, we see significant variation in
dental and skeletal disease frequencies and cultural
modification practices.
COMPARISON OF DENTAL AND SKELETAL
CONDITIONS AT SACSAHUAMAN AND CHOKEPUKIO
Dental Pathology
The study of dental conditions is essential for recon-
structing diet and understanding processing activi-
ties associated with cultural behavior. Variations in
diet lead to changes in the frequency and severity of
dental pathological conditions; for example, the in-
crease of carbohydrates in the diet correlates with
higher rates of carious lesions, commonly known as
cavities (Powell 1985). In the Andes, one important
dietary variable was the introduction and intensifi-
8
No statistical correlations were found between sex or age of
the individual and presence of any specific type of artifact at
Chokepukio. Overall, the measure of artifact diversity did
not correlate with sex, age, or spatial distribution, and clus-
ter analysis for artifacts did not yield any significant results.
9
These differences are all statistically significant at greater than
99.9% confidence level.

Table 1. Comparison of Artifact Distribution between Chokepukio and Sacsahuaman.
Chokepukio Sacsahuaman
Percent of individuals with artifacts 37% 80%
Average number of artifacts per individual
(1 range) 0.65 1.09 4.92 9.60
Average artifact diversity per person 0.61 .97 2.58 2.30
Percent of individuals with prepared
tomb treatment 8% 100%
71
cation of maize. Maize appears to have been intro-
duced in the Andes in the 3rd century B.C., became
incorporated as an important crop in the Middle
Horizon, and by the Late Horizon was the dietary
staple of the Inca Empire (Hastorf and Johannessen
1994: 430; Finucane et al. 2006). As maize became
a more important component of the diet, its high
carbohydrate levels produced an increase in the fre-
quency of carious lesions, leading to a suite of condi-
tions including abscesses (bacterial infection of the
center of a tooth) and tooth loss (Leigh 1937: 293).
The Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio samples follow
this general pattern of carious lesions, abscesses, and
antemortem tooth loss. Attrition, the wearing away
of tooth crowns due to heavy chewing (Smith 1984),
was recorded in the two burial populations in both
permanent and deciduous dentitions.
In the Sacsahuaman adult sample, the high fre-
quency of carious lesions, with 79% of individuals
in the sample affected, suggests a carbohydrate-in-
tensive diet of maize. Maize is known to have a high
amount of sucrose, and this simple sugar is more likely
to cause dental caries than other, more complex car-
bohydrates (Larsen et al. 1991: 185). In 64% of the
sample, carious lesions destroyed the tooth crown
such that bacterial infection ensued, resulting in ab-
scesses. Eighty-two percent of the individuals exhib-
ited alveolar resorption, bone loss in the maxilla and
mandible due to soft tissue inflammation (periodon-
titis). Three individuals showed an abnormal pattern
of wear on the lingual surfaces of the anterior teeth:
this deviation from the normal wear pattern possibly
indicates the use of teeth as tools during weaving or
other manual activities. Two other individuals exhib-
ited linear enamel hypoplasias, which result when
growth disturbances disrupt enamel production
(Jenkins 1978). Because tooth crown development
occurs between infancy and 7 years of age for per-
manent incisors, canines, and first molars, linear de-
fects in these teeth indicate disruptions that occurred
during childhood (Goodman and Martin 2002: 22).
Hypoplasias may result from nutritional deficiencies
or diseases that strain an individuals metabolism, thus
providing evidence of stress in populations
(Goodman and Rose 1991; Hillson 2000: 252).
At Chokepukio, analysis of dental pathological
conditions reveals a similar pattern of carious lesions,
abscesses, and antemortem tooth loss (Figure 3).
However, the Sacsahuaman population shows a higher
frequency of each of the conditions compared to
Chokepukio.
10
Skeletal Pathology
The documentation of skeletal pathological condi-
tions represents a crucial aspect of bioarchaeological
investigations of imperialism. Cultural change with
increased sedentism can result in a higher frequency
of skeletal markers of stress, as populations come into
closer contact with viral, bacterial, and parasitic in-
fections from accumulated waste and water contami-
nation (Armelagos 1990). Several archaeological stud-
ies have indicated that the intensification of agricul-
ture negatively impacted health in some populations
by introducing a less nutritional diet with reliance
on cereal grains, producing increased evidence of
anemia-related conditions (Cohen and Armelagos
1984; Larsen 1997: 35). When documented as part
of the overall health index for a population (Steckel
et al. 2002), stress markers visible on bones can pro-
vide a broad understanding of health, stress, and dis-
ease processes at the regional level.
One example of a stress marker is cribra orbitalia,
characterized by scattered lesions on the roof of the
eye orbits, which reflects anemia (Goodman and
Martin 2002: 27). At Sacsahuaman, the lone juve-
nile individual from Sacsahuaman exhibited cribra
orbitalia in the active state, indicating that the con-
dition was on-going at the time of death. The same
individual was documented with delayed long bone
growth, as the age determined from dental develop-
ment was several years older than the age from long
bone length (based on Ubelakers [1999] long bone
length charts for Native Americans). When such a
large discrepancy arises, it usually reflects stunted
growth due to nutritional deficiency or disease events
suffered during development (Tanner 1978). These
two conditions fall into the category of non-specific
10
These differences are statistically significant for carious le-
sions (p = 0.009), abscesses (p = 0.004), alveolar resorption
(p = 0.024), and antemortem tooth loss (p = 0.043).
72
awpa Pacha 28
stress indicators, which usually result
