Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: A marketing perspective

JULIE TINSON
1
*, ANGELINE CLOSE
2,
, LINDA TUNCAY ZAYER
3,
and PETER NUTTALL
4,
1
Stirling Management School, University of Stirling, Stirling, FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK
2
Department of Advertising and Public Relations, University of Texas, Austin, TX, USA
3
Department of Marketing, Quinlan School of Business, Loyola University, Chicago, IL, USA
4
School of Management, University of Bath, Bath, North East Somerset, UK
ABSTRACT
Resistance to ritual practice and related consumption behavior has been under-researched in both marketing and consumer research,
although it has signicant implications for business and consumers. In this paper, the authors offer an explanation of attitudinal and
behavioral resistance by reporting on the ndings of a qualitative interpretative study of those self-identifying as high school prom resistors.
Four types of resistance are posited, that is, identity-positioning resistors, identity-protecting resistors, emotional resistors, and apathetic
resistors. Characteristics of the typology are developed and consequences of their behaviors discussed. Theoretical and managerial
consequences are proposed. Understanding resistance to prom may lead to improved service provision, better targeting of communication
messages (e.g., advertising), overcoming event dilution as well as generating positive word of mouth, and reducing consumer regret. This
research expands the theoretical understanding of attitudinal and behavioral resistance by bringing new evidence as to the individual and
social identity processes by which resistance develops. This study helps to better understand opposition to positional consumption as well
as extending our understanding of why individuals resist consumption and related practice. Two new concepts are also identied and
discussed, namely event dilution and regret through resistance. Managerial implications (contextual and for marketplace rituals) are
posited. Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
INTRODUCTION
Although the origins of resistance are embedded in the social
science and humanities literatures (Izberk-Bilgin, 2010: 299),
those researching consumer culture (e.g., Ritson and Dobscha,
1999; Duke, 2002) as well as marketing (e.g., Pae and
Lehmann, 2003) have more recently employed the term to
express a range of anti-consumerist activities. Although there
have been calls to more effectively differentiate between the
notions of anti-consumption and resistance (Lee et al.,
2011), resistance is primarily used as a focal paradigm to
describe boycotts (Kucuk, 2008), voluntary simplicity
(Craig-Lees and Hill, 2002; Zavestoski, 2002; Shaw et al.,
2006), and culture jamming (Penaloza and Price, 1993;
Rumbo, 2002; Cherrier, 2009). Resistance can be ideological,
for example, a position or stance held by those who are
opposed to a culture of consumption and the marketing of
mass-produced meanings Penaloza and Price (1993:123).
Conversely, resistance also describes behaviors such as brand
rejection, brand avoidance, or ethical consumption (Cromie
and Ewing, 2009; Iyer and Muncy, 2009; Lee et al., 2009).
There is often a relationship between ideological stance and
activity, but one can exist without the other.
This study builds on and develops the work of Cherrier
(2009:189) to consider how and why individuals resist
particular consumption practices, who those individuals are,
and the meaning they give to their participation. Typically,
previous research explores resistance while focusing on
lifestyles and relevant choices (e.g., Gopaldas, 2008) or
broad concepts, which individuals or groups contest or
challenge. For example, although Cherrier distinguishes be-
tween a hero identity and a project identity, with individuals
categorized as against political or exploitative consumption
(heroes) or as those seeking inner change or positional
consumption (those with a project identity), these consumer-
resistant identities are developed from notions of voluntary
simpliers and culture jammers. Iyer and Muncy (2009) also
produced a typology of anti-consumers: simpliers, anti-
loyalist consumers, market activists, and global impact
consumers. These categories refer to the extent to which the
objective and purpose of resistance through anti-consumption
is personal or societal but disproportionately focuses on green
marketing or environmental issues. This paper seeks to
somewhat readdress this disparity by focusing on resistance
towards an adolescent ritual.
RESISTANCE AND ADOLESCENCE
Anti-consumption and resistant practices can be largely
attributed to peer pressure during adolescence. Brechwald
and Prinstein (2011) note that anti-conformity is directly
the result of peer inuence processes. These authors indicate
that although adolescents believe they are signaling individ-
uality with anti-conformity, they do not realize the power
of peer inuence because anti-conformity is the opposite of
what the majority prefers. Although teenagers are known to
engage in imaginative acts of deance (Russell and Tyler,
2005), the degree to which adolescents engage in attitudinal
and behavioral resistant practices will reect the ability of the
individual (or group) to resist or comply with expectations
and social norms (Oetting et al., 1998). Best (2000:28)
suggests that social control operates in the context of high
*Correspondence to: Julie Tinson, Professor in Marketing, Stirling Manage-
ment School, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK.
E-mail: j.s.tinson@stir.ac.uk

Assistant Professor of Marketing

Senior Lecturer in Marketing

Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Journal of Consumer Behaviour, J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
Published online 11 October 2013 in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/cb.1445
school promattendance and that the fear of having missed the
prom is harnessed as a mechanism to gain students consent to
this event and the material and ideological conditions it
secures. This paper explores if those attending their high
school prom grudgingly, perceive that reluctant attendance is
more socially advantageous than not attending at all.
The high school prom: an adolescent transition ritual
Researchers suggest that nothing reveals more about a
culture than its celebrations (Elza et al. 2010, 1). Among
the traditional rituals of American high-school, the prom
stands out as an event that evokes intense emotions, expecta-
tions, and memories among participants (Miller, 2010, 12).
Historically, prom stems from promenade or a march into a
ballroom to announce the beginning of a formal event
(Marling, 2004). Although the American prom has always
been associated with youth, often in contestation with
school ofcials (Miller, 2010, 13), the prom is also associ-
ated with the feminine. The popular construction of the
prom as a moment in which to re-invent the self is a gendered
one; this narrative is almost always told through the voice of a
girl and the transformation that occurs is mapped fundamen-
tally through her body (Best, 2000, 35). As a consequence,
for many young women, the focus is on securing a date, being
accepted into the popular social crowd, nding a designer
gown, beautication, corsages, photographers and dancing as
well as sex, alcohol, and after-parties.
For male adolescents, the prom is typically characterized
as a sexual quest (Speed, 2010) with little, if any, scholarly
reection on the male role or indeed compliance with social
norms or subversive behavior beyond this stereotypical view.
