Anton-Babinski Syndrome

Contents
Articles
AntonBabinski syndrome 1
Crab mentality 3
Dilbert principle 4
DunningKruger effect 5
Founder's syndrome 8
Law of Jante 9
Parkinson's law of triviality 11
Peter Principle 14
Tall poppy syndrome 16
Terror management theory 19
The Dog in the Manger 31
References
Article Sources and Contributors 36
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 38
Article Licenses
License 39
AntonBabinski syndrome
1
AntonBabinski syndrome, also known as visual anosognosia, is a rare symptom of brain damage occurring in the
occipital lobe. Those who suffer from it are "cortically blind", but affirm, often quite adamantly and in the face of
clear evidence of their blindness, that they are capable of seeing. Failing to accept being blind, the sufferer dismisses
evidence of his condition and employs confabulation to fill in the missing sensory input. It is named after Gabriel
Anton and Joseph Babinski.
Characteristics
AntonBabinski syndrome is mostly seen following a stroke, but may also be seen after head injury. It is well
described by the neurologist Macdonald Critchley:
The sudden development of bilateral occipital dysfunction is likely to produce transient physical and
psychical effects in which mental confusion may be prominent. It may be some days before the
relatives, or the nursing staff, stumble onto the fact that the patient has actually become sightless. This is
not only because the patient ordinarily does not volunteer the information that he has become blind, but
he furthermore misleads his entourage by behaving and talking as though he were sighted. Attention is
aroused however when the patient is found to collide with pieces of furniture, to fall over objects, and to
experience difficulty in finding his way around. He may try to walk through a wall or through a closed
door on his way from one room to another. Suspicion is still further alerted when he begins to describe
people and objects around him which, as a matter of fact, are not there at all. Thus we have the twin
symptoms of anosognosia (or lack of awareness of defect) and confabulation, the latter affecting both
speech and behaviour.
[1]
AntonBabinski syndrome may be thought of ideally as the opposite of blindsight, blindsight occurring when part of
the visual field is not consciously experienced, but some reliable perception does in fact occur.
Causes
Why patients with AntonBabinski syndrome deny their blindness is unknown, although there are many theories.
One hypothesis is that damage to the visual cortex results in the inability to communicate with the speech-language
areas of the brain. Visual imagery is received but cannot be interpreted; the speech centers of the brain confabulate a
response.
Patients have also reported visual anosognosia after suffering from ischemic vascular cerebral disease. A 96 year old
man, who was admitted to an Emergency Room complaining of a severe headache and sudden loss of vision, was
discovered to have suffered from a posterior cerebral artery thrombosis and consequently lost his vision. He
adamantly claimed he was able to see despite an opthalmologic exam proving otherwise. An MRI of his brain proved
that his right occipital lobe was ischemic. Similarly, a 56 year old woman was admitted to the Emergency Room in a
confused state and with severely handicapped psychomotor skills. Ocular movements and pupil reflexes were still
intact, but the patient could not name objects and was not aware of light changes in the room, and seemed unaware
of her visual deficit. An MRI revealed ischemic lesions in the left occipital lobe and a CT angiogram brain scan
unveiled vasculitis of the brain arteries.
2
Case Study
Most cases of AntonBabinski syndrome are reported from adults. The European Journal of Neurology published an
article in 2007 that examines a case study of a six year old child with AntonBabinski syndrome and early stages of
adrenoleukodystrophy. The child reportedly had abnormal eye movements, would often fall, and would reach for
things and often miss his target. When his sight was tested at <20/200 he was still unable to read the large letters on
the chart. He denied suffering from headaches, diplopia, or eye pain and seemed unconcerned and unaware of his
poor eyesight. Upon examination, his pupils were equal in shape, round, and reactive to light. His mother
commented that he developed unusual eye movements and that they had a roving quality.
In popular culture
AntonBabinski syndrome was featured in two episodes of the television series House M.D., titled "Euphoria, Part
1" and "Euphoria, Part 2", although it was ascribed to primary amoebic meningoencephalitis, a disease that usually
does not cause the syndrome in real life.
The syndrome features prominently in the Rupert Thomson novel The Insult. It is also mentioned in the science
fiction novel Blindsight, by Peter Watts.
It is mentioned frequently as "Anton's Blindness" as one of the primary metaphors in Raj Patel's The Value of
Nothing.
In Lars von Trier's film Dogville, the character Jack McKay acts as if he can see but gives many signs he can't.
References
[1] [1] Macdonald Critchley, "Modes of reaction to central blindness", in Critchley, 1979, p.156
Bibliography
Critchley, Macdonald, The Divine Banquet of the Brain, Raven, New York, 1979
Crab mentality
3
Crab mentality
Crab mentality, sometimes referred to as crabs in the bucket, is a phrase that describes a way of thinking best
described by the phrase "if I can't have it, neither can you." The metaphor refers to a pot of crabs. Individually, the
crabs could easily escape from the pot, but instead, they grab at each other in a useless "king of the hill" competition
which prevents any from escaping and ensures their collective demise. The analogy in human behavior is that
members of a group will attempt to "pull down" (negate or diminish the importance of) any member who achieves
success beyond the others, out of envy, conspiracy or competitive feelings.
[1]
This term is broadly associated with short-sighted, non-constructive thinking rather than a unified, long-term,
constructive mentality. It is also often used colloquially in reference to individuals or communities attempting to
improve their socioeconomic situations, but kept from doing so by others attempting to ride upon their coat-tails or
those who simply resent their success.
[2]
The popularity of the phrase has made accusing opponents of crab mentality a common form of defense against
criticism, whether the criticism is valid or not. Depending on the context, this tactic may fall under the logical fallacy
known as argumentum ad invidiam, or appeal to envy.
While the reason for crab mentality is thought to be jealousy, and a paucity of resources leading to perpetual
competition, it also appears to be a behavioural trait indulged in despite people knowing it to be disadvantageous to
them.
In popular culture
Canadian hip hop artist k-os released a single entitled Crabbuckit from his 2004 album Joyful Rebellion. The song
expresses his negative views of the music industry. The track would go on to win the 2005 Juno Award for 'Best
Single of the Year'.
References
[1] My name is Tulfo (as told to Patricia Evangelista) | Inquirer Opinion (http:/ / opinion. inquirer. net/ 29025/
my-name-is-tulfo-as-told-to-patricia-evangelista)
[2] Crab Mentality Is Universal (http:/ / web.archive.org/ web/ 20110710185025/ http:/ / emanila. com/ philippines/ 2010/ 01/ 19/
crab-mentality-is-universal/ ) (January 19, 2010. Part 7 of the "In Defense of the Filipino" series.), http:/ / emanila. com (http:/ / emanila. co).