from some combination of malnutri-
tion and disease, though the possible
causes of these conditions are numer-
ous and often difficult to ascertain
(Lewis and Roberts 1997).
In the Sacsahuaman adult sample,
spinal joint disease and arthritic condi-
tions in the long bone joints were com-
monly-seen conditions (Table 2).
11
In
addition, nine individuals displayed
healed traumatic injuries in the long bones, cranium,
and/or ribs.
12
Long bone fractures were more com-
monly found in type A and B tombs than type C
tombs;
13
as the type A and B tombs represent later
burials in the Sacsahuaman cemetery, it appears that
the increase in long bone fractures was a later mani-
festation.
Osteoperiostitis is the inflammation of a bones
periosteal layer, the membrane of connective tissue
covering bone shafts, usually caused by Staphylococ-
cus and/or Streptococcus bacteria (Larsen 1997: 83).
Osteoperiostitis can be due to a variety of causes,
including treponemal disease (e.g., syphilis), bacte-
rial and parasitic infection, and mycotic (fungal) in-
fection (Ortner and Putschar 2003). In extreme cases,
inflammation manifests in pus production, expan-
sion of the bone shaft, and formation of a cloaca, an
opening in the diseased bone for pus drainage; these
conditions are collectively referred to as osteomyeli-
tis (Larsen 1997: 84). Traumatic injuries can lead to
osteoperiostitis through soft tissue wounds and com-
pound fractures in which the bone breaks through
the skin and exposes the injured area to infection
(Lewis and Roberts 1997). In cases where trauma is
Figure 3. Comparison of Adult Dental Pathological Conditions.
11
The decrease in sample size for Chokepukio reflects the in-
complete nature of some of the individuals from the site.
Those individuals missing a significant portion of elements
could not be analyzed for the various skeletal conditions and
were excluded from the skeletal pathology study.
12
None of the skeletal conditions, including long bone frac-
tures, correlated with sex, artifact diversity, or number of
artifacts.
13
This difference is statistically significant, p = 0.043.
Table 2. Adult Skeletal Pathology at Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio.
Sacsahuaman Chokepukio
Type of Pathology n=42 Frequency n=53 Frequency
Spinal joint disease 15 36% 28 53%
Appendicular joint disease 7 17% 21 40%
Trauma 9 21% 13 25%
Osteoperiostitis 13 31% 7 13%
Non-specific stress indicators 2 5% 3 6%
73
not involved, systemic blood-borne infections may
cause osteoperiostitis in several long bones of an in-
dividual (Martin et al. 1991: 128). In contexts of
urbanism and aggregated living conditions, osteope-
riostitis may increase due to heightened transmission
of bacterial infections (Larsen 1997: 86).
In the Sacsahuaman assemblage, osteoperiosti-
tis was observed in both active and healed states. In
12 instances, the long bones of the upper and lower
limbs exhibited this condition. In addition to the long
bone osteoperiostitis, one individual at Sacsahuaman
was observed with active osteoperiostitis on the in-
ternal surface of all the ribs. Though internal rib le-
sions can signify tuberculosis, the other skeletal ele-
ments did not exhibit any lesions typically seen with
tuberculosis (Ortner and Putschar 2003: 229; Rob-
erts and Buikstra 2003), suggesting either an incipi-
ent case of tuberculosis without vertebral or other
post-cranial lesions or, conversely, a non-specific in-
fectious cause for the rib osteoperiostis.
The comparison of disease frequencies between
Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio shows some distinct
patterns. With the juvenile population, it is difficult
to contrast the two sites, as only one juvenile was
buried at Sacsahuaman. However, we can observe that
non-specific stress indicators, including cribra
orbitalia and delayed long bone growth, affected ju-
veniles in both places (Table 3).
There are significant differences in disease fre-
quencies when comparing the skeletal conditions of
Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio adults (Figure 4). In
studying appendicular joint disease, commonly known
as arthritis, six post-cranial joints were examined: the
shoulder, elbow, wrist/hand, hip, knee, and ankle/
foot. This condition was identified by the presence
of bony spurs, polish from bone-on-bone contact,
Type of Pathology Number of Juvenile Individuals Affected
Sacsahuaman Chokepukio
(n=1) (n=36)
Trauma 0 3
Non-specific stress indicators 1 3
Osteoperiostitis 0 2
Table 3. Comparison of Juvenile (<18 years) Skeletal Pathol-
ogy
Figure 4. Comparison of Adult Skeletal Pathological Conditions.
74
awpa Pacha 28
and small lesions due to cartilage destruction
(osteophytes, eburnation, and macroporosity, respec-
tively). Joint disease was observed in 40% of the
Chokepukio adults but only 17% of the Sacsahuaman
adults.
14
Spinal joint disease, identified by bony
growths around the vertebral body along with ebur-
nation and macroporosity on the joint facets, was
found in 53% of the Chokepukio adult sample but
only 36% of the Sacsahuaman adults.
15
Joint disease is a degenerative pathological con-
dition that more frequently afflicts older adults
(Jurmain 1999). Chokepukio has a higher frequency
of joint disease, though the individuals with joint
disease died at an earlier average age than those at
Sacsahuaman: 36.4 years at Chokepukio vs. 42.9
years at Sacsahuaman.
16
This age difference reveals
that joint disease at Chokepukio affected individuals
earlier in life than at Sacsahuaman.
In contrast, osteoperiostitis was more often seen
at Sacsahuaman: 30% of individuals affected com-
pared to 13% at Chokepukio.
17
Osteoperiostitis af-
fecting a single element in a localized area usually
signifies a traumatic cause; in contrast, generalized
periosteal reaction on several long bone shafts often
indicates systemic infection (Martin et al. 1991: 128).
In eight of the 13 individuals with osteoperiostitis at
Sacsahuaman, more than one bone per person ex-