It is acknowledged that peer pressure in more general group
contexts can inuence anti-social behavior (Kandel, 1996;
Pechmann and Knight, 2002), and although young women
are less likely to behave in a resistant manner, for instance
via vandalism, underage sexual practices, drinking, smoking,
or deviant behaviors, young men show their feelings
externally (Santor et al., 2000). Females, although susceptible
to peer pressure, may be more inclined to keep their (resistant)
behaviors in line while hosting negative attitudes. As peers reg-
ularly test one other, questioning commitment to the collective
(Erikson, 1963), the relevance of peer inuence for both male
and female prom resistant activities is examined here.
RESISTANCE TO RITUAL PRACTICE
Where resistance as it pertains to self-identity has been
explored, anti-consumption has often arisen because of
unfavorable comparisons with others. This is evident in Kates
(2000) study, where individuals reject certain brands they per-
ceive as negatively characterizing a specic group; advocating
anti-gay ideologies. As expectations associated with prom can
intensify questions relating to identity and sexuality (Shary,
2011) and because gender and sexuality norms are often
expressed and reiterated in the media (e.g., Stole, 2003;
Schroeder and Zwick, 2004), this is suggestive of how and
why resistance to specic ritual events can develop. Nuttall
and Tinson (2011) also examined how those who attended
the prom perceived non-attendees in the UK. Findings showed
that perceptions of resistance to prom attendance vary, with
some non-attendees perceived to be challenging the ideology
of prom whereas others would appear to be protecting their
self-esteem, avoiding unfavorable comparisons. As Nuttall
and Tinson examined the perceptions of prom attendees, this
paper includes non-attendees to provide a greater understand-
ing of resistant practices to further develop the resistance
theory.
Few studies have examined resistance to a ritual event or
special holidays and the implications this may have for
business as well as individual and social identity processes.
Exceptions to this include research on resistance to Valentines
Day. Close and Zinkhan (2007, 2009) illustrate resistance to an
entire event and/or ritualistic elements of the event, such as gift
exchange. In these studies, attitudinal resistance manifested
behaviorally when consumers avoided, minimized, or adapted
this consumption tradition. As there is a limited appreciation of
why and how consumers resist ritual events, researchers have
been invited to produce a richer understanding of meanings
and practices during recurring special events and related alter-
native consumption. Furthermore, as traditionally, individual
acts of resistance are less commonly explored and are rarely
labeled or linked to resistance (Penaloza and Price, 1993:123),
examining the extent to which resistance is not a process of
gaining power over the dominant but rather an inner process
of self-reection and self-expression (Cherrier, 2009:182)
will further an appreciation of adolescent acts of resistance
during a liminal phase in transition.
Although the prom is a smaller affair than, say, a
wedding (Elza et al., 2010), it is nevertheless a tradition, a
coming of age event. Preparation for and engagement with
prom involves those dependent on this event to spike spring
sales, for example, event venues, restaurants, formal wear,
orists, hotels, salons, spas, and even plastic surgeons
(Malcolm, 2012; Whitlocks and Thornhill, 2012). However,
despite the popularity of prom, some consumers resist this
ritual event. Resistance towards prom ritual practice and
consumption has major consequences for business, the econ-
omy, and consumers. With a recent increase in the number of
niche prom events for self-identied groups and recogni-
tion that there are alternatives to prom (Anderson, 2012),
developing an understanding of resistance to prom could
have signicant implications for service providers in this
market as well as providers in other markets, where ritualistic
consumption is important.
This research stemmed from the notion to investigate
why, despite widespread commercialization of prom, adoles-
cents and their cliques attitudinally resist or even skip their
prom. The context of prom is particularly important to mar-
keters as consumption, advertising, and promotion associated
with this event is ubiquitous in US culture and a growing
phenomenon in Europe. Indeed, fashion retailers in Europe
estimate that the market, which has deed the economic
downturn, is growing 1015 per cent per annum (Butler,
2013). With this backdrop in mind, the focus of the study
is twofold, namely: (i) to establish how anti-consumption
and resistance is manifest in relation to the prom and to
explore the extent to which this relates to self-identity and
Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: a marketing perspective 437
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
(ii) to examine the notion of prom resistance as it pertains to
peer and familial (cultural) pressure and consequently the
wider social implications of anti-conformity.
Specically, this project questions: if attendees can appro-
priate and take ownership of this event as suggested by
Zlatunich (2009), what aspects of the prom are being
resisted? Are those not attending or attending reluctantly
rejecting the ideology of the prom? Or simply ritual aspects
associated with prom (Rook, 1985), for example, artifacts,
roles, script, and audience? What are the wider and longer-term
social implications of resisting the prom? The authors propose
that resistance will reect both individual and social identity
processes of those not attending or attending prom reluctantly.
This is because non-attendance of this ritual event could be
costly with regard to the development and maintenance of peer
relationships during this liminal phase of transition. There
could also be implications for adolescents not taking this
opportunity to adopt, cultivate, or reinforce a symbolic self
(Nuttall and Tinson, 2011).
Resistance during adolescence to prom is expressed here
as both a behavior and an attitude. Although some attendees
may only have resistant attitudes, one is still considered prom
resistant if she or he begrudgingly attends their prom while
maintaining an apathetic or negative attitude before, during,
and after the event. Behaviorally, the attitudinally resistant
prom-goer may actively reject other social groups and/or
event rituals such as corsage exchange, photograph sessions,
dinners, dancing, and participation in voting for a prom
queen and king. Conversely, those perceived as resistant as
a consequence of their non-attendance do not always have
anti-consumption attitudes and may desist because of
concerns regarding peer inuence and related misbehavior. It
is recognized, however, that non-attendees can also establish
or maintain an identity position through non-attendance or take
a stance against consumer culture and excess. The ndings
explain both the immediate and longer-term consequences
for the individual and the wider collective as they pertain to
such behavior or event experience/s.
THIS STUDY
This study is designed to capture adolescent resistance
through anti-consumption of the prom (e.g., rejection, restric-
tion, and reclaiming) as well as resistant behavior in relation
to associated products and practices (Lee et al., 2011). It is
important to note the signicance of parental expectations
in this context, in particular for those who regret missing
their own high school prom. These parents could buy into
the mythology with even more zeal. For some parents,
striving to recreate a fairytale ideal becomes a sort of competi-
tion, as though the childs perfect prom night is a reection of
the parents success (Miller, 2010, 18). When examining
attitudinal and behavioral resistance to the prom, it is pertinent
to understand group engagement (micro-level) and cultural
beliefs (macro-level) (Bamaca and Umana-Taylor, 2006) as
well as any interrelationship between ideological resistance
and related anti-consumption activities.