(archived from the original (http:/ / emanila. com/ philippines/ 2010/ 01/ 19/ crab-mentality-is-universal/ ) on 2011-07-10)
Dilbert principle
4
Dilbert principle
The Dilbert principle refers to a 1990s theory by Dilbert cartoonist Scott Adams stating that companies tend to
systematically promote their least-competent employees to management (generally middle management), in order to
limit the amount of damage they are capable of doing. In the Dilbert strip of February 5, 1995,
[1]
Dogbert says that
"leadership is nature's way of removing morons from the productive flow". Adams himself explained,
I wrote The Dilbert Principle around the concept that in many cases the least competent, least smart
people are promoted, simply because theyre the ones you don't want doing actual work. You want them
ordering the doughnuts and yelling at people for not doing their assignmentsyou know, the easy work.
Your heart surgeons and your computer programmersyour smart peoplearent in management. That
principle was literally happening everywhere.
Adams explained the principle in a 1995 Wall Street Journal article.
[2]
Adams then expanded his study of the Dilbert
principle in a satirical 1996 book of the same name, which is required or recommended reading at some management
and business programs.
[3][4][5]
In the book, Adams writes that, in terms of effectiveness, use of the Dilbert principle
is akin to a band of gorillas choosing an alpha-squirrel to lead them. The book has sold more than a million copies
and was on the New York Times bestseller list for 43 weeks.
Adams' presentation of the principle is satiricalfacetious but also addressing a real-world concern.
The Dilbert principle is comparable to the Peter Principle. As opposed to the Dilbert principle, the Peter Principle
assumes that people are promoted because they are competent, and that the tasks higher up in the hierarchy require
skills or talents they do not possess. It concludes that due to this, a competent employee will eventually be promoted
to, and remain at, a position at which he or she is incompetent. In his book, The Peter Principle, Laurence J. Peter
explains "percussive sublimation", the act of kicking a person upstairs (i.e. promoting him to management) to get
him out of the way of productive employees.
The Dilbert principle, by contrast, assumes that hierarchy just serves as a means for removing the incompetent to
"higher" positions where they will be unable to cause damage to the workflow, assuming that the upper echelons of
an organization have little relevance to its actual production, and that the majority of real, productive work in a
company is done by people lower in the power ladder. An earlier formulation of this effect was known as Putt's Law.
References
[1] http:/ / dilbert.com/ fast/ 1995-02-05/
[2] Adams, Scott. "Manager's journal: The Dilbert principle. " Wall Street Journal [New York, N.Y.] 22 May 1995, Eastern edition: A12. Wall
Street Journal.
[3] berkeley.edu (http:/ / mot. berkeley.edu/ Berkeley_Students/ Students/ Courses/ Course_Descriptions/ proj_mgmt_syll. pdf)
[4] Readings for CSCI 3308 - Software Engineering Methods and Tools (http:/ / www. cs. colorado. edu/ ~hendrixs/ classes/ readings. html)
[5] EM 501 Management of Organizations (http:/ / www. vancouver. wsu. edu/ fac/ holt/ em501/ em501. htm)
Further reading
The Dilbert Principle by Scott Adams, HarperBusiness (1996) ISBN 0-88730-858-9.
DunningKruger effect
5
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[1]
The DunningKruger effect is a cognitive bias which can manifest in one of two ways:
Unskilled individuals suffer from illusory superiority, mistakenly rating their ability much higher than is accurate.
This bias is attributed to a metacognitive inability of the unskilled to recognize their ineptitude.
Those persons to whom a skill or set of skills come easily may find themselves with weak self-confidence, as they
may falsely assume that others have an equivalent understanding. See Impostor syndrome.
David Dunning and Justin Kruger of Cornell University conclude, "the miscalibration of the incompetent stems from
an error about the self, whereas the miscalibration of the highly competent stems from an error about others".
Proposal
The phenomenon was first tested in a series of experiments published in 1999 by David Dunning and Justin Kruger
of the Department of Psychology, Cornell University. The study was inspired by the case of McArthur Wheeler, a
man who robbed two banks after covering his face with lemon juice in the mistaken belief that it would prevent his
face from being recorded on surveillance cameras. They noted earlier studies suggesting that ignorance of standards
of performance is behind a great deal of incompetence. This pattern was seen in studies of skills as diverse as reading
comprehension, operating a motor vehicle, and playing chess or tennis.
Dunning and Kruger proposed that, for a given skill, incompetent people will:
1. 1. tend to overestimate their own level of skill;
2. 2. fail to recognize genuine skill in others;
3. 3. fail to recognize the extremity of their inadequacy;
4. recognize and acknowledge their own previous lack of skill, if they are exposed to training for that skill.
Dunning has since drawn an analogy ("the anosognosia of everyday life") with a condition in which a person who
suffers a physical disability because of brain injury seems unaware of or denies the existence of the disability, even
for dramatic impairments such as blindness or paralysis.
If youre incompetent, you cant know youre incompetent. [] the skills you need to produce a right answer
are exactly the skills you need to recognize what a right answer is.
David Dunning
[2]
7
Supporting studies
Dunning and Kruger set out to test these hypotheses on Cornell undergraduates in psychology courses. In a series of
studies, they examined the subjects' self-assessment of logical reasoning skills, grammatical skills, and humor. After
being shown their test scores, the subjects were again asked to estimate their own rank: the competent group
accurately estimated their rank, while the incompetent group still overestimated theirs. As Dunning and Kruger
noted:
Across four studies, the authors found that participants scoring in the bottom quartile on tests of humor,
grammar, and logic grossly overestimated their test performance and ability. Although test scores put
them in the 12th percentile, they estimated themselves to be in the 62nd.
Meanwhile, people with true ability tended to underestimate their relative competence. Roughly, participants who
found tasks to be relatively easy erroneously assumed, to some extent, that the tasks must also be easy for others.
A follow-up study, reported in the same paper, suggests that grossly incompetent students improved their ability to
estimate their rank after minimal tutoring in the skills they had previously lacked, regardless of the negligible
improvement in actual skills.
In 2003, Dunning and Joyce Ehrlinger, also of Cornell University, published a study that detailed a shift in people's
views of themselves when influenced by external cues. Participants in the study, Cornell University undergraduates,
were given tests of their knowledge of geography, some intended to affect their self-views positively, some
negatively. They were then asked to rate their performance, and those given the positive tests reported significantly
better performance than those given the negative.
Daniel Ames and Lara Kammrath extended this work to sensitivity to others, and the subjects' perception of how
sensitive they were.
Research conducted by Burson et al (2006) set out to test one of the core hypotheses put forth by Kruger and Muller
in their paper "Unskilled, unaware, or both? The better-than-average heuristic and statistical regression predict errors
in estimates of own performance," "that people at all performance levels are equally poor at estimating their relative
performance." In order to test this hypothesis, the authors investigate three different studies, which all manipulated
the "perceived difficulty of the tasks and hence participants beliefs about their relative standing." The authors found
that when researchers presented subjects with moderately difficult tasks that the best and the worst performers
actually varied little in their ability to accurately predict their performance. Additionally, they found that with more
difficult tasks, the best performers are less accurate in predicting their performance than the worst performers. The
authors conclude that these findings suggest that "judges at all skill levels are subject to similar degrees of error."
