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Gives a description of phallus and relationship with female breast. It goes on to explain correlation between breast and phallus. Lesbian phallus may be either clitoris or nipples
Gives a description of phallus and relationship with female breast. It goes on to explain correlation between breast and phallus. Lesbian phallus may be either clitoris or nipples
Gives a description of phallus and relationship with female breast. It goes on to explain correlation between breast and phallus. Lesbian phallus may be either clitoris or nipples
Rachel Millsted AND Hannah Frith Centre for Appearance Research, Schools of Psychology, University of the West of England, St. Matthias Campus, Oldbury Court Road, Fishponds, Bristol BS16 2JP, UK Synopsis Womens breasts are invested with social, cultural and political meanings which shape the ways in which we make sense of and experience our embodied selves. The breasted experience of women with large breasts is under-researched despite the fact that under the male gaze, the size of a womans breast is seen as a measurement of her value and worth. This paper draws on in-depth interviews with eight large-breasted women in order to explore aspects of their embodiment. Two contradictory aspects of their breasted experience are discussed: their experience of their breasts as visible objects which are appropriated and consumed by others, and their experience of their breasts as feminine, attractive and sexy. These two themes are discussed in relation to feminist theorising on appearance and the beauty system, and the role of women in actively presenting their bodies is emphasised. D 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. . . . women do experience gender in an embodied way: they live in and through their bodies that are marked and framed through discourses and practices of society. (Lee, 1997, p. 455) The ways in which women talk about and think about our bodies cannot be separated from our physical experience of them, or from the compet- ing and contradictory cultural discourses through which we make meaning of them (Ciclitira & Weaver, 2002). Womens breasts are invested with social, cultural and political meanings which shape the ways in which we make sense of and experi- ence our embodied selves. These discourses outline the ways in which breasts should be understood as well as the ways in which they should look, feel and be used. Breasts are seen simultaneously as a marker of womanhood, as a visual signifier of female sexualisation, as synonymous with femini- nity, and as essential for the nurturance of infants. It is not surprising, then, that women often expe- rience their breasts in confusing and contradictory ways. Despite the fact that breasts are imbued with social and cultural significance, there is surprisingly little research which explores womens subjective understanding of their breasted experience. Some research explores specific aspects of breastedness such as narratives of breast cancer (Langellier & Sullivan, 1998), breast-feeding (Carter, 1995) or cosmetic surgery (Morgan, 1991). Other researchers mention girls and womens understanding and expe- rience of their breasts in passing while the main focus of their research is elsewhere. For example, clinical research on breast augmentation and breast reduction surgery briefly mentions womens feelings of dissat- isfaction and distress with their breasts, but focuses mostly on their perceptions of surgery and post- operative satisfaction. Similarly, research on breast development during puberty (arguably a critical time for studying girls reactions to breast development) is more likely to focus on breast growth as an indictor of pubertal status than to focus on how adolescent girls respond to and experience their changed bodies. Womens own experience of their breastedness has often been overlooked (see the photographic docu- mentary record produced by Ayalah & Weinstock, 1979, for an exception). In this study, then, we explore the embodied experiences of women with doi 10.1016/j.wsif.2003.08.003 We would like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. Womens Studies International Forum, Vol. 26, No. 5, pp. 455 465, 2003 Copyright D 2003 Elsevier Ltd Printed in the USA. All rights reserved 0277-5395/$ see front matter 455 large breasts, since being large-breasted entails a particular physical experience which is understood in relation to social and cultural meanings surround- ing breast size. SIZE MATTERS Womens bodies are objects of the male gaze, under which breasts are defined primarily as objects of male sexual interest and sexual pleasure. This phallocentric construction depicts breasts as decorative rather than functional, as existing to be looked at, and as a series of body parts to be consumed by male viewers. Womens breasts are objectified, fetishised and com- modified. We are bombarded with a barrage of images of breasts designed to titillate, stimulate and to sell a wide range of consumer goods and services. Breasts, especially large breasts, have become over- sexualised as highly prized objects of sexual desire, as markers of sexual reputation and attitudes, and as a focus for harassment. In popular culture, large breasts are associated with sexual openness, loose sexual morals and sexual licentiousness and this is reflected in the small amount of literature which has looked at the attributions made about women with large breasts. Women with large breasts are judged to be incom- petent, unintelligent, immoral and immodest (Kleinke & Staneski, 1980), and as more likely to engage in casual short-term romantic flings rather than serious long-term relationships (Furnham, Dias & McCel- land, 1998). Consequently, although breasts play an important part in womens sexual pleasure, and although breasts are an important marker of womens sexuality and sexual maturity, they are rarely seen as belonging