RESEARCH DESIGN
Although cross-cultural appropriation and practice of the
prom has recently been researched in a global context (Salo
and Davids, 2009; Tinson and Nuttall, 2010), this research
specically focuses on the US prom as attitudinally or
behaviorally resisted by US citizens. As the prom is a US
institution, resistance is likely to have more relevance among
US residents because of the heritage of the prom. For
example, for those who have already attended prom, each
spring affords an opportunity to become nostalgic about past
experiences (Kirkpatrick, 2010). In turn, these insights
generated from the memories of family and friends can
equally inuence adolescents attitudes towards prom.
An interpretive perspective was employed to generate
insights into attitudinal and behavioral resistance as it relates
to the high school prom. A total of 27 in-depth interviews
were conducted with males and females recruited in central
and southeastern states in the USA. It is important to note
that although the approach to sampling related to two major
cities, informants recalled their high school and prom experi-
ences from various cities and towns across the USA. The
authors went under protocol for human subjects approval
at two universities to facilitate an ethical approach to
recruiting and collecting data for the project. The informants
self-identied as either non-attendees of prom or as having
attended prom under duress, and to establish degrees of resis-
tance to the prom, respondents were required to complete a de-
mographic sheet that also included questions regarding type of
resistant practice (e.g., non-attendance, reluctance to attend,
and proactive encouragement for others not to attend). Addi-
tionally informants asserted the extent to which non-attendance
or disengagement with ritual practice was perceived to have
had a (long-term) negative impact individually and/or socially.
To secure a purposive sample (Given, 2008), the infor-
mants were engaged using a number of self-selecting ap-
proaches: freshman and upperclassmen were identied from
a universitys subject pool, where the student earns extra
credit in a course; individuals from the wider community
were recruited via personal social networks (including
Facebook and personal contacts). The sample ranged in age
from 20 to 53 years and was relatively diverse regarding race
and ethnicity. Informants included those who were married,
engaged, single and other, with a number experiencing prom
again through their own child/children (Table 1). The sample
was designed to explore the longevity of the impact of
resistance towards prom. Perhaps unsurprisingly, as prom is
perceived as a feminine event (Best, 2000), the sample was
skewed towards females (70/30). The study was conducted
over two separate week-long periods. The majority of inter-
views were conducted in seminar-type rooms within university
buildings, although a few supplementary interviews were
conducted outside this period (via Skype) to accommodate
informants.
Informants were advised that they could withdraw from
the study at any time, and the researchers had identied
counselors whom the informants could approach should the
interviews raise any issues that could potentially cause upset.
The in-depth individual interviews provided an opportunity
438 J. Tinson et al.
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
to explore emergent themes in relation to resistant attitudes and
behaviors. Interviews with each informant followed guidelines
recommended by McCracken (1988). Specically, grand
tour questions were used to prompt informants to discuss their
own story on their own terms. The signicance of this cultur-
ally embedded event for the informants meant that the subject
of the prom was an effortless topic for discussion. The
interviews, on average, lasted approximately an hour, and a
few lasted well in excess of an hour.
The interviewers followed an interview guide, consisting
of four central areas to be explored. The rst topic of interest
was the informants high school experiences in general, with
the remaining sections covering peer groups, the prom itself,
and any inuencers as to resistant prom attitudes and/or
behaviors including cultural and familial backgrounds. The
interviewees were encouraged to express their experiences
in a sufciently exible manner to allow the topics to be
covered in the order most suited to the interviewee (Legard
et al., 2003:141). Probes and follow-up questions were used
to gain a deeper understanding of meaning. Rapport was
built by responding exibly to the respondent (Holstein and
Gubrium, 1995) and by establishing the importance of the
informant to the research project. As the interviews were
principally conducted by a Scottish female, the interviews
often began with an informal discussion about Scotland as
a holiday destination as well as where interest in the US
prom stemmed from. This also contributed to a more relaxed
interviewing environment. The interview data collection was
sufcient to ensure saturation (Guest et al., 2006).
The interview data was iteratively analyzed. Via axial,
open, and selective coding (Strauss and Corbin, 1998), the
authors grouped similar ndings and observations into
categories of meaning as they relate to attitudinal and behav-
ioral resistance. Such grouping helps reveal emergent
patterns of each category (Wolcott, 1990). This coding was
driven deductively by the original issues identied in the
literature review and inductively by searching for emergent
themes. The authors brought different perspectives to the
analysis and interpretation. All were involved in the design
of the interviews, and each independently looked for
commonality in interpretation through discussion. To increase
validity and reliability, suggested approaches (Spiggle, 1994;
Lincoln, 1995) were used.
EMERGING FINDINGS
The ndings section is organized around the following
salient themes: rejection of prom (including resistance
toward gender norms); social implications of missing prom;
and notions of regret, romantic expectations, reclaiming the
prom and event dilution. These issues are brought to light
by using a typology to facilitate interpretation of data
(Figure 1). The typology here is used as a tool in interpreting
the data to allow complex phenomena to be dealt with in a
single construct (Blau and Scott, 1962) as well as stimulating
thinking (Mills and Margulies, 1980). The authors make a
few points about the typology. First, as in a true typology,
Table 1. Sample demographics
Pseudonym Gender, age Resistor typology
Reject, restrict, reclaim,
or regret Married, children Prom attendance /X
Petra F, 22 Emotional resistor Reclaim/regret No/no
Donna F, 25 Emotional resistor Reclaim/regret No/no
Claire F, 25 Emotional resistor Regret No/no
Gemma F, 21 Emotional resistor Reclaim No/no
Ronnie F, 22 Emotional resistor Reclaim No/no
Grace F, 26 Emotional resistor Reclaim/regret No/*
Edgar M, 37 Identity-protecting Regret Yes/no X
Susan F, 38 Identity-protecting Regret/reclaim Yes/yes X
Lavender F, 41 Identity-protecting Regret Yes/yes X
James M, 23 Identity-protecting Regret/reclaim No/no X
Ron M, 24 Identity-protecting Regret No/no X
Ginny F, 30 Identity-protecting Regret No/no X
Sara F, 30 Apathetic resistor Restrict Yes/no
Janine F, 25 Apathetic resistor Restrict/reclaim No/no
Brett M, 32 Apathetic resistor Restrict Yes/no
Bella F, 22 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/no
Anna F, 27 Apathetic resistor Restrict Yes/no
Barbara F, 23 Apathetic resistor Restrict/reclaim No/no
Katherine F, 23 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/no
Avril F, 26 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/no
Ramen F, 22 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/*
Carolyn F, 20 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/no
Dan M, 23 Apathetic resistor Restrict No/no
Paul M, 38 Identity-positioning Reject Yes/no X
Harry M, 37 Identity-positioning Reject Yes/no X
Penelope F, 53 Identity-positioning Reject No/yes X
Rajan M, 28 Identity-positioning Reject Yes/no X
*Not recorded.
Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: a marketing perspective 439
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
individuals are primarily in one of the groups. That is not to
say that some informants exhibit traits or commonalities with
other groups. Second, this typology is not designed to freeze
meaning (Slater, 1997). As discussion on identity formation
in this postmodern age leads to references of multiple or
fragmented identities instead of unitary or unchangeable
ones (Featherstone, 2001), it is recognized that these
segments are not permanent. Third, the typology may be used
by relevant businesses to understand where any resistance
stems from and may be appreciated by school ofcials and
parents to help understand students and their children in
respect of an event that can be divisive.
REJECTION OF PROM
Evidence of prom rejection was most apparent for identity-
positioning resistors. Identity formation, as suggested by
Cherrier (2009), is central rather than peripheral for those
who use the prom as a mechanism for disassociation through
rejection. Rejection of this event for identity-positioning
resistors can be both general and specic to practice (Iyer
and Muncy, 2009). This disassociation reects the individual
and has implications that are both immediate and longer-
term. Identity-positioning resistors do not attend prom, and
this rejection is employed to enhance the identity project
where the prom represents the mainstream and the market-
ing of mass-produced meanings (Penaloza and Price, 1993).
Disassociation with prom reinforces notions of independence
and rebelliousness, particularly when attendance is in opposi-
tion to perceptions of the self. Paul is an example of an
identity-positioning resistor who uses rejection of the prom
to promote an individual identity. In the following excerpt,
Paul is responding to the interviewer who asked, what does
prom represent or did it represent for you? He perceives he
has chosen to project an alternative image that rejects the
marketing of mass-produced meanings, which includes prom:
I was part of this alternative crowd, like you know listening
to British music that nobody ever heard of and stuff like
that. I dont have to be part of a crowd, a group, you know.
I dont have to be in the clique or whatever. I can say Im
independent, you know, independent minded. Free thinker,
I guess.
This view was shared by Harry who appears to have
actively chosen to exclude himself socially. Harry is dynamic
in his resistance and suggests here that his behavior relates to
power (Cherrier et al., 2011). However, as the perceptions of
others can affect the degree to which adolescents integrate
(McElhaney et al., 2008), this perceived degree of agency
may have been a reaction to the reected appraisals of others,
that is, it is recognized that non-attendance may simply
Figure 1. Typology of adolescent resistors.
440 J. Tinson et al.
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
reinforce that those who do not attend are simply the homog-
enous out group members (Banister and Hogg, 2004) as
opposed to heroic individuals who elect whether they want
to be part of the system (Weber, 1948):
You know when I was in the school I was kind of like I
would leave school when I want to, I would do my own
thing. I was likeI was like the high school rebel. You know
what I mean? I marched to the beat of my drum I guess you
could say. And uh, as far as everybody else thought [about
me not going to prom] I really didnt give a shit.
Brechwald and Prinstein (2011) note that although anti-
conformity is perceived to be signaling individuality,
resistance is actually a direct result of social pressure, but
neither Paul nor Harry are cognizant of peer inuence in their
rejection of the prom. As Paul reects, Im still actually
kind of proud of not going [to prom], it is clear that his
resistance is used here in his story-of-the-self (Sims, 2003).
Although he dismisses the prom, his continued rejection of it,
years after not attending, clearly has a longer-term individual
implication for his identity project.
Paul and Harry directly reject prom attendance even when
encouraged to comply. As a transition ritual, others in the
community are affected by prom (Scott, 1998), and although
Paul and Harry use disassociation with prom to reinforce
their identity position, opposition to this event has wider
social implications. Paul, for example, notes that his parents
and (girl) friends encouraged attendance, It was, I mean, it
was a pretty big deal to say, no and not to given in, I guess,
towards the end. The way in which parents and peers posit
the importance of the prom suggests that familial and
friendship group social status consequences are associated
with non-attendance (e.g., Castilhos and Rossi, 2008).
Resistance towards gender norms
Penelope is also an identity-positioning resistor who did not
attend prom, not because of her desire to be perceived as
alternative to the mainstream and mass-marketed meanings
(e.g., Paul and Harry), but as a consequence of rejecting
gender norms that associate with prom:
I really didnt feel involved, and it wasnt because I didnt
go, it was just, I guess the best way to say it, was it was
just not my avor. In my introverted-ness, I was also
pretty much what we call a tomboy. And so all of that
was girly stuff and I didnt want to do that. I was more
interested in my books and I was more interested in my
music and they did all of that stuff. And I trailed my dad
around xing stuff, working on stuff, so prom talk made
me go in the absolute opposite direction. Dress talk,
makeup talk, shoes talk, I would run in the opposite
direction because it just wasnt what I wanted to talk
about. It didnt suit me.
As prom is an opportunity for transformation, where
females have an opportunity to re-invent themselves
(Best, 2000), Penelopes rejection here is attributable to
gendered social norms and the refusal to accept ideological
conditions of femininity (Best, 2000; Duke, 2002). Penelope
does not regret her non-attendance as she considered the event
as opposite to her perception of self. For identity-protecting re-
sistors, however, the regret of promnon-attendance was not only
obvious but often had an impact on longer-term consumption.
SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS OF MISSING PROM AND
NOTIONS OF REGRET
Edgar, an identity-protecting resistor, did not consider his
rejection of the prom as an individual act. He regrets having
missed the experience of the prom and suggests that this was
because his social group was more concerned with the after-
party. The degree of Edgars resistance towards the prom
here reects the need to blend in with his social group
(Pickett et al., 2002):
I think looking back now; I mean I wish I would have gone
[to prom] because I could have enjoyed both experiences.