Ehrlinger et al. (2008) made an attempt to test alternative explanations, but came to qualitatively similar conclusions
to the original work. The paper concludes that the root cause is that, in contrast to high performers, "poor performers
do not learn from feedback suggesting a need to improve."
Studies on the DunningKruger effect tend to focus on American test subjects. A study on some East Asian subjects
suggested that something like the opposite of the DunningKruger effect may operate on self-assessment and
motivation to improve. East Asians tend to underestimate their abilities, and see underachievement as a chance to
improve themselves and get along with others.
8
Awards
Dunning and Kruger were awarded the 2000 satirical Ig Nobel Prize in Psychology for their paper, "Unskilled and
Unaware of It: How Difficulties in Recognizing One's Own Incompetence Lead to Inflated Self-Assessments".
Historical references
Although the DunningKruger effect was put forward in 1999, Dunning and Kruger have noted similar historical
observations from philosophers and scientists, including Confucius ("Real knowledge is to know the extent of one's
ignorance."), Bertrand Russell ("One of the painful things about our time is that those who feel certainty are stupid,
and those with any imagination and understanding are filled with doubt and indecision", see Wikiquote), and Charles
Darwin, whom they quoted in their original paper ("ignorance more frequently begets confidence than does
knowledge").
Geraint Fuller, commenting on the paper, noted that Shakespeare expressed similar sentiment in As You Like It ("The
Foole doth thinke he is wise, but the wiseman knowes himselfe to be a Foole." (V.i)).
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Template:Psychology_sidebar& action=edit
[2] New York Times: Interview with David Dunning (http:/ / opinionator. blogs. nytimes. com/ 2010/ 06/ 20/ the-anosognosics-dilemma-1/ ), 20.
June 2010
Founder's syndrome
Not to be confused with Founder effect.
Founder's syndrome (also founderitis) is a difficulty faced by many organizations where one or more founders
maintain disproportionate power and influence following the effective initial establishment of the project, leading to
a wide range of problems for both the organization and those involved in it. The passion and charisma of the founder
or founders, which was such an important reason for the successful establishment of the organization, becomes a
limiting and destructive force, rather than the creative and productive one it was in the early stages It occurs in both
non-profit and for-profit. It may simply limit the further growth and success of the project, may lead to bitter
factionalism and divisions as the scale demands made on the organization increase or may result in failure. There are
recognised and proven ways a founder or organization can respond and grow beyond this situation.
Symptoms
Although not a medical syndrome, an organisation typically expresses many of the following symptoms:
The organization is strongly identified with the person or personality of the founder.
The founder makes all decisions, big and small, without a formal process or input from others. Decisions are
made in crisis mode, with little forward planning. Staff meetings are held generally to rally the troops, get status
reports, and assign tasks. There is little meaningful strategic development, or shared executive agreement on
objectives with limited or a complete lack of professional development. Typically, there is little organizational
infrastructure in place, and what is there is not used correctly. There is no succession plan.
Key staff and board members are typically selected by the founder and is often composed of friends and
colleagues of the founder. Their role is to support the founder, rather than to lead the mission. Staff may be
chosen due to their personal loyalty to the founder rather than skills, organizational fit, or experience. Board
members may be under-qualified, under-informed or intimidated and will typically be unable to answer basic
questions without checking first.
Founder's syndrome
9
Professionally trained and talented recruits, often recruited to resolve difficulties in the organisation, find that they
are not able to contribute in an effective and professional way.
The founder responds to increasingly challenging issues by accentuating the above, leading to further difficulties.
Anyone who challenges this cycle will be treated as a disruptive influence and will be ignored, ridiculed or
removed. The working environment will be increasingly difficult with decreasing public trust. The organization
becomes increasingly reactive, rather than proactive. Alternatively, the founder or the board may recognise the
issue and take effective action to move beyond it as outlined below.
Responses
Coping with founder's syndrome requires discussion of the problem, a plan of action, and interventions by the
founder, the board and or by others involved in the organization. The objective of the plan should be to allow the
organization to make a successful transition to a mature organizational model without damage to either the
organization itself or the individuals concerned.
References
Law of Jante
The Law of Jante (Danish: Janteloven (Danish pronunciation:[jandlon]); Norwegian: Jantelova or Janteloven
(Norwegian pronunciation:[jantlvn])); Swedish: Jantelagen (Swedish pronunciation:[jantln])) is the idea that
there is a pattern of group behaviour towards individuals within Scandinavian communities that negatively portrays
and criticises individual success and achievement as unworthy and inappropriate. The Jante Law as a concept was
created by the Dano-Norwegian author Aksel Sandemose. In his novel A fugitive crosses his tracks (En flyktning
krysser sitt spor, 1933, English translation published in the USA in 1936) identified the Law of Jante as ten rules.
Sandemose's novel portrays the small Danish town Jante (modelled upon his native town Nykbing Mors as it was at
the beginning of the 20th century, but typical of all small towns and communities), where nobody is anonymous.
[1]
Generally used colloquially in Sweden
[2]
and the rest of the Nordic countries as a sociological term to negatively
describe a condescending attitude towards individuality and success, the term refers to a mentality that
de-emphasizes individual effort and places all emphasis on the collective, while discouraging those who stand out as
achievers.
Definition
There are ten rules in the law as defined by Sandemose, all expressive of variations on a single theme and usually
referred to as a homogeneous unit: You are not to think you're anyone special or that you're better than us.
The ten rules state:
1. 1. You're not to think you are anything special.
2. You're not to think you are as good as we are.
3. You're not to think you are smarter than we are.
4. You're not to convince yourself that you are better than we are.
5. You're not to think you know more than we do.
6. You're not to think you are more important than we are.
7. You're not to think you are good at anything.
8. You're not to laugh at us.
9. You're not to think anyone cares about you.
Law of Jante
10
10. You're not to think you can teach us anything.
These ten principles or commandments are often claimed to form the "Jante's Shield" of the Scandinavian people.
In the book, the Janters who transgress this unwritten 'law' are regarded with suspicion and some hostility, as it goes
against the town's communal desire to preserve harmony, social stability and uniformity.
An eleventh rule recognized in the novel as 'the penal code of Jante' is:
1. Perhaps you don't think we know a few things about you?
The Law today
Sandemose wrote about the working class in the town of Jante, a group of people of the same social position. He
expressedly stated in later books that the social norms of Jante were universal and not intended to depict any
particular town or country. It should be understood that Sandemose was seeking to formulate and describe attitudes
that had already been part of the Danish and Norwegian psyche for centuries. Today, however, it is common in
Scandinavia to claim the Law of Jante as something quintessentially Danish, Swedish, or Norwegian.
Later, the meaning of The Law of Jante was extended to refer to those who want to break out of their social groups
and reach a higher position in society in general.