to women themselves. This public appro- priation of breasts begins from puberty as Susan Brownmiller notes: Although they are housed on her person, from the moment they begin to show, a female discovers that her breasts are claimed by others. Parents and relatives mark their appearance as a landmark event, schoolmates take notice, girlfriends com- pare, boys zero in; later a husband, a lover, a baby take propriety share. No other part of the human anatomy has such semi-public, intensely private status, and no other part of the body has such vaguely defined custodial rights. (1984, p. 24) Under this male gaze, the size of a womans breast is seen as a measurement of her value and worth. As Young observes, In this patriarchal culture, focused to the extreme on breasts, a woman, especially in those adolescent years but also through the rest of her life, often feels herself judged and evaluated accord- ing to the size and contours of her breast, and indeed she often is (1990, p. 189). Social and cultural discourses of beauty require breasts to be a particular size and shape. Breasts are seen primarily as visible objects to be looked at by others, and evaluated in relation to cultural norms. Brook (1999) refers to the ways in which contemporary Western culture disci- plines the female body within a heterosexual econ- omy in which some bodies are judged to be more valuable than others. This is evidenced in the UK by the ritualised depiction of topless women in national newspapers where the bust, hip and waist measure- ments of the models are routinely reported, the fetishisation of extremely large breasts in specialist pornographic publications, and the excessive media attention afforded to women who surgically enhance their breasts to extreme proportions (e.g. LoLo Ferrari, Jordan, Pamela Anderson). Breast size has come to be seen as a way for others to evaluate the worth of women, and for women to evaluate themselves. In a review of changes in beauty ideals, Mazur (1986) argued that trends in preferred breast size have altered dramaticallyfrom the flat look in the 1920s to the bosom mania of the 1960s. Young (1990, p. 191) describes the current trend as round, sitting high on the chest, large but not bulbous, with the look of firmness. Several commentators have noted that the current norm for an ideal body that is both slim and large-breasted is one which few women can embody since breasts consist mostly of fat, and consequently the size of breasts is linked to overall body fat (Koff & Benavage, 1998). It is not surpris- ing, then, that girls anticipate the growth of breasts and worry about whether they will be the right size (Lee, 1997), and that psychological research reveals that many women are dissatisfied with the size of their breasts. This psychological research considers breast size to be an important feature of womens body image. One study of British adolescents, found that dissatisfaction with bust, waist and hip measure- ments increased with age such that by age eighteen over one third of the sample said that they were dissatisfied with their bust measurements (Davies & Furnham, 1986). Much of the research suggests that women idealise a larger breast size than they actually possess (Thompson & Tantleff, 1992), and that more women would like to have larger breasts than would like to have smaller breasts (Tantleff-Dunn & Thomp- son, 2000). However, others have found that women who perceived their breasts as being either very small or very large were likely to be more dissatisfied with their breasts (Koff & Benavage, 1998). One conse- Rachel Millsted and Hannah Frith 456 quence of the objectification of the female body is that a woman becomes both audience and critic for her own appearance, as if she were an external observer (Bartky, 1990). When observing themselves under a normalising male gaze, and in relation to cultural dictates about the size and shape of breasts, many women find their own breasts lacking and inadequate. Feminist scholars have argued that it is in the interests of patriarchal capitalism to keep women in a perpetual state of anxiety and insecurity about their appearance since this creates the desire in women to change their appearance. A range of consumer goods and services can then be offered to meet these desires (Chapkis, 1986; Wolf, 1991). Women engage in a range of disciplinary practices of body management and manipulation in order to mould the appearance of their breasts to better fit these cultural norms. As Lee notes: The strict definitions of acceptability in terms of breast size, shape, and firmness results in expect- ations for womens ongoing management and display. Such management included lifting, en- larging and enhancing them through a whole series of garments and other contraptions. (Lee, 1997, p. 454) However, the disciplinary practice that has received the most attention is the use of cosmetic surgery. The growth and extent of both breast aug- mentation and breast reduction surgery can be read as indicative of womens dissatisfaction and the lengths they will go to in order to obtain the perfect breasts. These women place their decision to undertake sur- gery within a complex web of discourses around femininity, beauty, social engagement and physical and mental wellbeing. Women seeking breast aug- mentation surgery cite embarrassment, self-con- sciousness, and a belief that the operation will make them more feminine as the main reasons for wanting the operation (Birtchnell, Whitfield, & Lacey, 1990). In contrast, women seeking breast reduction surgery often emphasise the relief of physical symptoms (including shoulder, back and neck pain, shoulder grooving from bra straps, and skin rash under the breast fold) as their primary motivation for seeking surgery. Although a considerable proportion of these women also desire surgery for cosmetic reasonsi.e. to change the appearance of their breasts and to improve their image (Makki & Ghanem, 1998). Large-breasted women, especially those seeking sur- gery, report a number of psychological problems associated with their breast size such as lack of self-confidence, negative body image, anxiety, avoid- ance behaviour, and poor self-esteem (Guthrie et al., 1998). Women also often feel embarrassed and avoid public settings as they receive unwanted comments from both women and men, and people talk to their breasts not their face (Sarwer et al., 1998; Shake- speare & Postle, 1999). As Guthrie et al. (1998, p. 331) point out, A small proportion of women, however, are so dissatisfied with their breasts that they seek breast reduction surgery. These women are willing to risk cuts, scars, and possible disfigurement to have smaller breasts. The motivations for breast augmentation and reduction surgery demonstrate the prevalence of cultural norms which dictate appro- priate and desirable breast size and the practices that women are prepared to engage in to alter the appear- ance of their breasts. While feminists have been universally critical of the beauty system which defines womens bodies in relation to their looks, analyses of womens engagement in cosmetic surgery have ranged from seeing women as misguided, mind- less conformists to unhealthy norms of femininity (Morgan, 1991), to seeing women as rational decision makers who are exercising limited power under oppressive conditions (Davis, 1995). In sum, then, existing knowledge about womens breasted experience is fragmentary and draws on studies of womens experiences of breast cancer or breast-feeding, on developmental research on pub- erty, and on clinical studies of women seeking breast augmentation or reduction surgery. However, most of this clinical data focuses on womens experience of surgery, rather than on their embodied experiences as large or small-breasted women, and most of the studies explore only the views of women seeking surgery. We could find no studies which specifically explored womens experiences of being large- breasted in a non-medical setting. Exploring the experiences of large-breasted women may be a useful way of examining breasted experience since large breasts have particular cultural significance in West- ern society. While theorists have argued that the self-con- scious construction of visible identities has become mandatory in late consumer capitalism (Featherstone, 1991; Giddens, 1991), little empirical work has explored the micro-social processes by which the relationship between the body and the self is nego- tiated. In this paper, we draw on in-depth interviews with eight, young, large-breasted women. Our aim is not to make claims about the experiences of all large- breasted women, but to use the data to interrogate our understanding of embodiment. By drawing on the experience of women who occupy particular forms of Being Large-Breasted 457 embodiment, which are set in a specific configuration of cultural discourses about the female body, we aim to highlight the ways in which women manage and negotiate their visual selves. THE DATA Eight, White, European women aged between 20 and 25 volunteered to be interviewed about their experi- ences of being large-breasted. These women were recruited using snowball sampling where one woman is asked to recommend another to participate in the study and consequently, the sample is gener- ated through social networks. This strategy is quick, convenient and an effective way of recruiting hard-to- reach populations (Atkinson & Flint, 2001), and was therefore appropriate for recruiting participants to the study of what could be seen as a potentially embar- rassing or sensitive topic. Semi-structured interviews were conducted and these were preferred over oral life histories since we were particularly interested in these womens current breasted experience. The inter- views started with an ice-breaking exercise designed to establish the language and vocabulary for talking about breasts with which the participants felt most comfortable. Nine open-ended questions were used to explore respondents feelings about having large breasts, the responses to their breasts they receive from others, the possible links between being large- breasted and feelings of femininity, and the impor- tance of their breasts to their overall sense of self. The interviews were transcribed and analysed using the- matic analysis as described by Hayes (2000). This process involves reading each transcript separately in order to summarise key points raised by all the interviewees individually. These transcripts are then reviewed as a data set to identify common themes. Once a set of proto-themes has been identified, the transcripts are systematically reviewed to identify material relating to each of these proto-themes. Dur- ing this process, the proto-themes can evolve, develop and be refined to ensure that they accurately represent the data. DISCUSSION Like Young (1990), we found these women talked freely and willingly about their breasts. All of the women gave highly articulate accounts of their expe- riences, often delivered with a wry smile, which illustrated both the difficulties and pleasures of living with large breasts. Most of this talk focused on breasted experience in relation to the visibility and appearance of breasts, and we recognise that this is only one narrative around breasted experience and that feminists have attempted to conceptualise breasted experience in different ways (see Langellier & Sullivan, 1998; Young, 1990). While we do not deny that breasted experience is more than simply the appearance of the breast, perhaps because these women were relatively young and had not had children, they talked about their breasts primarily in terms of appearance. In particular, these women drew a distinction between experiencing their breasts as objectified and visible, and experiencing their breasts as a pleasurable marker of femininity and attractive- ness. We