hibited inflammatory reactions, suggesting that sys-
temic infection was more often the cause of this con-
dition than traumatic injury.
Cranial Vault Modification
Cranial vault modification involves the intentional
shaping of the head, performed during infancy while
the cranial bones are still malleable (Gerszten 1993;
Torres-Rouff 2003). As cranial vault modification sig-
nified ethnic identity and geographic origins in pre-
historic Andean groups, the presence of multiple
forms of cranial vault modification can be used to
identify a multi-ethnic community, perhaps due to
migration of non-local people into an area (Blom
1999; Torres-Rouff 2002). Only two individuals at
Sacsahuaman, both female, exhibited cranial vault
modification, in a slight tabular erect form. In tabu-
lar erect modification, opposing pressure is placed
on the front and back of the cranium, often accom-
plished through the use of boards and pads, which
leads to lateral expansion of the cranium (Torres-
Rouff 2003: 14). At Chokepukio, cranial vault modi-
fication was seen more frequently and with greater
variation, including the annular oblique form (Table
4). With annular oblique modification, the cranium
is wrapped tightly with cloth or rope, leading to an
elongated, conical shape without parietal expansion
(Marino and Gonzales-Portillo 2000: 943).
Around the altiplano region of Lake Titicaca,
the annular oblique style of cranial modification was
practiced until Spanish conquest, when it was out-
lawed by Viceroy Toledos (15691582) government
(Marroquin 1944). Cobo describes the modification
of the cranium by the Colla of the Lake Titicaca region:
The Collas made their heads long and pointed
. . . they bound their heads tightly with ban-
dages which were left in place until the chil-
dren were four or five years old. By this age,
their heads were hardened and molded to the
shape of their headgear: long, tapering, and
without a nape (1990: 200 [1653]).
In contrast, Cobo notes that some nations wid-
ened their foreheads. They would squeeze their heads
by securely tying on small boards to make their fore-
heads wide (ibid). This type of modification refers
to the tabular modification seen in the Chokepukio
sample and in two individuals from the Sacsahuaman
group.
14
Though not included in the present study, the pre-Inca in-
dividuals at Chokepukio show a lower frequency of joint
disease (approximately 17%).
15
The differences in appendicular joint disease between the
sites is statistically significant (p = 0.015), though there are
no statistically significant differences of these conditions
when tabulated by sex. The lack of correlation between joint
disease and sex at either site indicates that the disparity in
sex distribution between the two sites is not a causal factor
for the differential incidence of joint disease.
16
Average age-at-death here refers only to individuals afflicted
with joint disease.
17
This difference is statistically significant, p = 0.035.
75
DISCUSSION
Mortuary Treatment, Gender Roles, and Status in
the Inca Empire
A separate Sacsahuaman collection, compiled by
Varcarcel in the 1930s and analyzed by Catherine
Julien (2004), provides a useful sample for compari-
son to the present study. Julien suggests that certain
artifacts denote a sex distinction, mainly tupus and
cooking-related ceramics interred with females but
excluded from male burials, based on inferences from
Spanish chronicles. In Guaman Pomas (1936 [1615])
depictions of Inca attire, females wrapped woven
garments around their torsos, fastening the cloth with
a tupu pin at each shoulder and one at the chest for
the outer garment, along with a cloth belt around
the waist. While Julien concludes that tombs with
tupu pins contain female individuals (2004: 31), no
skeletal data from Varcarcels collection were avail-
able to aid in interpretation. In our analysis, tupu
pins were found with both biological males and fe-
males, and in many instances appear in pairs in burials
of both males and females. In several cases, multiple
tupu pins are associated with a single individual. For
example, in our study, one adult male had three tupu
pins and five afileres (two pairs and a single pin) with-
in a tomb in which no other individual was interred.
Betanzos (1996: 142 [1557]) noted that females
were buried with dishes, plates, and other ceramics
related to the service of food and drink. However,
our research found a correlation with females only
in the case of the pedestalled dish with lid, commonly
associated with cooking activities (Julien 2004: 27).
All other ceramic types recovered in more than one
tomb were found with both males and females. Most
of the grave-associated ceramics were miniatures that
were likely produced solely as mortuary inclusions.
Production of miniature vessels for grave goods ap-
pears to have developed as a sub-industry in parallel
with production of fine Inca pottery in major ce-
ramic workshops around Cuzco (Bauer 2004: 216).
Our analysis of the Sacsahuaman burials classi-
fies it as an elite cemetery where high status indi-
viduals were interred in prepared tombs with a wide
diversity of grave associations. Differences in quan-
tity and types of associated artifacts suggest distinct
funerary treatment according to an individuals sta-
tus or occupation. The sex distribution is skewed with
a predominance of females (70%); in addition, there
is only one juvenile represented among 43 individu-
als in the sample. The demographic profile appears
related to cultural factors: rather than reflecting a
large community of all ages and both sexes as seen at
Chokepukio, the Sacsahuaman cemetery is comprised
almost exclusively of adult individuals with an excess
of females.
Of particular interest in the Sacsahuaman burial
sample is the high percentage of female burials, likely
elite females given their elaborate mortuary treatment.
Multiple interpretations for the identity of these fe-
males are possible. The surplus of females may indi-