But at the time, yeah, because I went to the after-party,
thats more or less what my group of people, were worried
about. So it felt as if I was at the right event.
Regret is apparent in Edgars description of the impact his
non-attendance had socially on his mom:
Well, [mom] worked for one of the steel companies in
northwest Indiana. Of course, I knew all the ladies in
her ofce. Theyre like, Oh, Edgars not going? I
guessmy mom wanted me to go just for bragging rights
more or less. That still makes me feel bad.
Regret associated with missing the prom also manifests in
Edgars current consumption behavior as it relates to rituals
and his intended future consumption behavior. Edgar is
recently married and discusses the way in which he engages
with rituals now as a consequence of missing the prom.
Interestingly, his wife also missed the prom, and their
consumption behavior as a consequence places emphasis
on inclusion and excess:
Our wedding was, well over three hundred guests came.
We actually paid for some Mexican dancers to entertain
the dinner. It was awesomeI think thats kind of why
when we have events like that, whether it be a wedding
or just a housewarming party or something like that, we
always try to make sure people are there, having a good
time. I think it kind of resorts back to, we missed out on
prom because that wasI think its something key in
regards to the events that I go to today.
Edgars future consumption behavior intentions have also
been inuenced by his identity-protecting anti-consumption
through resistance at prom. As suggested by Miller (2010),
because Edgar regrets missing the prom, he would want
any children he has in the future to attend the prom. Edgars
desire for his children to attend relates to his future childrens
story-of-the-self (Sims, 2003). That is, he wants his children
to reect on their prom experience as they narrate their
transition episodes. This is contrary to Millers assertion that
those who miss the prom simply want their children to attend
to reect the success of their parents:
Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: a marketing perspective 441
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
I would denitely want my children to have attended. And I
think its not for me to live vicariously through them, but just
for themto experience it and let themhave their own stories.
So whether they would enjoy it, I would hope they would
enjoy it. I would want them to have that opportunity to go.
This lack of engagement with prom practice clearly had
longer-termimplications for Edgar and typied those categorized
as identity-protecting resistors, all of whom displayed some
form of alternative or delayed consumption. Non-attendance
of prom for identity-protecting resistors was also often related
to unfullled romantic expectations. Rather than resisting the
ideology of the prom, identity-protecting resistors excluded
themselves from attending as they could not secure a date
which they believed was the central premise of the prom. It
was clear that in these instances, resistance was behavioral as
opposed to attitudinal and specically related to project as
opposed to hero identities (Cherrier, 2009).
ROMANTIC EXPECTATIONS
Both male and female informants were categorized as
identity-protecting resistors; although there was reference to
the signicance of non-attendance as it relates to gender
norms. Lavender perceives that the decision for females to
not attend is of greater signicance than for males reinforcing
gender role expectations:
If a guy didnt want to go to prom, you know, thats ok,
hes cool, hes this, and hes that, he doesnt have to go.
But if you didnt go as a girl it was a reection on you.
However, males were not exempt from issues of insecurity.
James and Ron both note that their non-attendance was related
to their inability to secure a date. James in particular reects on
his fear of rejection, and despite his recognition of the prom as
a signicant transition event, he is unable to overcome his
concerns to gain access to the prom:
Well, the real reason I wanted to go is that it seemed like such
a big deal to everyone. You dont want to miss out on that, and
you dont really know what is going to happen and so on.
Cons were I was really scared to ask out girls. [I was scared
of] rejection, and I mean, I didnt have a girlfriend at the
timeso it would have been a lot of work for that to happen.
There appears to be some justication for the concerns of
James and his fear of requesting a date as Lavender posits her
reasons for rejecting the prom. The prom date for Lavender is
not merely about access to the prom but is an opportunity to
adopt, cultivate, or reinforce a symbolic self (Nuttall and
Tinson, 2011). Clearly, for Lavender, this includes the type
of date she is able to secure:
I wasnt going to go with some nasty person I didnt like,
or what I perceived was a geekierI mean, I was like,
Im either going to go with someone I like, which a
lot of them were the cool people, or Im not going to
go at all. I was like, Im not going to settle and go with
some geek just to go. So I said nope, Im justthen I just
wont go. That was my stance.
The romanticism and myths encompassing the prom
emphasize the expectations these identity-protecting resistors
felt subject to and how this inuenced their nal decision
regarding non-attendance. Although Zlatunich (2009) refutes
that prom cultural texts are passively accepted and indicates
that meanings of the prom are negotiated, the degree of nego-
tiation here is dependent on the location of the individual in
their social network (Wasserman and Faust, 1994). Those
who are on the periphery of social groups, for example, are
less likely to appropriate the prom and associated practice/s
(Tinson and Nuttall, 2011). For identity-protecting resistors,
it is easier to resist attending the prom than it is to reject prom
ideology. Ginny, for example, cannot envisage attending
prom without a date. She depicts a romantic hope that she
would be asked to prom and although rationalizes that she
would needed to have bought tickets for prom in advance,
she reects that, given the opportunity, she could have pre-
pared for this ritual despite time restrictions:
I think I might have felt awkward going to prom without a
date because when I think about it I dont remember any
girls who went with a girlfriend. Im sure it happened, but
Im not sure specically like an example. I think I held out
hope [that I would be asked to prom] like I think I was
waiting on my friend up until the last minute, you know.
But then again, you have the buy the tickets in advance
it probably wouldnt have been that hard to nd a dress,
nd a corsage and all that though.
Unable to fulll her consumption goals for prom, Ginny
notes that her disappointment was somewhat alleviated at
another event, In college I attended a couple fraternity
dancesactually, nowthat I think about it, I feel like my friend
and I bought extra fancy dresses for one of those fraternity
dancesbecause I was like, I didnt go to prom, so I remem-
ber spending more, yeah. Interestingly, Ginnys reaction to
missing her promwas longer-termand involved buying a dress
rather than nding a date. Although lack of a promdate was the
rationale for missing the prom, the delayed consumption
related to the dress. This underscores the signicance of the
prom dress (Kaufman-Scarborough, 2003) as a ritual artifact
and its associated symbolism. Important to note is that Ginnys
reaction to her non-attendance is delayed consumption as
opposed to subversive behavior.