discuss both of these in turn. BREASTS AS VISIBLE OBJECTS As a visible sign of womens femininity and sexual maturity, womens breasts are often treated as public property and as belonging to others (cf. Brownmiller, 1984). Women with large breasts become aware of their visibility under this male gaze, and often feel that their breasts are the first, and sometimes only, aspect of their appearance that is noticed. Often their breasts become their defining feature and the way in which they are known by others, for example, Nicola notes how she is identified by her boyfriends friends as the one with the big tits. By focusing on their breasts and only their breasts, these women felt that they were rarely treated as individuals: There is so much more to me. Im not just a pair of boobs (Jane). Women experience this as annoying, irritating, frustrating and disrespectful, as Helen describes: . . . They treat me as just a pair of breasts rather than like a whole person [. . .] which is obviously horrible and makes me feel quite angry and just find it really disrespectful because they know nothing about me, you know, Im me, Im intelligent, Im funny, Im pretty, Im witty, you know, Im not just a pair of breasts. These women feel that they are treated as a set of unconnected body parts to be consumed in isolation from the whole. They feel that they are constantly under surveillance and that their large breasts draw attention to them, and make them more noticeable and more visible than other women. They are looked at and stared at. . . . when I was younger, and also when I was bigger, the fact that my breasts drew attention to me was bad. I found it hard, it was constantly on my mind, if I was meeting new people, if I was walking into a room, that was all Id be thinking Rachel Millsted and Hannah Frith 458 about, thinking that theyre looking at me . . .. (Helen) . . . we got into the club and I took my jacket off, and I think I was wearing a pink V-neck, low-cut top and all night hed been talking to me normally, and then I turned round to start another con- versation with him and that was it! He was just literally staring at my chest for about ten minutes and I was just completely gobsmacked at how rude and disrespectful he was being. (Jane) Women find these stares intrusive and feel self- conscious about and uncomfortable with their visi- bility. For example, when Danielle realises that her breasts are being stared at it makes her feel kind of funny and sick inside. As Vicky says, Its just not nice . . . it makes you feel, I dont know, it makes me feel sick I suppose, and then you feel conscious and then you think about it for the next half an hour. Others have found that girls experience the development of their breasts as embarrassing because they feel humiliated by the tendency of boys and men to stare at their breasts and comment on them (Lee, 1997; Martin, 1997). However, it does not just stop at intrusive stares, men also feel that they have the right to comment on womens breasts. This is demonstrated in two examples described by Nicola and Helen: Well, you know when I was in India there was that bloody Canadian, he was like So whats it like to be a breasted woman?, and I found that really offensive. You know, I didnt ask him what it was like to be bald! [. . .] And at the time I was wearing a sort of baggy t-shirt, it wasnt like I was wearing a bikini top or they were on show or anything. I did find it quite intrusive. (Nicola) I remember one time walking into a pub and this guy just goes, You have got fucking massive tits, and I was just like Fuck off, because it made me so angry that he dared to speak to me that way [. . .] Id just been minding my own business and he just said that to me and I was like. . . I found it unbelievable and God! It just made me sick, I mean yeah, theyre big, ten out of ten for observation, well done. I just felt like how dare he invade my privacy like that. (Helen) These women have very strong emotional reac- tions to these comments which are offensive and insulting. In addition to anger and feeling sick, other women talked about feeling embarrassed and humili- ated by degrading comments from men. These women are made to feel self-conscious about their bodies when they might otherwise have remained relatively unaware. Men call their bodies into beingthrough intrusive comments and invasive looksat a time when women are minding my own business and their breasts are not on show. The visibility of their breasts is something these women try to manage. They are aware that breasts can be deliberately displayed by wearing clothing which is tight-fitting, low-cut or which accentuates the cleavage, and (as we demonstrate in the following section) this is a strategy which these women some- times adopt for themselves. However, given that women with large breasts experience their bodies as being particularly visible, they talk about manipulat- ing their clothing and posture to make their breasts invisible and therefore unavailable for comment and evaluation: . . . when I was younger I always tried to improve my posturestand upright, shoulders backbut I was always accused of sticking my tits out. So, sometimes I slump a little bit from time to time [. . .] I dont want to draw attention to them. (Angela) I wouldnt wear anything that was hugely revealing, as in a low-cut top or anything like that, not that I make an effort to make then look smaller, I just wouldnt put them out on display . . .. (Joanne) Yeah, I do tend not to wear low-cut tops because even though they are still there when you wear a normalnot even high-neckedtop, if things are on show then people do look more. (Nicola) However, despite attempts to hide or disguise their breasts through clothing and posture, because of their size large breasts may be perceived to be on display whether or not the women intend them to be. For example, Nicola says she gets irritated by the responses she receives