cate a burial place for the many wives and sisters of
the Inca. The Inca emperor had a principal wife,
known as the Qoya (often his full sister), along with
a harem of secondary wives (Rowe 1946: 257). While
the Inca emperors and principal wifes mummies were
venerated after death and publicly paraded around
during festivals (DAltroy 2002: 97), much less is
known about the burial treatment and location of
the emperors secondary wives. Each emperor may
have had a place where his other wives were buried,
with the Suchuna sector of Sacsahuaman serving as
either the burial place of Topa Incas wives or those
of a subsequent ruler. As Cieza noted in his chronicle
regarding elite burials (1984: 196 [1533]), in the
vicinity of Cuzco they bury their dead seated . . .
Table 4. Comparison of Cranial Modification Practices.
Type of Modification # of Individuals # of Individuals
Modified at Sacsahuaman Modified at Chokepukio
Cranial Vault Modification 2 Tabular Erect 5 Tabular Erect
5 Annular Oblique
76
awpa Pacha 28
dressed and adorned with much finery. This descrip-
tion closely matches the burial position and associ-
ated artifacts of the Sacsahuaman burials.
However, none of the burials had artifacts of
gold, a material that Julien argues would be ubiqui-
tous in the graves of the empires highest status indi-
viduals (2004: 33, 44). The mummies of the Inca
rulers and primary wives were adorned with gold and
silver upon burial, but were stripped of their luxury
items when Cuzco was conquered by the Spanish
(MacCormack 2001: 342). As the Sacsahuaman
tombs showed no evidence of looting, the absence of
gold would suggest that these females were not wives
of an emperor. Instead, these burials could be the
wives of other Inca elites; polygyny among the Inca
nobility was common, and a surplus of wives reflected
a mans wealth and prestige (Rowe 1946: 252). These
wives would be expected to have elaborate burials,
but possibly without the greatest of luxury items such
as gold adornments.
Alternatively, the overwhelming number of fe-
males in the Sacsahuaman cemetery may represent a
group of mamacona, women employed at the royal
estates of the Inca to assist in training the aclla (Cho-
sen Women) (Rowe 1982: 107; Guaman Poma
1936: 298 [300] [1615]). Young girls were chosen
across the empire as a form of tribute to the Inca,
and were often daughters of nobility selected for their
beauty (Cobo 1990: 172 [1653]). From the age of
10 years, the girls lived in segregated enclaves
(acllahuasi, House of the Chosen Women) and were
instructed in religious and occupational duties by the
mamacona (esteemed mothers) who served as priest-
esses in the state cult of the Sun (Cobo 1990: 172
[1653]). Daily activities for the acllas included reli-
gious worship, spinning and weaving of the finest
cloth (cumpi) used to dress idols and clothe the Inca
nobility, and brewing of maize beer (chicha) for cel-
ebrations and offerings (Costin 1998: 134). Some
of the young aclla girls were selected for sacrifice on
special occasions, while others were given away as
brides to men who had served the empire well (Rowe
1946: 269, 1982: 108). Still other aclla remained in
the acllahuasi throughout their lives and took on the
role of mamacona (Silverblatt 1987: 83). In some
instances these priestesses were allowed to participate
in or conduct religious services, but usually were kept
cloistered to serve the Inca ruler and queen (Betanzos
1996: 74 [1577]); Cobo 1990: 174 [1653]). In Cuzco,
the acllahuasi was located within the Hatuncancha
edifice adjacent to the main plaza (DAltroy 2002:
117), less than half a kilometer from Sacsahuaman.
Though the presence of men in the Sacsahuaman
cemetery shows that this area was not exclusively used
for female members, it was evidently designated more
often for females at the elite levels of the state than
for males. The demographic distribution of the cem-
etery deviates from the normal distribution expected
of a community burial ground, which may reflect
the segregated arrangement of the mamacona living
without children or marriage partners.
Imperial Control, Social Stratification, and
Health
The analysis of Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio buri-
als sheds light on the impact of imperial Inca control
on the health of different segments of society. In view-
ing dental disease across sites, there is a similar pat-
tern of pathological conditions including carious le-
sions, abscesses, and antemortem tooth loss, yet for
each of these conditions the Sacsayhauman frequen-
cies are higher than those at Chokepukio. As dental
diseases are cumulative, the older average age of the
Sacsahuaman individuals likely contributed to these
higher frequencies (average age 36.3 years at
Sacsahuaman vs. 34.2 years at Chokepukio).
18
How-
ever, the slight average age differences between the
two samples paired with the statistically significant
disparity in dental conditions suggest additional
causal factors; variation in diet may be responsible
for the observed differences in the two sites.
Carbon isotopic analyses have shown that maize
became the main food staple in the Late Horizon
and was particularly widespread in the Cuzco Valley
(Hastorf and Johannessen 1993; Burger et al. 2003:
135). The Inca deified maize as part of the state wor-
ship of the Sun and used it extensively in their ritu-
als, primarily in the form of chicha (maize beer) (Niles
18
The average age-of-death here includes all individuals at the
two sites, and differs from the average age-of-death cited for
those individuals with joint disease.
77
1993). Chicha, more than any other foodstuff, sym-
bolized the connection of the Inca to the Sun deity
and was used to mediate all social, ideological and
political interactions (Hastorf and Johannessen 1994:
437). Elite individuals living in the capital city of
Cuzco likely consumed a diet with greater indulgence
in chicha, corn stews, and other maize-based foods,
with the maize intensive-diet resulting in high caries
frequency. Possibly the lower-status individuals at