RECLAIMING THE PROM
Comparatively with Ginny, the reaction of James to not
attending his prom illustrates rebellious behavior. James
reveals, the friends that didnt go to prom, we hung out
that night, so I guess it was something to bond over. We
smoked pot in the woods. Thats what we did. I guess
another rite of passage. As James suggests, this bonding
behavior is an alternative to the mainstream ideology of the
prom but could also reect peer pressure (Kandel, 1996;
Pechmann and Knight, 2002) to engage in out-group prac-
tice (Banister and Hogg, 2004) and/or to illustrate commitment
(Erikson, 1963) to the other out-group members. Importantly,
anti-consumption of the prom here illustrates that resistance
442 J. Tinson et al.
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
(subversion) can exist without an anti-consumption attitude
(Cherrier et al., 2011).
Petra illustrates the way in which emotional resistors, who
comply with the ideological conditions of the prom by
attending (Best, 2000), display rebellious misbehavior in
order to compensate for either the lack of a date to moderate
feelings of awkwardness or embarrassment or to reclaim
the prom:
Drinking was a big part of our senior year. Obviously it
was illegal but it goes on so [if I were to change anything]
I would probably not take so many shots beforehand so
you could remember the night betterWe would have
iced-tea for dinner and pour half of it out and ll the
glasses back up with whisky. It was so gross but we take
what we can get at that age!
This is supported by Donna who notes that a risqu dress
(Alapack, 2009) can be used as a form of attitudinal and
behavioral resistance in contestation with school ofcials
(Miller, 2010). Although the wedding gown and its perti-
nence has been explored (Otnes and Pleck, 2003), the prom
dress has not warranted the same academic interest. For those
who were using the prom as an opportunity to cultivate an
identity (Nuttall and Tinson, 2011) or for those who went
without a date, the prom dress demonstrated a visual social
role (Goffman, 1959; Eicher and Roach-Higgins, 1992),
representing an anti-establishment attitude:
We had very strict dress codegirls had to wear heels
and stuff like thatso people who went without dates
were smuggling in tennis shoes to dance and others were
being checked for dresses that were too low cut. I mean
you could wear things but if you wanted your cleavage
on show or low cut back you had to sneak by [the school
administrators].
Emotional resistors were also those who were vulnerable to
questions of deowering and sexuality (Litton, 2006; Shary,
2011). Claire highlights the complexities of negotiating the
rhetoric and reality of prom (Zlatunich, 2009) and exposes
the vulnerability that associates with transition rituals:
My boyfriend and I had broken up a month and a half
before prom and I wasnt going to nd anyone else to go
withId been dating him for a long time. So I went with
him. Everyone says its a big deal to have sex on your prom
night but wed broken up. He wanted to [have sex] but I
said No, weve broken up, so the awkwardness of that
situation made me uncomfortable and it wasnt something
I wanted to deal with on a night that is supposed to be so
special.
Emotional resistors often increase their consumption
spend but are more susceptible and subject to peer pressure
and related misbehavior. Gemma exemplies this, I didnt
really enjoy [the prom] that much because I was in emotional
turmoilmy stupid ex-boyfriend was there. The dress was
the part I liked the most, but I couldnt nd one. When I
did nd one, I spent far too much on it. I dont think anyone
even noticed it [the dress] as most of my group had been
drinking. This group, and their behavior, does not always
support the assertion that males are more likely to show their
feelings externally via underage drinking (Santor et al.,
2000). Importantly, although emotional resistors do not
always display typical anti-consumption or resistant behavior
(Lee et al., 2011), their resistance to school-sponsored events
suggests opportunities to address these issues via school
policy and relevant cultural texts.
EVENT DILUTION
Apathetic resistance does not always lead to deviant or anti-
social behavior (e.g., drinking alcohol) but does involve the
rejection of traditional elements of this ritual (e.g., going
for dinner, taking a date, and corsage exchange). Although
rejecting aspects of this event could be viewed as reclaiming
prom or restricting consumption behavior as it relates to
prom (Close and Zinkhan, 2007, 2009; Lee et al., 2011),
the lack of perceived power is more reective of an anti-
consumption attitude (Hogg, 1998) as opposed to resistant
behavior. Expectations of the high-school prom also increase
through media portrayals of this event for apathetic resistors,
often ending in disappointment and reinforcing negative
attitudes. Carolyn notes her reluctance to attend and
suggests that her anti-consumption attitude relates to her
disappointment that she was not asked to prom as depicted
in popular culture:
I wasnt too thrilled about prom because I never really
liked dances. There was a lot of build-upthere would
be so much working up to it and I would always be
disappointed. I wanted someone to ask me like in the
movies but I ended up going with my girlfriends.
The number of events that the apathetic resistors attend
also appears to change the signicance and subsequent
expectations of the prom. Although the prom is historically
the signature event of the nal school year, a number of ap-
athetic resistors describe the prom as just one more event
for adolescents to attend and perform culturally embedded
roles. It is possible that event dilution, similar to brand dilu-
tion (for example, see Lau and Phau, 2007), occurs when too
many rituals or events, with little or no differentiation, re-
quire the attendance of a particular group. Resistance to the
number of events as well as the event itself enables an under-
standing and explanation of apathetic resistors as explained
by Anna:
We had banquets every year [with her drill team] and that
was enough for me. I just did not want to go to the prom
there were just so many people [going to prom]. Prom
was something I felt I had to go to keep my friends happy.
Anna illustrates that for apathetic resistors, reluctant
attendance was more socially advantageous than not attend-
ing at all. There was, however, some attempt to modify or
adapt prom practice (Close and Zinkhan, 2007; 2009) to
make it more unique or special. Barbara discusses that
although she attended prom under duress, she modied prom
practice and cooked dinner for everyone:
Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: a marketing perspective 443
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
Well cooking was my thingyou know dinner parties. So
instead of going for dinner [before prom] I cooked for
everyone. It meant I didnt have to go out for dinner all
dressed up and I could look forward to the evening more
[knowing]my friends were all coming [for dinner]
beforehand.
Apathetic resistors like Anna were concerned with social
inclusion (Pickett et al., 2002), and although they restricted
their consumption behavior, their susceptibility to peer and
familial pressure meant they were unable to reject prom. As
apathetic resistors were the largest group or type in this
sample, the importance of addressing event dilution to
minimize restriction associated with practice is a seemingly
imperative issue for those reliant on prom for spring sales.