from other women who accuse her of showing herself when she is wearing modest clothing. Despite attempts to hide and conceal their breasts, women often found that their breasts are noticeable. Just the fact that they are shouting stuff like that is revolting [. . .] because I dont show them off, theyre not even looking at them, theyre just in a jumper and theyre still saying stuff, it makes you cross and upset in that way. (Vicky) Being Large-Breasted 459 These women talked about the ways in which they had to negotiate their visibility and the salacious and insulting comments and reactions that this visibility brought with it. The experience of having others draw attention to their bodies, making their breasts visible and salient, was particularly frustrating when women had made efforts to conceal (or at least not explicitly display) them. Not having control over whether or not to make their breasts a salient aspect of their embodi- ment and identity in any given context, and having no choice over visibility, was experienced as disempow- ering and distressing. In contrast, when making a deliberate and con- scious decision to make their bodies visible, these women anticipated, expected and to some extent accepted comments from others. This was particu- larly the case when talking about moving through public spaces such as pubs and clubs: . . . to a certain extent you accept that youre dressing up, not only for yourself but for others as well, so its not that youre inviting comment, its just that its more expected. (Sophie) In these contexts, women may choose to deliber- ately display their bodies. Knowing that comments are expected and anticipated (although not welcome and still inappropriate) means that these women can prepare themselves for having to deal with these comments: I handle it better then [when going out for the night] because I am expecting it more. So, if I am at work or something and someone makes a comment I usually get flustered or embarrassed or angry about it because it is inappropriate. Its never really appropriate I dont think, but Im a lot more prepared for it when I go out for the night in a pub or even when Im on the street. (Angela) I might wear something that reveal a bit and if Im feeling thin and if someone made a comment then I wouldnt take that as badly at all. Id feel like I was showing myself therefore I would expect a comment, and sometimes, occasionally, I have liked the comments [. . .] but were I to go out wearing my normal kind of high-neck top and some random guy was to make a comment then that would probably really upset me. It would be like, please not now, I just want to be without you commenting on my boobs. (Vicky) Helen, for example, talks about expecting and accepting comments when on a night out and wearing a low-cut top and push-up bra, so that she is more prepared for it, like more mentally prepared for it. She goes on to say: Im more prepared for it if I go out, you know, you dont kind of expect it if youre just going about your daily business. Its very embarrassing if someone makes a comment then youre just in town or whatever [. . .] Its really unfair for someone to put you in a situation like that and its difficult for you to defend yourself. Being able to deal with offensive comments from men is something which these women thought were part and parcel of their embodied experiencesome- thing they had to learn to adapt to as their breasts grew. For example, Sophie talks about the ways in which her response to comments has changed as she has got older. She talks about the ways in which her social skills and confidence have developed so that she can deflect and deal with other peoples reactions to her breasts. She now describes herself as verbally very confident and would like to think that most social situations I can cope with well. Similarly, Helen feels that she is at a point in my life now where I can enjoy them, and theyre not quite such a bad thing, being at a point where I feel comfortable with who I am and sort of equipped to deal with the pros and cons of them. Women with large breasts experience what seems like a tireless and never-ending barrage of insults, comments and intru- sive stares. It is part of their embodied experience and impacts on the ways in which they respond to others, and how others respond to them. It is such an integral part of their social interactions that they feel that they have to learn strategies to negotiate the responses of others and to avoid feeling upset. This takes energy and can at times be very draining. Appearance, femininity and respectability have become interconnected in the construction of gen- dered sexual propriety (Skeggs, 1997). As a marker of excessive sexuality and a lack of control, large breasts mark women as vulgar, tasteless unruly and undisciplined, in short as not respectable. It is in this context in which appearance becomes a marker of conduct and identity, that appearance also becomes a site for the operation of power relations. Foucaults (1977/1985) notion of disciplinary power, power which is exercised through surveillance not force, and which is internalised when people self-police and act as if they are constantly being watched, is useful here. Women attempt to manage and constrain their breasts to make them invisible and unnoticeable, to avoid being marked as sexual objects and disre- Rachel Millsted and Hannah Frith 460 spected. But, despite their efforts to remain invisible and unnoticed womens bodies are rendered publicly available and their visibility in public spaces makes them a target for censure and harassment. As Brook (1999) notes: The public spectacle of a womans body enacts an antithesis to the identification of femininity with the private and domestic body. Theories of the disciplining functions of the male gaze suggest that she enters public (masculine) space as a potentially disruptive, transgressive body and it is her position as