Chokepukio consumed diets that included lesser
amounts of maize, thus ameliorating some of its del-
eterious effects on dental health.
Regarding skeletal pathological conditions, both
sites provide instances of anemia-related conditions
such as cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. A
major cause of anemia is parasitic infection, known
to have occurred in ancient populations throughout
the New and Old Worlds (Reinhard 1992). Parasites
documented from prehistoric Andean contexts in-
clude fish tapeworm, pinworm, roundworm, and
whipworm (Reinhard and Urban 2003); one or more
of these parasites may have detrimentally impacted
the health of the Cuzco Valley populations. Diar-
rheal disease in juvenile individuals following wean-
ing, as children shift from a diet of sterile breast milk
to possibly contaminated solid foods, has also been
identified as a significant cause of anemia (Walker
1985). Additionally, contaminated water sources can
contribute to diarrheal diseases resulting in porotic
hyperostosis (Walker 1986). The observed anemia-
related conditions may also be due to a maize-in-
tense diet, which is low in iron and contains phytic
acid that inhibits iron absorption in the intestine
(Hurrell 2002; Klepinger 1992). If the diet is not
properly varied and no other iron sources exist, a
condition of anemia could appear that would mani-
fest in cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. A
variety of other nutrient deficiencies such as Vita-
min C or folic acid can also lead to cribra orbitalia
and porotic hyperostosis, indicating ill health due to
an incomplete diet (Ortner et al. 1999; Wapler et al.
2004). Both Sacsahuaman and Chokepukio showed
evidence of anemia-related conditions, though at a
low frequency, suggesting that parasitic infection and/
or maize-intensive diets due to the deification of maize
by the empire (Niles 1993) and use of the crop as a
food staple (Burger et al. 2003: 135) had uninten-
tional health consequences for some individuals in
the Cuzco Valley.
Joint disease, which appeared more frequently
at Chokepukio, generally increases in populations
engaged in physically demanding activities (Steckel
et al. 2002: 146), but is also heavily influenced by
other factors such as age, heredity, and body weight
(Jurmain 1999; Jurmain and Weiss, in press). In all
bioarchaeological analyses of joint disease, age dif-
ferences between samples must be corrected in order
to isolate the influence of age on joint disease fre-
quency. Joint disease afflicted individuals at Choke-
pukio at an earlier age than at Sacsahuaman, sug-
gesting that the high frequency of joint disease at
Chokepukio does not merely reflect age-related de-
generative changes, but rather involves other precipi-
tating factors.
In studying joint disease, the multiple causes of
the condition limit the extent to which behavioral
interpretations can be drawn (Weiss 2005: 96;
Jurmain and Weiss, in press). Nevertheless, the dif-
ferences in joint disease observed between the two
sites may indicate differential activity patterns among
the occupants of the two sites. The Inca Empire im-
posed tribute obligations, in the form of mita labor;
examples include construction of public works, ser-
vice in the army, and agricultural work in state fields
(Murra 1982). Labor obligations, particularly in the
form of intensified agricultural production, brought
increased demands on subject populations and greatly
impacted the domestic economy of the local people
brought under Inca rule (Hastorf and DAltroy 2001:
22). The increase in joint disease at Chokepukio from
pre-Inca to Inca times (from approximately 17% to
40%) may be related to the Late Horizon commu-
nity engaging in arduous activities such as agricul-
ture and construction to fulfill state tribute require-
ments. These labor obligations would not only have
impacted the health of the local population, but also
may have affected the empires ability to maximize
its tribute collection: obligatory labor that debilitated
the work force could have translated into a popula-
tion of strained individuals who were working at a
sub-optimal level. The Inca policy determined tribute
obligation based on length of time, not on a minimum
78
awpa Pacha 28
amount of commodities produced (Murra 1980
[1955]). If individuals were compromised due to the
increased physical demands, the overall net result
would have been diminished tribute collections and
fewer resources available for the empire to fuel its
expansion.
In contrast, osteoperiostitis occurred more of-
ten at Sacsahuaman. Precipitating factors of systemic
osteoperiostitis include compromised individual im-
mune systems, dense population aggregation, and
unsanitary hygienic conditions (Larsen 1997: 87).
While these conditions would not be expected for
elite individuals living in the Inca capital of Cuzco, a
similar pattern of osteoperiostitis in elite individuals
was documented from a Moche Valley site (Yoshida
2004: 138). Yoshida concluded that high status did
not shield individuals from chronic infection due to
crowding, water contamination, or poor sanitation.
In addition, if our sample represents a population of
cloistered women working for the state, their enclosed
living arrangements may have contributed to an in-
creased transmission of infectious disease. Another
possibility arises when considering that the capital
city of Cuzco hosted a wide range of immigrants,
with individuals coming to the capital from various
parts of the empire. Thus, heightened contact with
outside individuals may have increased the spread of
infectious disease (Larsen 1997: 86), perhaps result-
ing in a generally higher frequency of osteoperiosti-
tis in Cuzco-centric populations.
Cranial vault modification was seen in more in-
dividuals with greater variation at Chokepukio, indica-
ting an ethnically diverse population. This diversity
may suggest an influx of immigrants into the Cuzco
Valley, possibly including people from the Lake