Apathetic resistors are not viewed as subversive as they are
disinclined to engage in deviant practice.
DISCUSSION
The contribution of this paper has been to investigate
attitudinal and behavioral resistance to an adolescent ritual,
which resulted in highlighting the complexity of the meaning
and practices associated with resistance. An original typology
has been proposed, encompassing four types of prom
resistance, that is, identity-positioning, identity-protecting,
emotional, and apathetic. An understanding of how and why
individuals resist practice/s has been established. The follow-
ing section details the theoretical and managerial marketing
implications of such suggestions. Future research directions
and limitations to this study will also be presented.
THEORETICAL IMPLICATIONS
Although research on consumer resistance is producing a
growing body of literature in marketing, the emphasis has
predominantly been on ethical consumption, sustainability,
and environmental issues. Understanding resistance to
ritual practice has also been very limited despite the regular-
ity with which such activities are practiced by consumers
(Ruth, 1995). Thus, the theoretical implications of this
study are fourfold.
Firstly, the paper brings new evidence as to the individual
and social identity processes by which resistance develops.
These ndings conrm that resistance in a ritual context is
ideological (attitudinal) as well as behavioral and, although
there is often an interrelationship between these concepts,
one can and does exist without the other. Identity-positioning
resistors reject prom ideology and behaviorally do not attend
prom. They can be described as ritual resistant. Conversely,
identity-protecting resistors accept prom ideology and behav-
iorally do not attend prom. They are resisting unfavorable
comparisons. Apathetic resistors attend prom but restrict or
modify their consumption. To that end, apathetic resistors are
covert ritual element resistors. Finally, although emotional
resistors attend prom, they display resistant behaviors and as
such are overt ritual element resistors. In sum, there is
evidence of individuals who resist the entire event as well as
those who restrict and reclaim the prom as their own.
A distinction between individual and social identity
through resistance emerged from the analyses. These identi-
ties further develop the notion of a project identity (Cherrier,
2009). Although there was no evidence of anti-prom groups
who were public and collective in their denouncement of the
prom in this sample, individuals differed in the meaning they
attributed to their (non) participation and how and why they
resisted prom. Identity-positioning resistors dened
themselves in opposition to this pervasive consumer ritual
and indicated that they elected not to be part of the system
(Weber, 1948). They rejected the entire ritual (Close and
Zinkhan, 2007; 2009) and considered themselves as rebellious
and heroic.
They did not necessarily perceive their consumer
resistance as futile (Ritson and Dobscha, 1999) as it often
warranted signicant attention from others in their social
circle. Although their manifestations were independent of
others, not attending prom was a public act and one that
contributed to the story-of-the-self (Sims, 2003). This nding
questions the notion that a public act (e.g., ritual disengage-
ment) can be categorized as self-contained or futile in the
same way as brand rejection (Ritson and Dobscha, 1999).
This would also be applicable in other ritual situations,
where not attending a wedding or a funeral, for example,
could be viewed as a public act and could have signicant
social implications even though there would be no active
boycotting.
This study also helps to better understand opposition to
positional consumption. In particular, those who were able
to reclaim the prom (Lee et al., 2011) through alternative
consumption (smoking pot in the woods) were reective of
those who provided a new practice or alternative cultural
code. Restricting consumption (cooking dinner at home,
limiting photographs, and rejecting corsage exchange) was
also apparent among those making their own their space
or developing their identity project (Cherrier, 2009).
However, in this ritual context, the project identity was not
without culturally determined issues of inclusion and exclu-
sion. There was evidence of self-exclusion (e.g., those who
did not attend prom because they could not fulll the cultural
expectations of nding a date) and evidence of attending prom
to promote social inclusion. Importantly, during this liminal
phase of transition, resistance would be emotionally costly to
achieve (Cherrier and Murray, 2007), and given the wider
social implications of non-attendance, rejecting this ritual
could be perceived as rejecting familial values, peer groups,
school-sponsored events as well as a US institution.
Restricting consumption of prom was one way in which
those seeking an authentic self could be seen to illustrate
outer compliance while demonstrating inner resistance. This
suggests that apathetic resistors are not simply passive drones
but demonstrate practicality to be able to reconcile their
behavior and attitudes to achieve what could be considered
a satisfactory outcome. Resistance to this ritual practice is
therefore not simply overt or covert or futile or not futile
(Ritson and Dobscha, 1999) but complex and multi-
layered. Additionally, overt resistance during adolescence
444 J. Tinson et al.
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DOI: 10.1002/cb
will be restricted by socially structured boundaries, which
will be less apparent and potentially easier to overcome in
adulthood.
The third contribution of our ndings is a new concept
that extends our understanding of why individuals resist
consumption and related practice. Event dilution or satura-
tion was an emergent nding, which apathetic resistors
identied as motivating resistance to prom. Specically,
these consumers were able to name a variety of events they
were expected to attend and the associated preparation and
organization required to meet expectations of attendance.
For apathetic resistors, prom was homogenous and involved
dressing up, beautication, expense, time resource, and
effort. Resistance did not stem from the mass marketing of
meaning but from the repetition of similar events. Further-
more, the dilution element stemmed from organic brand
extension of prom, where events that were introduced after
prom had been established replicated the structure, format, or
recognizable aspects of prom. Events such as Sadie Hawkins
(where a girl asks a guy for a date to a prom-like event)
detracted from the special or unique concept of prom as the
signature event of the school calendar. Excess, although
associated with ritual events previously (Pollay, 1987), has
more recently been associated with voluntary simpliers
(Shaw et al., 2006) and sustainability (Sheth et al., 2011).
Although the number of similar events appeared excessive
for these consumers, it was the similarity rather than the
excess, which motivated restricted resistance.
Finally, this study introduces regret through resistance to
rituals. Although marketing and consumer researchers have
previously conceptualized regret in relation to post-purchase
dissonance (e.g., Lee and Cotte, 2009; Dutta et al., 2011;
Nasiry and Popescu, 2012), the ndings here illustrate that
consumer regret manifests in delayed consumption behavior
for those not attending prom. This has implications for those
who skipped their high school prom as well as for the children
of those who did not attend their prom (Miller, 2010). Delayed
consumption for the informants in this study led to consump-
tion excess in a variety of purchase decision-making situations,
including fraternity dances, house-warming parties, and a wed-
ding. Understanding the longer-term implications of resistance
is important because it may provide additional opportunities
for marketers to develop products or services that assuage
regret of non-attendance at a variety of ritual events. If
consumption is both delayed and involves excess, further
exploring what could be described as disrupted transition
could generate a greater understanding of non-purchase regret.