spectacle (making a spectacle of herself) under the view of the masculine eye, that disciplines her back into line, returns her into a docile body. (pp. 111112) When these women enter public spaces they experience their bodies as publicly available, as visible, and as inevitably transgressing norms about appearance (and femininity) which would allow them to pass through public space without comment. They are made conscious of their embodiment and the location of their bodies within discourses of feminin- ity and sexuality, and their place within the hetero- sexual economy in which their excessive breasts are seen as inappropriate. Their bodies are disciplined under the masculine gaze through degrading com- ments and intrusive stares which mark their bodies as sexualised, and they engage in self-disciplinary prac- tices in an attempt to render their bodies invisible. These strategies and experiences are, of course, not unique to large-breasted women. The collapse of the public/private distinction may be marked on the material body of the large-breasted woman in partic- ular ways, but this is only one instance of the ways in which women are made to feel that their bodies are not their own in public spaces. Gardner (1980, 1990) notes how in public spaces women are often subject to catcalls, compliments or other evaluative com- ments from men, and manage their appearance (e.g. by adopting certain clothing practices) in order to appear invisible. BREASTS AS FEMININE AND ATTRACTIVE In contrast to the accounts presented above, these women also spoke about their feelings of pride and pleasure in their breasts, the ways in which their breasts enhanced their appearance, made them feel feminine and attractive, and gave them a sense of self-confidence. We are so used to hearing about womens self-loathing and their dissatisfaction with their bodies (e.g. Frost, 2001), that it is refreshing to hear young women talking about their bodies with pride and pleasure. However, it is important for us to unpick these feelings a little and to examine their origin. Large breasts are, for these women, a tangible sign of their femininity and their attractiveness: I think its important cos it [having large breasts] does make you feel more feminine and I think with me being on the skinny side it does give me a little extra shape. (Joanne) These women talked about being shapely, cur- vaceous and having a womanly figure. In the following extract, Danielle talks about the ways in which her embodiment as large breasted allows her unproblematic access to the status of someone who is both a woman and who is feminine. . . . actually feeling feminine and nice and stuff, just to feel shapely. Its nice to know that I look like a woman and can wear things and have a nice cleavage. (Danielle) Her breasts allow Danielle access to the identity of woman in a way that small breasts apparently do not. Reflecting previous research in which the loss of a breast through cancer is equated with a loss of femininity (Margolis et al., 1989; Steinberg, Juliano, & Wise, 1985), and in which gaining a larger breast through breast augmentation surgery is equated with increased femininity (Birtchnell et al., 1990), these women saw their breasts as a visible symbol of their femininity. These women also talked about the ways in which their breasts gave them more confidence especially when compared to smaller breasted women that they know who are always worrying about being flat-chested and stuff (Nicola). I think they make me more confident because people tell me Ive got a nice figure [. . .] it makes me makes me feel more confident, and if I go out wearing a nice cleavage-showing top then theyre more likely to look at my boobs, then it gives me more confidence. (Jane) While these women talked about the ways in which their breasts enabled them to feel feminine and womanly, this enjoyment of their bodies is not about the way in which it physically feels to inhabit this body. It is not, for example, about pleasure or feelings of sexual arousal that might be associated with these breasts. Rather, the enjoyment of their body arises out of the way in which their body looks Being Large-Breasted 461 rather than how it is directly experienced. However, this de-sexualised language might reflect an attempt on the part of participants to dissociate themselves from the stereotypical association of large breasts with sexual openness, loose sexual morals and immodesty. As Kathy Davis has argued, the body is as much about identity as it is about physicality, and identity needs to be treated as embodiedthat is, the out- come of an individuals interaction with her body and through her body with the world around her (1995, p. 169). It is here in the discussion of how women feel about themselves in relation to their large breasts that we begin to develop a sense of their embodied identitiestheir confidence and sense of femininity is intimately bound up with their embodied state. Yet, equally, this cannot be separated from the ways in whichthrough their bodythey engage with the world around them. A world in which they are made visible and objectified, and a world in which they are desired and admired. In the previous section, we noted the ways in which women feel humiliated and objectified by comments from men who harass them in public places. How- ever, not all comments from men (and others) are experienced in this way, and comments and responses from others are an important part of these womens embodied experience. Womens experience of their large-breasted bodies as feminine is insepa- rable from the evaluation of their bodies as feminine by others: I do feel very feminine, very feminine shape, I mean Ive got a bum and Ive got a waist and Ive got big boobs and Ive got, you know, the sort of responses Ive got are that I look feminine, that I look nice, that I do have quite a womanly figure, that its sexy, that Im sexy. So, yeah, they do make me