Titicaca Basin. Further analyses have been undertaken
that will complement the study of cranial vault modi-
fication and provide the means to explore the iden-
tity of possible migrants into the Cuzco Valley.
19
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
Evidence from this study suggests that conditions
during the period of Inca domination affected not
only the health of subject populations but also had
detrimental effects on the health of elite individuals
within the empire. We can draw three conclusions
from our comparison of the elite site of Sacsahuaman
in the capital city of Cuzco with the site of Choke-
pukio, located nearby in the Lucre Basin. First, analy-
sis of mortuary practices indicates different status
levels at the two sites. The tombs of Sacsahuaman
were carefully prepared, above-ground domed struc-
tures, furnished with a higher number of artifacts
and a greater diversity of artifact types than at
Chokepukio. Possible class distinctions among the
females at Sacsahuaman are suggested by specific ar-
tifact sets included in individual tombs. Noticeably,
no correlations were found between artifact type and
the sex of individuals. These findings contradict the
previous assumption that tupu pins signify a female
interment, as these implements were found with both
male and female burials.
Second, conditions at the more common-level
site of Chokepukio may have negatively affected the
health of individuals. Chokepukio individuals appear
more likely to suffer from spinal joint disease and
appendicular joint disease, perhaps as a result of ar-
duous physical activities fulfilling agricultural and
construction-related obligations to the state. The
debilitation of individuals through physical labor
might have affected the functioning of the empire
by reducing the output of tribute paid back to the
empire. Thus, in enforcing rigid schedules of man-
datory labor tributes, the empire may have reduced
the maximum rate of commodities flowing back into
the storehouses of the capital.
Third, contrary to expectations, elites in Cuzco
may also have suffered adverse effects. The elite
Sacsahuaman individuals show a higher frequency
of osteoperiostitis, possibly due to an aggregated
population and a cloistered living environment within
a restricted area. This evidence suggests that urban
living conditions may have prompted the spread of
infectious conditions and detrimentally affected qual-
ity of life for elite individuals within the capital city.
19
Chemical analyses of strontium, nitrogen, and oxygen iso-
topes in human bone and teeth are underway that will yield
complementary data on population movements. Craniomet-
ric and non-metric analyses have also been undertaken on
these Cuzco Valley populations to explore group identity
and population affinities between Cuzco and the Lake
Titicaca Basin, using comparative data from Blom (1999).
79
The comparison of Sacsahuaman and Choke-
pukio has shown some of the effects of imperial Inca
control on different segments of the population, re-
flected in both the skeletal remains and in the differ-
ential mortuary treatment. Continued analysis in the
core region of the Inca Empire, along with compari-
son to other bioarchaeological investigations in the
Andes (e.g., Blom 1999; Tung 2003; Murphy 2004;
Nystrom 2005), provides the opportunity to reveal
geographical and temporal trends in pathological
conditions and cranial vault modification, produc-
ing further insight into the biological and cultural
impacts of imperialist expansion.
Acknowledgements
The present article is a revised version of a paper
presented by the primary author at the 71st Annual
Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology
on April 27, 2006. A National Science Foundation
Doctoral Dissertation Grant (no. 0424213) and a
Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Re-
search Individual Research grant provided the funds
necessary to complete this study. The authors would
like to acknowledge the generous support of these
agencies, along with the valuable assistance of the
following individuals: Katharina Schreiber, Phillip
Walker, Robert Jurmain, Terence DAltroy, Jane
Buikstra, Elizabeth Weiss, Arminda Gibaja, Michele
Buzon, Melissa Chatfield, Jacqueline Eng, Hillary
Haldane, Corina Kellner, Amanda Mummert, Mark
Schuller, Christina Torres-Rouff, Tiffiny Tung, and
the anonymous reviewers. Finally, we express our great
appreciation to Gordon McEwan, director of the
Chokepukio project, for facilitating our research and
for providing the context in which it was undertaken.
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Appendix 1. Sacsahuaman Burial Characteristics.
Burial
Number
Sex Age Tomb
Type
Burial Type Number of
Individuals
Position Disposition
001 Female 1825 A Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
002 Female 3645 C Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
003 Male 46+ C Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
005 Female 3645 B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
007 Female 46+ Atypical Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
009 Female 3645 B Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
010 Female 46+ B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
011 Male 2635 C Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
013 Male 2645 C Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
015-2 Male 46+ B Primary 2 Indet. Indet.
016 Female 2635 C Primary 1 Semiflexed Seated
018 Female 46+ B Primary 1 Flexed Seated
019 Female 1825 B Primary 1 Semiflexed Seated
020 Male 46+ B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
022 Male 3645 B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
025-2 Indet. 2630 C Primary 2 Indet. Indet.
029 Female 1825 B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Dorsal
030 Male 2635 B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
036-2 Indet. 45 C Indet. 2 Indet. Indet.
038 Female 46+ B Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated

86
awpa Pacha 28
Appendix 2. Chokepukio Burial Characteristics.
Burial
Number
Sex Age Tomb
Treatment
Individuals
004 Indet. 23 Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
007 Male 3645 Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
009 Indet. 1516 Primary 1 Flexed Seated
010 Indet. 01 Vessel Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
011 Male 1825 Secondary 1 Indet. Indet.
015 Indet. 910 Primary 1 Flexed Indet.
017 Male 2635 Primary 2 Flexed Indet.
018 Female 3645 Primary 2 Flexed Indet.
020 Female 1825 Primary 1 Flexed Seated
021 Indet. 1825 Primary 2 Indet. Indet.
025 Indet. 1617 Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
028 Female 46+ Primary 2 Flexed Right
029 Indet. 1617 Primary 2 Flexed Right
031 Female 2635 Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
035 Female 3645 Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
039 Indet. Indet. Secondary 2 Indet. Indet.
049 Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
051 Male 23+ Secondary 1 Indet. Indet.
054 Male 46+ Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
068 Male 3645 Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
069 Male 1825 Primary 1 Tightly flexed Ventralleft
079 Female 2635 Primary 1 Flexed Head first
080 Male 46+ Indet. Multiple Indet. Indet.
081 Indet. 12 Primary Multiple Indet. Indet.
082 Female 3645 Indet. Multiple Indet. Indet.
084 Male 2645 Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
086 Female 46+ Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
088 Indet. 1213 Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
089 Indet. 23 Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
090 Male 2635 Secondary 1 Indet. Indet.
092 Female 1718 Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
093 Indet. 01 Secondary Multiple Indet.. Indet.
095 Female 3645 Secondary Multiple Indet. Indet.
096 Indet. 01 Indet. Multiple Indet. Indet.
101 Female 3645 Indet. 1 Indet. Indet.
102 Male 1516 Indet. 1 Indet. Indet.
103 Indet. 01 Indet. 1 Indet. Indet.
87
Burial
Number
Sex Age Tomb
Treatment
Individuals
104 Female 2645 Lined
Circular
Cist
Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
105 Male 26+ Indet. 1 Indet. Indet.
106 Female 1825 Indet. 1 Indet. Indet.
109 Male 3645 Lined Cist Primary 1 Tightly flexed Seated
110 Indet. 23 Lined
Square
Cist
Primary 1 Tightly flexed Left
145 Male 3645 Primary 1 Tightly flexed Dorsal
right
158 Female 3645 Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
162 Female 26+ Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
163 Male 20+ Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
165 Male 20+ Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
166 Male 2635 Primary Multiple Indet. Dorsal
167 Indet. 1112 Primary Multiple Indet. Dorsal
168 Indet. 1011 Primary Multiple Indet. Indet.
169 Indet. 26+ Indet. Indet. Indet. Indet.
172 Indet. 01 Primary 1 Indet. Indet.
173 Indet. 26+ Secondary 1 Indet. Indet.
174 Indet. 26+ Secondary 2 Indet. Indet.
175 Indet. 910 Secondary 2 Indet. Indet.
88
awpa Pacha 28
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d
,