MARKETING IMPLICATIONS AND FUTURE
RESEARCH DIRECTIONS
Adolescent ritual events such as prom seem especially appro-
priate to investigate resistance and related consumption
attitudes and behaviors as Tanner and Arnett (2009:40) note,
events experienced in the late teens are integrated into
individuals identities and memories more so than those events
occurring during younger and older life stages. Resistance as
it pertains to individual and social identity processes can
manifest in a variety of ritual contexts such as weddings,
reunions, school-sponsored events, university graduation
ceremonies, and quinceaeras or sweet sixteen parties. As
such, although the implications for the development of new
products and services as well as effective marketing communi-
cation and marketing research approaches relate here to prom,
there are wider connotations for other ritual events.
Developing new products and services
There are opportunities to develop new products or services
for those who regret not attending prom or other ritual
events. Those who did not attend prom are cognizant that,
for them, a transition episode is missing. High schools or
even private entities could develop separate, additional
events as an alternative to prom night that could offer
individuals an opportunity to engage in a symbolic ritual
with friends without the cultural expectations surrounding
prom. For example, Seventeen magazine is currently asking
those not attending prom to complete an online questionnaire
to give examples of planned alternatives to prom. There is
recognition that the prom market is changing, with an
increase in unconventional approaches to marking the end of
school. In addition, as adults, consumers could assuage their
regret through tailored packages, for example, adult proms
for those who never attended or even adult proms for those
who wish to experience the ritual again (perhaps with a
different date). These packages could include photographs,
ne dining, formal wear, corsages, a limousine as well as a
hairdresser/s with options for a spa, hotel accommodation,
and/or even an after-prom party with family and friends.
The identication of apathetic resistors has been useful in
recognizing a new concept: event dilution. Although this
emergent nding will require further exploration, it is clear
that there are opportunities for products, brands, and services
to better differentiate their offering to ritual attendees. The
introduction of multiple events during adolescence has posed
increased consumption demands; including the need for new
clothes, shoes, and accessorizes. However, the uniqueness
typically associated with prom is, for this group, absent.
Service providers need to explore ways in which they can
innovate and diversify their product range or services. Products
or services could also be developed to overcome post-prom
dissonance. By offering students the opportunity to upload
their photographs, video clips, and memories on a collective
yet unique website to reinforce the distinctive transition ritual
that promrepresents, it could somewhat address event dilution.
Equally offering students the opportunity to compare their
proms with other schools in the area via social networking sites
may reinforce the importance of prom to the school
community.
In addition, schools may consider a reduction in the
number and types of events or even develop a prom that
places less emphasis on restrictive gender norms. This may
encourage a greater degree of engagement with this ritual.
This latter suggestion may also reassure apathetic resistors
who attend. Similarly, teachers and parents can encourage
conversation/s that it is acceptable not to attend and or
promote judicious alternatives to mark the end of school.
Attitudinal and behavioral resistance: a marketing perspective 445
Copyright 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. J. Consumer Behav. 12: 436448 (2013)
DOI: 10.1002/cb
Targeted marketing communications and creation of
online communities
Using the typology developed here, a continuum of resistance
can be developed which will allow organizations to place
consumers at a point towards resistance or acceptance of
prom. This will facilitate targeted marketing communication
approaches such as simplifying creative appeals associated
with the ritual elements for apathetic resistors. Similarly,
identity-protecting resistors who regret not attending their
prom could be targeted using a nostalgic approach to either
ensure that their children are included at prom or to promote
adult proms for those who consider this to be a missing transi-
tion episode. Emotional resistors are vulnerable as they are
more inclined to deviant or subversive behavior to overcome
embarrassment. Schools may be able to identify these types
of resistors before prom takes place to offer counseling or
support in advance of this signicant adolescent event.
Finally, although the identity-positioning resistors would
be a considerable challenge for businesses, opportunities
exist to develop online tribes or communities for those who
do not attend to have a forum or outlet for discussion. This
would be useful for marketing research purposes where
brands or alternative social practices that disassociate with
prom, for example, could better understand the phenomenon
of ritual resistance.
Future research directions
This particular study sought to interview those who resisted
prom practice and related consumption. However, there were
an equal number of potential contributors who could only be
described as prom evangelists who wanted to take part in
the study. They contacted the authors to offer their view even
though they did not resist prom or attend prom under duress.
These individuals, some who had been prom queen, were
keen to provide their interpretation of the prom. Variously,
they described active campaigning to ensure collective
engagement with prom, for example, the creation of prom
T-shirts and regular advertising at school to create interest
and awareness. Although resistance here has been described
and supported as rejection, restriction, or reclaiming (Lee
et al., 2011), the opposite of resistance will be acceptance
which will take a variety of forms, for example, passive,
active, and ambassadorship. Identifying prom evangelists
or ambassadors to represent products, brands, or services
may enhance prom attendance through opinion leadership
(e.g., word of mouth and observation).
Finally, although the prom has been considered from a
consumer and consumption perspective (Best, 2000; Tinson
and Nuttall, 2010; Nuttall and Tinson, 2011; Anderson,
2012), there is scope, as suggested by Otnes et al. (2012),
to examine in greater depth the role of rituals from a retail
and/or service perspective.
LIMITATIONS
This research is exploratory and as such does not examine
the plethora of prom practice across the USA. To that end,
the prom typology proposed here may vary by state social
class and/or rural/urban location. Additional resistor types
or sub-categories could enhance the typology posited here.
This typology also only considers one ritual context.
Although the typology may be applicable in a variety of
other contexts, benets of its use would need further exami-
nation. Additional research to explore alternatives to prom
would extend knowledge in this area. There was also
anecdotal reference to nancial restriction that inuences
anti-consumption. This needs to be examined by considering
the nancially vulnerable and their engagement with rituals.
Finally, those who embrace the prom may have a greater
inuence on resistance than previously anticipated, for exam-
ple, their evangelism may negatively impact attendance.
Understanding the role of attendees in the context of
resistance would provide a more representative appreciation
of the phenomenon of the prom.
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