[3]
References
[1] A translator note in the second edition of En flygtning krydser sit spor
[2] article (in Swedish) (http:/ / www. svd. se/ kultur/ sprakspalt/ avundsjukan-har-urgamla-anor_116508. svd) by Viveka Adleswrd in Svenska
Dagbladet 2003-11-02
[3] Den lbske Jantelov, article in Mors Folkeblad 6. july 1992 by Steen Andersen http:/ / sandemose. dk/ projekt99/ bibliotek/ artikler/
jantebrug.html
Further reading
Sandemose, Aksel (1933). En flyktning krysser sitt spor. Oslo: Aschehoug (Repr. 2005). ISBN 82-03-18914-8
Koldau, Linda Maria (2013): Jante Universitet. (Jante University). Vol. 1: Den sknne facade (The Beautiful
Facade); Vol. 2: Uddannelseskatastrofen (Educational Disaster); Vol. 3: Totalitre strukturer (Totalitarian
Structures). Hamburg: Tredition. ISBN 978-3-8495-0351-2 (Vol. 1); ISBN 978-3-8495-0350-5 (Vol. 2); ISBN
978-3-8495-0266-9 (Vol. 3). In Danish language.
Koldau, Linda Maria (2013): Educational Disaster. The Destruction of Our Universities: The Danish Case.
(abridged English version of Jante Universitet containing the most important analyses and a chapter on Jante Law
mentality in Danish education). Hamburg: Tredition (forthcoming). ISBN 978-3-8495-4936-7. In English
language.
Steffen, Juliane (2011): "Hjem til Jante" (Home to Jante), concise analysis of the mechanisms of Jante Law at
Danish universities, published in: Linda Maria Koldau: Jante Universitet. Vol. 2: Uddannelseskatastrofen.
Hamburg: Tredition, 2013, pp. 464-466. ISBN 978-3-8495-0350-5 (Vol. 2). In Danish language.
Web site Jante Universitet (Jante University) http:/ / janteuniversitet. wordpress. com/ about/ (in English
language).
Parkinson's law of triviality
11
"Bicycle shed" and "Bike shed" redirect here. For the physical structure, see Shed.
Parkinson's law of triviality, also known as bikeshedding or the bicycle-shed example, is C. Northcote
Parkinson's 1957 argument that organizations give disproportionate weight to trivial issues. Parkinson demonstrated
this by contrasting the triviality of the cost of building a bike shed to an atomic reactor. The law has been applied to
software development and other activities.
Argument
The concept was first presented as a corollary of his broader "Parkinson's law" spoof of management. He dramatizes
this "law of triviality" with the example of a committee's deliberations on an atomic reactor, contrasting it to
deliberations on a bicycle shed. As he put it: "The time spent on any item of the agenda will be in inverse proportion
to the sum [of money] involved." A reactor is used because it is so vastly expensive and complicated that an average
person cannot understand it, so one assumes that those that work on it understand it. On the other hand, everyone can
visualize a cheap, simple bicycle shed, so planning one can result in endless discussions because everyone involved
wants to add a touch and show personal contribution.
When governance meetings devolve into two cents' worth
In the third chapter, "High Finance, or the Point of Vanishing Interest", Parkinson writes about a finance committee
meeting with a three-item agenda.
The first is the signing of a 10 million contract to build a reactor, the second a proposal to build a 350 bicycle shed
for the clerical staff, and the third proposes 21 a year to supply refreshments for the Joint Welfare Committee.
The 10 million number is too big and too technical, and it passes in two and a half minutes.
The bicycle shed is a subject understood by the board, and the amount within their life experience, so committee
member Mr. Softleigh says that an aluminium roof is too expensive and they should use asbestos. Mr. Holdfast
wants galvanized iron. Mr. Daring questions the need for the shed at all. Mr. Holdfast disagrees.
Parkinson then writes: "The debate is fairly launched. A sum of 350 is well within everybody's comprehension.
Everyone can visualize a bicycle shed. Discussion goes on, therefore, for forty-five minutes, with the possible result
of saving some 50. Members at length sit back with a feeling of accomplishment."
Parkinson then described the third agenda item, writing: "There may be members of the committee who might fail to
distinguish between asbestos and galvanized iron, but every man there knows about coffee what it is, how it should
be made, where it should be bought and whether indeed it should be bought at all. This item on the agenda will
occupy the members for an hour and a quarter, and they will end by asking the Secretary to procure further
information, leaving the matter to be decided at the next meeting."
[1]
12
Related principles and formulations
There are several other principles, well known in specific problem domains, which express a similar sentiment.
In the context of programming language design, one encounters Wadler's law, named for computer scientist Philip
Wadler. This principle asserts that the bulk of discussion on programming language design centers around syntax
(which, for purposes of the argument is considered a solved problem), as opposed to semantics.
Sayre's law is a more general principle, which holds (among other formulations) that "In any dispute, the intensity
of feeling is inversely proportional to the value of the issues at stake"; many formulations of the principle focus
on academia.
The duck technique in corporate programming is an applied example of Parkinson's law of triviality: a
programmer expects their corporate office to insist on a change to something (anything at all) on every
presentation to show that they're participating, so a programmer adds an element they expect corporate to remove
on purpose. Quoted from Jeff Atwood's blog, Coding Horror:
[2]
This started as a piece of corporate lore at Interplay Entertainment. It was well known that producers (a game
industry position roughly equivalent to project manager) had to make a change to everything that was done.
The assumption was that subconsciously they felt that if they didn't, they weren't adding value.
The artist working on the queen animations for Battle Chess was aware of this tendency, and came up with an
innovative solution. He did the animations for the queen the way that he felt would be best, with one addition:
he gave the queen a pet duck. He animated this duck through all of the queen's animations, had it flapping
around the corners. He also took great care to make sure that it never overlapped the "actual" animation.
Eventually, it came time for the producer to review the animation set for the queen. The producer sat down and
watched all of the animations. When they were done, he turned to the artist and said, "That looks great. Just
one thing: get rid of the duck."
The law has been misquoted as the "colour of the bike shed" effect, although in Parkinson's discussion the issue
related to the construction of the bicycle shed, with no reference to its colour.
References
[1] Parkinson's Lawand other studies in administration by C. Northcote Parkinson, Houghton Mifflin Company Boston, third edition 1957
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 57-9981 pages 2930
[2] New Programming Jargon (http:/ / www.codinghorror.com/ blog/ 2012/ 07/ new-programming-jargon. html), Coding Horror, Accessed
7-20-2012.