feel feminine. (Helenemphasis added) I feel a lot more feminine when Im wearing tighter tops. I definitely feel more feminine then. Yeah, I suppose they [breasts] do make me feel more feminine because Im often told I look quite feminine. I think if they werent there then Id feel that Id lost a part of my femininity. (Angela emphasis added) This demonstrates the importance of visibility and the validation by others. Angelas breasts are only feminine because they are seen to be feminine (in the sense of being literally viewed while wearing low-cut tops), and are recognised as such by others. This is taken up more explicitly by Angela later in the interview: . . .sometimes if Im going out of a night and Im wearing a low top, then Ill feel a bit more confident. I know that Ill get a positive reaction off blokes [. . .] because in our society large breasts are seen as good it raises my confidence more than if I had little boobs. (Angelaemphasis added) There are a number of things to draw attention to here. Firstly, there are contexts in which Angela wishes to draw attention to her breasts, when she wants to reveal them by wearing low-cut tops. Secondly, Angela feels confident wearing these clothes because she expects that her embodied self- presentation will be evaluated positively by others. More than this, not only will individual men respond favourably to her embodied self-presentation, but large breasts are socially validated as good, attrac- tive and desirable. This contrasts sharply with the responses of others to their breasts which women voiced in the previous section. There, we noted how womens frustration and distress may arise from a sense of being unable to control the ways in which the body is read by others. In other words, attempts to render the body invisible are undermined by unwelcome comments and intrusive stares. When women actively court attention, it is perhaps not surprising to hear them speak with pride and pleasure when these strategies are successful. While it is tempting simply to validate these womens feelings of increased confidence and femi- ninity, we argue that the origins of these feelings need to be unpacked in the same way that Holliday (1999) has unravelled the notion of comfort in relation to the management of appearance through clothing by lesbians and gay men. Holliday argues that talking about clothing choices in terms of comfort functions as a naturalising discourse which obscures the polit- ical and subcultural resonances implied by comfort. She argues that comfort also signifies the way in which identity is mapped onto the body, and derives from being recognizably queer to both oneself and others (p. 481). Extrapolating from this to our understanding of womens feelings of confidence from wearing low-cut tops, we would argue that this confidence arises out of the recognition that ones body meets the cultural ideal and is recognisable as attractive. The aesthetic scaling of women (cf. Young, 1990), in which womens bodies are evaluated as more or less valuable according to their appearance, means that some women, at some times, may feel that Rachel Millsted and Hannah Frith 462 their appearance is socially validated as recognisably attractive. We need to consider, then, how breast size might interact with other socially valued aspects of appearance to create this sense of confidence for our participants. For example, several participants described themselves as skinny or having a waist, and it is not clear how their feelings of privilege might be as much to do with being physically ideal (including being young) as with being large breasted (see Frith & Gleeson, 2002a, b). Indeed, these differ- ent aspects of embodiment clearly interact, at least for Vicky, who says, if Im feeling thin and if someone made a comment then I wouldnt take that as badly at all. CONCLUSIONS Young (1990, p. 190) argues that women respond to the objectifying male gaze in a number of different ways. Some, she argues, may loathe and fear the gaze that fixes her in shock or mockery, while others may enjoy the attention and learn to draw the gaze to her bosom with a sense of sexual power. It is clear from the interview extracts we have presented that these women experience their breasts as both a source of pleasure, pride and confidence, and as a source of embarrassment, anxiety and harassment. Mirroring other research on breasted experience, and on appearance as a whole, we find that appearance is simultaneously and across time a site for pleasure and strength but also a site of anxiety, regulation and surveillance (Skeggs, 1997, p. 107). Womens breasted experience is complex, contradictory and conflictingwe do not just have one response but many and these responses are local and specific to each context in which we find ourselves, and our intentions, purpose and sense of agency within these contexts. Feminists are critical of the male gaze in which womens bodies are evaluated and judged in relation to this gaze. They have also been critical of women who play up to the male gaze by adorning them- selves, compete against other women to look more beautiful, and engage in dangerous practices (such as cosmetic surgery) in order to improve their appearance (e.g. Morgan, 1991). For these women, the beauty system inscribes their bodies as attractive and desirable (although this can change from moment to moment). These women are privileged, and feel themselves to be privileged, by virtue of the social validation of large breasts. It is not surprising that these women value their breasts and experience them with pleasure, pride and increased confidence. For some feminists, by capitalising on the fact that their breasts are socially valued, by enjoying looks and comments from men, and by having pride in their appearance, these women are complicit in their own oppression and the oppression of other women. By becoming alienated from their own bodies, and able to see themselves