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c
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,

s

s
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r
89
A
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s
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c
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n

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m
b

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r

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2
2

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3

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4

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5

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6

2
7

2
8

2
9

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3
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3
3

3
4

3
5

3
6

3
7

3
8

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9

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t
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l

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1

s
/
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6

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2

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1

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?

2
9

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l
f
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r

(
p
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n
)

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c

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h

(
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1

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7

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l
a
t
e

2

d

4

(
2
d
)

8

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l
a
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e

c
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v
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x

2

d

2

2

6

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m
a
l
l

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2

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e
d

d
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d
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c
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,

s

s
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v
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r

90
awpa Pacha 28
A
s
s
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c
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t
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n

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4
.

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c
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t
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s

i
n

C
h
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p
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.
91

A
s
s
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c
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t
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n

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h
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k
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p
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k
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o

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l

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m
b
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M
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t
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l

6
8

6
9

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9

8
0
,
8
1
,
8
2

8
4
,
8
5
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9

8
7
,
8
8
,
8
9

9
0

9
1
,
9
2
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3
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6

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1

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2

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3

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4

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X

X

L
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g
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d
:

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p
r
e
s
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n
c
e
92
awpa Pacha 28

A
s
s
o
c
i
a
t
i
o
n

C
h
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k
e
p
u
k
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o

B
u
r
i
a
l

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m
b
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r

M
e
t
a
l

1
5
6

1
5
7

1
5
8

1
5
9

1
6
2

1
6
3

1
6
4

1
6
5

1
6
6
,
1
6
7
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1
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8

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6
9

1
7
0

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7
1

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7
2

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7
3

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7
4
,
1
7
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7
6

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t
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l

T
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m
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1

R
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1

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2

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p
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d
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e

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p
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n

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1

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t

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d
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n

1

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g

s
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e

1

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n
d
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t

1

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r
a
m
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c
s

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l
a
t
e
/
l
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d

1

K
e
r
o

1

V
e
s
s
e
l
s

6
+

C
u
p

1

F
i
g
u
r
i
n
e

Z
o
o
m
o
r
p
h
i
c

1

S
h
e
r
d
s

X

L
e
g
e
n
d
:

X

p
r
e
s
e
n
c
e

Andrushko Et Al 2006

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A BIOARCHAEOLOGICAL CASE STUDY OF IMPERIALISM

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