Further reading
Karl Fogel, Producing Open Source Software: How to Run a Successful Free Software Project, O'Reilly, 2005,
ISBN 0-596-00759-0, "Bikeshed Effect" pp.135, 261268 ( also online (http:/ / producingoss. com/ en/
common-pitfalls. html#bikeshed))
Grace Budrys, Planning for the nation's health: a study of twentieth-century developments in the United States,
Greenwood Press, 1986, ISBN 0-313-25348-X, p.81 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=BKqFAAAAIAAJ))
Bob Burton et al., Nuclear Power, Pollution and Politics, Routledge, 1990, ISBN 0-415-03065-X, p. ix (see
extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3XNETAWqPSUC))
Darren Chamberlain et al., Perl Template Toolkit, O'Reilly, 2004, ISBN 0-596-00476-1, p.412 (see extract at
Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=1l6dLAW5o3UC))
Donelson R. Forsyth, Group Dynamics, Brooks/Cole, 1990, ISBN 0-534-08010-3, p.289 (see extract at Google
Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=VhNHAAAAMAAJ))
Henry Bosch, The Director at Risk: Accountability in the Boardroom, Allen & Unwin, 1995, ISBN
0-7299-0325-7, p.92 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xhdoPYrwBj0C))
13
Brian Clegg, Crash Course in Personal Development, Kogan Page, 2002, ISBN 0-7494-3832-0, p.3 (see extract
at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=cs6BVPHkpXQC))
Richard M. Hodgetts, Management: Theory, Process, and Practice, Saunders, 1979, ISBN 0-7216-4714-6, p.115
(see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=sWUuAAAAMAAJ))
Journal, v. 3738 19751980, Chartered Institute of Transport, p.187 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ /
books. google. com/ books?id=X18gAAAAMAAJ))
Russell D. Archibald, Managing High-Technology Programs and Projects, John Wiley and Sons, 2003, ISBN
0-471-26557-8, p.37 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=L9asD5E9jCYC))
Kishor Bhagwati, Managing Safety: A Guide for Executives, Wiley-VCH, 2007, ISBN 3-527-60959-8, p.54 (see
extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=u9mmg8i4DfMC& pg=PA54))
Jan Pen, Harmony and Conflict in Modern Society, (Trans. Trevor S. Preston) McGrawHill, 1966 p.195 (see
extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=RtAAAAAAMAAJ))
Derek Salman Pugh et al., Great Writers on Organizations, Dartmouth, 1993, ISBN 1-85521-383-4, p.116 (see
extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xK1kAAAAIAAJ))
The Federal Accountant v. 13 (9/636/64), Association of Government Accountants, Federal Government
Accountants Association, Cornell University Graduate School of Business and Public Administration, p.16 (see
extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=4tdDAAAAIAAJ))
Al Kelly, How to Make Your Life Easier at Work, McGrawHill, 1988, ISBN 0-07-034015-3, p.127 (see extract
at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=QdGLnQckqqQC))
Henry Mintzberg, Power in and Around Organizations: Dynamic Techniques of Winning, PrenticeHall, 1983,
ISBN 0-13-686857-6, p.75 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=QghPAAAAMAAJ))
The Building Services Engineer v.40 19721973, Institution of Heating and Ventilating Engineers (Great Britain),
Chartered Institution of Building Services (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=89k7AAAAMAAJ))
Charles Hampden-Turner, Gentlemen and Tradesmen: The Values of Economic Catastrophe, Routledge, 1983,
ISBN 0-7100-9579-1, p.151 (see extract at Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/
books?id=ru49AAAAIAAJ))
External links
"Why Should I Care What Color the Bikeshed Is?" (FreeBSD FAQ) (http:/ / www. freebsd. org/ doc/ en_US.
ISO8859-1/ books/ faq/ misc. html#bikeshed-painting)
Kamp, Poul-Henning (2 Oct 1999). "Why Should I Care What Color the Bikeshed Is?" (http:/ / bikeshed. com/ ).
Frequently Asked Questions for FreeBSD 7.X, 8.X, and 9.X. FreeBSD. Retrieved 31 July 2012.
Hacker Culture: Who was Brett Glass as named in the original "bikeshed" email? - Quora (http:/ / www. quora.
com/ Hacker-Culture/ Who-was-Brett-Glass-as-named-in-the-original-bikeshed-email)
Peter Principle
14
Peter Principle
For the British television series, see The Peter Principle (TV series).
The Peter Principle is a concept in management theory in which the selection of a candidate for a position is based
on their performance in their current role rather than on their abilities relevant to the intended role. It is named after
Laurence J. Peter who co-authored the humorous 1969 book The Peter Principle: Why Things Always Go Wrong
with Raymond Hull. The authors suggest that people will tend to be promoted until they reach their "position of
incompetence".
Overview
The Peter Principle is a special case of a ubiquitous observation: Anything that works will be used in progressively
more challenging applications until it fails. This is "The Generalized Peter Principle." There is much temptation to
use what has worked before, even when it may exceed its effective scope. Peter observed this about humans.
In an organizational structure, the assessment of the potential of an employee for a promotion is often based on their
performance in the current job which results eventually in their being promoted to their highest level of competence
and potentially then to a role in which they are not competent, referred to as their "level of incompetence". The
employee has no chance of further promotion, thus reaching his or her career's ceiling in an organization.
Peter suggests that "[i]n time, every post tends to be occupied by an employee who is incompetent to carry out its
duties" and that "work is accomplished by those employees who have not yet reached their level of incompetence."
He coined the term hierarchiology as the social science concerned with the basic principles of hierarchically
organized systems in the human society.
He noted that their incompetence may be a result of the skills required being different rather than more difficult; by
way of example, an excellent engineer may find that they made a poor manager due to limited interpersonal skills
which a manager requires to lead a team effectively.
Rather than seeking to promote a talented super-competent junior employee, Peter suggested that an incompetent
manager may set them up to fail or dismiss them because they will likely "violate the first commandment of
hierarchical life with incompetent leadership: [namely that] the hierarchy must be preserved".
Responses
There are methods that organizations can use to mitigate the risk associated with the Peter Principle:
Refrain from promoting workers based on their current performance without proof of their abilities to succeed in
the desired role.
Provide in-service training for the desired roles for those being considered for promotion.
Provide a parallel career path for good technical staff, possibly with the offer of additional pay, perks or
recognition without requiring promotion to management, similar to a warrant officer in the military.
Implement an Up or out approach as authorized by the Defense Officer Personnel Management Act for the United
States Armed Forces and by manning control policies within the British Army, in which personnel who are not
promoted above certain ranks within the fixed number of years are deemed to lack the necessary competence and
are likely to be dismissed. Some larger businesses, notably major international management
consultancies/accountancy firms including McKinsey, BCG, and Bain use a similar method, or the 'vitality curve'
or 'rank and yank' used by GE where employees who are ranked in the bottom 5-10% on performance are likely to
be fired.
Peter Principle
15
Research
Alessandro Pluchino, Andrea Rapisarda and Cesare Garofalo used an agent-based modelling approach to simulate
the promotion of employees in a system where the Peter Principle is assumed to be true. Assuming the Peter
Principle to be true, they found that the best way to improve efficiency in an enterprise is to promote people
randomly, or to shortlist the best and the worst performer in a given group, from which the person to be promoted is
then selected randomly. For this work, they won the 2010 Ig Nobel Prize in management science.