only as objects for consumption, these women see themselves as commodities and evaluate themselves and other women as such. Ironi- cally, as Bordo (1993) points out, while engaging in practices which train the female body in docility and obedience to cultural demands, women can experi- ence these practices in terms of power and control. Heilman (1998, p. 195) talks about this process in relation to womens experience of eating disorders. She argues that: A girls feelings of power can come from both meeting the individual challenges such as suc- ceeding in not eating for a day and from meeting the challenge of approximating a cultural norm of beauty. The second form of power comes from receiving approval purely as an object, as a thing that looks good or appropriate. This is the power of becoming a successful commodity. But, it is not as if we can step outside of these cultural discourses in order to experience our breasts (or any other aspect of our appearance) in a feminist utopia, free from cultural discourses. Feminists, importantly, attempt to stand outside of cultural norms in order to critique them, but even recognising this critique does not mean that individual women (feminist or not) can be entirely free from the trap- pings of cultural notions of beauty. Even the most vehement critics of the beauty system, who have produced groundbreaking and insightful analyses, find themselves unable as individuals to step outside of this. For example, Wendy Chapkis, author of Beauty Secrets, talks about her experience of elec- trolysis, while Susan Bordo, author of Unbearable Weight, talks about her weight loss. The point is not to lament the failings of individual women, but to recognise that despite their insightful critiques of the beauty system they too are unable to step outside of discourses about attractiveness, femininity and sex- uality. As Frost (1999) points out, it is not as if appearance is somehow detachable and that women simply have the choice to ignore it. This does not mean that women are passively positioned in relation to cultural discourses, rather women actively negotiate their position in relation to a complex web of discourses, gazes, audiences, identities and visibilities. Davis (1995) has long argued for an approach to feminist theorising which Being Large-Breasted 463 is able to critique the beauty system, but which also accepts that women are not passive victims of these hegemonic systems. Smiths (1990) conceptualisa- tion of the production, construction and performance of femininity as an active accomplishment on the part of the female agent provides a way forward in thinking about this. Smith argues, and we agree, that women are not simply passively positioned by com- peting discourses, they have actively to do femi- ninity. As we cannot choose not to appear, some decisions have to be made about what clothing we will wear and how we will have our hair, and how we will present our bodies. It is not surprising then, that some women will choose to present their bodies in ways which best approximate the cultural norms, in order to access the greatest amount of prestige and power they can. Our participants are actively involved in doing femininity, but consider them- selves to be in a relatively privileged position in being able to inhabit this identity by virtue of their embodiment. Yet, these women work to negotiate how their bodies can be read by others. This control is important, but it not always possible to maintain. Women can display their bodies in ways that can be read as feminine and sexy, or they can try to avoid their bodies being read in this way (i.e. by wearing t-shirts and baggy jumpers). However, despite their efforts, the inevitable visibility of their large breasts, and the coding of large breasts (at least when on slim women) as sexy means that despite their efforts their bodies can be read as sexualised. To further complicate this process, womens bodies are simultaneously presented to, and read by, any number of different audiences. For example, although a woman may experience their bodies in relation to an abstract and intangible male gaze, she is also the object of a set of interpersonal gazes in which her body is appraised by a variety of others. These interpersonal looks are also evaluative and can be positive or negative. As Lee notes, during puberty girls are caught in the middle of a complex set of gazes and looks which are experienced in different ways. As she observes, you do not want people (especially boys) to notice/embarrass you, yet at the same time you desperately want them to notice/approve of you (Lee, 1997, p. 467). Our data suggests that this may also be true for adult women, but we know little about how women understand and categorise these different kinds of reactions from others or how they manage their own emotional responses to these reactions. For example, although the women in our study talked about responding positively to comments received when courting attention and when dressed in more reveal- ing clothes, and negatively when they have dressed more conservatively in an attempt to be invisible, this distinction is far from clear cut. Even when they are actively seeking visibility, some comments make them feel embarrassed and humiliated while others make them feel feminine and attractive. Further research needs to explore the circumstances under which these two very different kinds of emotional reactions arise. Identity is always the outcome of womens active negotiation of the contradictions of female embodi- ment (Young, 1990). The decisions that women make in attempting to negotiate their appearance are inevi- tably also decisions about identity and embodied experience. 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PLJ Volume 52 Number 1 - 03 - Abelardo B. Albis, JR., Eleandro F. Madrona, Alice P. Marino, Leonides S. Respicio - A Study On The Effectivity of The Philippine Prison System