A similar theory was proposed by Scott Adams, creator of the Dilbert cartoon series. In his 1996 book, The Dilbert
Principle, Adams suggested that "the least smart people are promoted, simply because theyre the ones you don't
want doing actual work." In other words people are promoted because of their incompetence in their current role,
rather than their competence. Others have suggested the "Peter Principle in reverse," a management strategy of
deliberately promoting an employee beyond his or her level of existing competency.
Forerunners
Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, in his comedy Minna von Barnhelm (1767), has a sergeant say (here translated from
German to English): To become more than a sergeant? I don't consider it. I am a good sergeant; I might easily make
a bad captain, and certainly an even worse general. One knows from experience.
[1]
In the 1910s, Jos Ortega y Gasset suggested that: "All public employees should be demoted to their immediately
lower level, as they have been promoted until turning incompetent".
In popular culture
The Peter Principle is a British television sitcom set in a branch of a fictional bank which features Jim Broadbent
as the title character, its inept manager
A board game, The Peter Principle Game, published by Avalon Hill in 1981
The Peter Principle serves as a central theme of the film Office Space
References
[1] [1] (3, 7)
Bibliography
Lazear, Edward P (2000-10-12). "The Peter Principle: Promotions and Declining Productivity" (http:/ /
www-siepr. stanford. edu/ Papers/ pdf/ 00-04. pdf) (PDF). Hoover Institution and Graduate School of Business,
Stanford University.
Tall poppy syndrome
16
Tall poppy syndrome
For the Leprous album, see Tall Poppy Syndrome (album).
The tall poppy syndrome (TPS) is a pejorative term primarily used in the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New
Zealand and other Anglosphere nations to describe a social phenomenon in which people of genuine merit are
resented, attacked, cut down, or criticised because their talents or achievements elevate them above or distinguish
them from their peers.
Australia and New Zealand's usage of the term has evolved and is not uniformly negative. In Australia, a long history
of "underdog" culture and profound respect for humility in contrast to that of Australia's English feudal heritage
results in a different understanding of "Tall poppy syndrome".
Etymology
Tarquinius Superbus by Lawrence
Alma-Tadema, depicting the king receiving a
laurel; the poppies in the foreground refer to the
"tall poppy" allegory
The concept originates from accounts in Herodotus' The Histories
(Book 5, 92f), Aristotle's Politics (1284a), and Livy's History of Rome,
Book I.
Herodotus, The Histories, Book 5, 92-f:
[Periander] had sent a herald to Thrasybulus and inquired
in what way he would best and most safely govern his
city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come from
Periander outside the town, and entered into a sown field.
As he walked through the wheat, continually asking why
the messenger had come to him from Cypselus, he kept
cutting off all the tallest ears of wheat which he could see,
and throwing them away, until he had destroyed the best
and richest part of the crop. Then, after passing through
the place and speaking no word of counsel, he sent the
herald away. When the herald returned to Cypselus,
Periander desired to hear what counsel he brought, but the
man said that Thrasybulus had given him none. The herald
added that it was a strange man to whom he had been sent,
a madman and a destroyer of his own possessions, telling
Periander what he had seen Thrasybulus do. Periander,
however, understood what had been done, and perceived
that Thrasybulus had counselled him to slay those of his
townsmen who were outstanding in influence or ability; with that he began to deal with his citizens in an
evil manner.
Aristotle uses Herodotus' story in his Politics, (1284a) referring to Thrasybulus' advice to Periander to "take off the
tallest stalks, hinting thereby, that it was necessary to make away with the eminent citizens".
The specific reference to poppies occurs in Livy's account of the tyrannical Roman King, Tarquin the Proud. He is
said to have received a messenger from his son Sextus Tarquinius asking what he should do next in Gabii, since he
had become all-powerful there. Rather than answering the messenger verbally, Tarquin went into his garden, took a
stick, and symbolically swept it across his garden, thus cutting off the heads of the tallest poppies that were growing
there. The messenger, tired of waiting for an answer, returned to Gabii and told Sextus what he had seen. Sextus
realised that his father wished him to put to death all of the most eminent people of Gabii, which he then did.
Tall poppy syndrome
17
The earliest English-language example of Tall Poppies being used as a metaphor for notablesWikipedia:Citation
needed may be found in Roger L'Estrange's newspaper, The Observator, in 1710. One party to a dialogue relates the
tale of Tarquin, and later observes approvingly of his Royalist allies:
"If you'll have but a little Patience, you may see them make very noble Efforts towards striking off the Heads
of the tall Poppies."
[1]
By 1835, the metaphor had crossed the Atlantic to the United StatesWikipedia:Please
clarifyTalk:Tall_poppy_syndrome#Usage_in_the_US, where the Torch Light of Hagerstown, Maryland, observed of
then-Congressman Francis Thomas:
"Politically, Mr. Thomas and his friends are imitating the example of Tarquin and Sextius indeed it is said
some of the tall poppies of our county are in danger of decapitation."
[2]
Usage in Australia
The phrase can be found as early as 1864 in a controversy over the awarding of a knighthood:
"It is more difficult to find a similar recommendation for such a dignity as the Order of the Garter. But then it
derives a collateral value from the fact that it is always given either to people of singular distinction, or else to
men whose social position is sufficient to make them formidable to the Minister of the day. It is a kind of
public proclamation that you are a tall poppy and that, as in these days your head cannot be struck off, it is
worth while to buy you."
[3]
Again in 1904 in a report of a debate in the Federal Parliament:
"Senator. O'Keefe He regarded the appointment of a High Commissioner as necessary.
Sir William Zeal Another tall poppy.
Senator. O'Keefe Some tall poppies were necessary."
[4]
In 1930 we may read:
"Unquestionably one of the evils of Government in Australia and Britain is the appalling cost of
administration, from the tall poppy at 3,000 per annum to the toiler at 260."
[5]
The phrase has been in more common use since Jack Lang, Premier of New South Wales, described his egalitarian
policies as "cutting the heads off tall poppies" in 1931. "Mr. Lang made some of the tall poppies suffer who could be
made to suffer."
[6]
"The tall poppies of the party had dragged Mr. Lang's name into the debate to cloud the issue."
[7]
Of the Australian definition, Peter Hartcher of the Sydney Morning Herald writes, "(Australian) Citizens know that
some among them will have more power and money than others... But according to the unspoken national ethos, no
Australian is permitted to assume that he or she is better than any other Australian. How is this enforced? By the
prompt corrective of levelling derision. It has a nameThe "Tall Poppy Syndrome". The tallest flowers in the field
will be cut down to the same size as all the others. This is sometimes misunderstood...It isn't success that offends
Australians. It's the affront committed by anyone who starts to put on superior airs."
Usage in Britain
Prior to becoming British Prime Minister, Margaret Thatcher explained her philosophy to an American audience as
"let your poppies grow tall".
Explanation
Belief in the strength of this cultural phenomenon, and the degree to which it represents a negative trait, is to some
extent influenced by politics. Tall poppy syndrome is related to what some conservatives, liberals, and libertarians
call "the politics of envy".Wikipedia:Citation needed
Tall poppy syndrome
18
Some commentatorsWikipedia:Citation needed have argued that tall poppy syndrome is a universal phenomenon,
that is more common in some cultures. The concepts of janteloven, or "Jante law", in Scandinavia, and A kent yer
faither (English: I knew your father) in Scotland, are very similar. Similar phenomena are said to exist in the
Netherlands (where it is called maaiveldcultuur). In the United States, Benjamin Franklin Fairless, president of
United States Steel Corporation (1950), criticized such behavior when he stated: "You cannot strengthen one by
weakening another; and you cannot add to the stature of a dwarf by cutting off the leg of a giant".
Zero-sum prestige
Some sociologists, notably Max Weber, believe that in certain social groups, the acquisition of prestige and power is
a zero-sum game, and this situation may provide a rationalization for the dislike of "tall poppies".
[8]
In such groups,
there is only a limited amount of prestige for its members to share in and only a fixed quantity of attention, authority
and material resources that its members can give to each other. Status is a relative value, so for someone to rise in
status, another person must fall. A person who is more prestigious is an obstacle to another person's rise simply by
being more prestigious, and a person who suddenly rises is an outright threat to the other's current status.
Humiliating or sabotaging a popular member of the group will lower that person's status and thus make it possible
for the aggressor to supplant him in the group hierarchy.
This zero-sum pattern can be found in small groups characterized by fixed hierarchies and where there is little
movement in or out of the group. Examples include poor American communities and some street gangs.
[9]
A related
concept is that of a crab mentality in which successful members of a disadvantaged community are seen as
undermining the success of other community members. The image is drawn from the observation that a crab clawing
her way out of a bucket (or barrel in other versions) is pulled back down by her fellows.
References
[1] [1] The Observator (London), 6 December 1710, p1
[2] [2] Torch Light (Hagerstown, MD), 1 October 1835, p2
[3] Empire (Sydney, NSW : 18501875, newspaper), 8 December 1864, p5
[4] [4] The Examiner (Launceston, Tasmania) 10 March 1904, p6
[5] [5] The Townsville Daily Bulletin, 8 October 1930, p6
[6] [6] Canberra Times, 26 July 1934, p1
[7] [7] Sydney Morning Herald, 12 August 1935, p9
[8] http:/ / www. ethicsofinterpersonalrelationships.com/ Ethics_Chapter_13. pdf
[9] Roy Baumeister. Evil: Inside Human Violence and Cruelty. pg 167
Further reading
Feather, N. T. (1989). "Attitudes towards the high achiever: The fall of the tall poppy". Australian Journal of
Psychology 41 (3): 239267. doi: 10.1080/00049538908260088 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1080/
00049538908260088).
External links
Flogging the tall-poppy syndrome (http:/ / www. convictcreations. com/ culture/ poppy. htm)
New Zealands Tall Poppy Syndrome and PC madness (http:/ / www. anewnz. org. nz/ vision. asp?id=1855)
Tom O'Neill, Viterbo University, 2005 FulbrightHays Seminar Abroad, Tall Poppy Syndrome: Benthams
Utilitarianism in Australia (http:/ / www. fulbright. com. au/ events/ documents/ TomONeill. pdf)
An academic paper from the University of Tasmania (http:/ / www. eurolang. mq. edu. au/ staff/ documents/
bertpeeters/ Tallpoppy_Egalitarianism. pdf)
Terror management theory
19
In social psychology, terror management theory (TMT) proposes a basic psychological conflict that results from
having a desire to live but realizing that death is inevitable. This conflict produces terror, and is believed to be
unique to human beings. Moreover, the solution to the conflict is also generally unique to humans: culture.
According to TMT, cultures are symbolic systems that act to provide life with meaning and value. Cultural values
therefore serve to manage the terror of death by providing life with meaning.
[1][2]
The theory was originally
proposed by Jeff Greenberg, Sheldon Solomon, and Tom Pyszczynski.
The simplest examples of cultural values which manage the terror of death are those that purport to offer literal
immortality (e.g. belief in afterlife, religion).
[3]
However, TMT also argues that other cultural values including
those that are seemingly unrelated to death offer symbolic immortality. For example, value of national identity,
posterity,
[4]
cultural perspectives on sex,
[5]
and human superiority over animals have all been linked to death
concerns in some manner. In many cases these values are thought to offer symbolic immortality by providing the
sense that one is part of something greater that will ultimately outlive the individual (e.g. country, lineage, species).
Because cultural values determine that which is meaningful, they are also the basis for self-esteem. TMT describes
self-esteem as being the personal, subjective measure of how well an individual is living up to their cultural values.
Like cultural values, self-esteem acts to protect one against the terror of death. However, it functions to provide one's
personal life with meaning, while cultural values provide meaning to life in general.
TMT is derived from anthropologist Ernest Becker's 1973Pulitzer Prize-winning work of nonfiction The Denial of
Death, in which Becker argues most human action is taken to ignore or avoid the inevitability of death. The terror of
absolute annihilation creates such a profound albeit subconscious anxiety in people that they spend their lives
attempting to make sense of it. On large scales, societies build symbols: laws, religious meaning systems, cultures,
and belief systems to explain the significance of life, define what makes certain characteristics, skills, and talents
extraordinary, reward others whom they find exemplify certain attributes, and punish or kill others who do not
adhere to their cultural worldview. On an individual level, self-esteem provides a buffer against death-related
anxiety.
Background
The idea of death, the fear of it, haunts the human animal like nothing else; it is a mainspring of human activityactivity designed
largely to avoid the fatality of death, to overcome it by denying in some way that it is the final destiny for man.
Ernest Becker, 1973
[6]
Cultural anthropologist Ernest Becker asserts in his 1973book The Denial of Death that humans, as intelligent
animals, are able to grasp the inevitability of death. They therefore spend their lives building and believing in
cultural elements that illustrate how to make themselves stand out as individuals and give their lives significance and
meaning. Death creates an anxiety in humans; it strikes at unexpected and random moments, and its nature is
essentially unknowable, causing people to spend most of their time and energy to explain, forestall, and avoid it.
[7]
Becker expounded upon the previous writings of Sigmund Freud, Sren Kierkegaard, NormanO.Brown, and Otto
Rank. According to clinical psychiatrist Morton Levitt, Becker replaces the Freudian preoccupation with sexuality
with the fear of death as the primary motivation in human behavior.
[8]
People desire to think of themselves as beings of value and worth with a feeling of permanence, a concept in
psychology known as self-esteem, that somewhat resolves the realization that people may be no more important than
any other living thing. Becker refers to high self-esteem as heroism:
the problem of heroics is the central one of human life, that it goes deeper into human nature than
anything else because it is based on organismic narcissism and on the child's need for self-esteem as the
condition for his life. Society itself is a codified hero system, which means that society everywhere is a
20
living myth of the significance of human life, a defiant creation of meaning.
[9]
The terror management theory suggests that people's behavior is dependent upon fear; thus, support for the theory
can be seen by examining people's reactions to death and their fear of death. Research not only shows people's
reactions to the fear of death, but to suffering as well. Death was welcomed in some cases, by patients and hospice
volunteers, if it meant an end to suffering.
[10]
The reasons behind people's decisions regarding their own health can be explored through a terror management
health model, which has three implications. First, consciousness of death leads people to try to remove all thoughts
of death. Secondly, unconscious death thoughts can result in actions taken upon self-esteem as opposed to bodily
health. Thirdly, preoccupation with one's physical body can hinder decision-making abilities regarding healthful
behavioral choices.
[11]
Evolutionary backdrop
Terror Management theorists consider TMT to be compatible with the theory of evolution:
Specific fears of things that threaten a human's continued existence have an adaptive function and helped facilitate
the survival of ancestors genes. However generalized existential anxiety resulting from the clash between a desire
for life and awareness of the inevitability of death is neither adaptive nor selected for. TMT views existential anxiety
as an unfortunate byproduct of these two highly adaptive human proclivities rather than as an adaptation that
evolution selected for its advantages. Just like bipedalism presents problems together with benefits, this anxiety
occurs with the existence of human higher mental faculties.
Anxiety in response to the inevitability of death threatened to undermine adaptive functioning and therefore needed
amelioration. TMT posits that humankind used the same intellectual capacities that gave rise to this problem to
fashion cultural beliefs and values that provided protection against this potential anxiety. TMT considers these
cultural beliefs and values adaptiveeven the unpleasant and frightening ones only in that they manage potential
death anxiety in a way that promotes beliefs and behaviors that facilitated the functioning and survival of the
collective.
Originally, the emergence of morality evolved to facilitate co-existence within groups, which together with language,
served more pragmatic functions. However, the struggle to deny the finality of death, co-opted and changed these
primitive functions. Neanderthals might have begun burying their dead as a means of avoiding unpleasant odors,
disease-infested parasites, or dangerous scavengers. However, during the Upper Paleolithic era, these pragmatic
burial practices appear to have become superimposed with layers of ritual and supernatural beliefs, suggested by the
elaborate decoration of bodies with thousands of beads or other markers and including food and other necessities for
an afterlife within the burial chamber.
Hunter-gatherers began using their emerging cognitive abilities to understand their world and facilitate solving
practical problems to help meet basic needs for nutrition, mates, and other resources before their cognitive abilities
had evolved to the point where explicit death awareness arose. But once this awareness materialized, the potential for
terror that it created put pressure on emerging conceptions of reality so that any formation that was to be widely
accepted by the masses needed to provide a means of managing this terror.
Evolutionary history also indicates that evolutionarily "the costs of ignoring threats have outweighed the costs of
ignoring opportunities for self-development."
21
TMT and self-esteem
Self-esteem lies at the heart of TMT, and is a fundamental part of its main experimental paradigms. TMT,
fundamentally, seeks to elucidate the causes and consequences of a need for self-esteem, and theoretically, it draws
heavily from Ernest Beckers conceptions of culture and self-esteem (Becker, 1971;
[12]
Becker, 1973
[13]
). TMT does
not just attempt to explain what self-esteem is, but rather tries to account for why we need self-esteem, and what
psychological functions it may serve.
[14]
The answer, according to TMT, is that self-esteem is used as a buffer for
people to help them cope with anxiety; it is a coping mechanism set in place to help control their terror, along with
realizing that humans are animals just trying to manage the universe around them. That is the "why". The "what" for
TMT is that self-esteem is a sense of personal value, that is obtained by believing in two things:
1. the validity of ones cultural worldview, and
2. 2. that one is living up to standards that are part of the worldview.
Critically, Hewstone et al. (2002) have questioned the causal direction between self-esteem and death-anxiety,
asking questions such as, if people's need for self-esteem comes from the overall desire to reduce their death anxiety,
or if it is the opposite.
[15]
Individuals' reduction of death anxiety is coming from their overall need to increase their
self-esteem in a positive manner.
Research has demonstrated that in terms of health, self-esteem can play an important role. In some cases, people may
be so concerned with their physical appearance and boosting their self-esteem that they ignore problems or concerns
with their own physical health.
[16]
Arndt et al. (2009) conducted three studies to examine how peer perceptions and
social acceptance of smokers contributes to their quitting, as well as if, and why these people continue smoking for
outside reasons, even when faced with thoughts of death and anti-smoking prompts. Tanning and exercising were
also looked at in the researchers' studies. The studies found that people are influenced by the situations around them.
Specifically, Arndt et al. (2009) found in terms of their self-esteem and health, that participants who saw someone
exercising were more likely to increase their intentions to exercise. In addition, the researchers found in study two
that how participants reacted to an anti-smoking commercial was affected by their motivation for smoking and the
situation in which they were in. For instance, people who smoked for extrinsic reasons and were previously
prompted with death reminders were more likely to be compelled by the anti-smoking message.
Self-esteem as anxiety buffer
Individuals' levels of self-consciousness not only impacts their views on life, but more specifically, their views on
death. Research has demonstrated that in some instances, individuals with higher levels of self-consciousness have
increased death cognitions, and a generally more negative outlook on life.
[17]
Conversely, self-esteem can work in the opposite manner. Research has confirmed that individuals with higher
self-esteem, particularly in regards to their behavior, have a more positive attitude towards their life. Specifically,
death cognitions in the form of anti-smoking warnings were effective for smokers and in fact, increased their already
positive attitudes towards the behavior.
[18]
The reasons behind individuals optimistic attitudes towards smoking
after mortality was made salient are that once again, people use their positivity as a buffer to hide behind their fears.
Therefore, anxiety buffers allow individuals to cope with their fears more easily. Furthermore, death cognitions
might in fact make people engage more in the said behavior (smoking in this instance).
TMT and mortality salience
The mortality salience hypothesis(MS) states that if indeed ones cultural worldview, or their self-esteem serves a
death-denying function, then threatening these constructs should produce defenses aimed at restoring psychological
equanimity (i.e.,returning the individual to a state of feeling invulnerable). In the MSparadigm, these "threats" are
simply experimental reminders of ones own death. This can, and has, taken many different forms in a variety of
study paradigms (e.g.,asking participants to write about their own death; conducting the experiment near funeral
22
homes or cemeteries;
[19]
having participants watch graphic depictions of death,
[20]
etc.). Like the other TMT
hypotheses, the literature supporting the MS hypothesis is vast and diverse. For a meta analysis of MSresearch, see
Burke et al. (2010).
[21]
Experimentally, the MShypothesis has been tested in close to 200empirical articles. After being asked to write
about their own death (vs.a neutral, non-death control topic, such as dental pain), and then following a brief delay
(distal, worldview/self-esteem defenses work the best after a delay; see Greenberg et al. (1994) for a discussion), the
defenses are measured. In one early TMT study assessing the MShypothesis, Greenberg et al. (1990)
[]
had Christian
participants evaluate other Christian and Jewish students that were similar demographically, but differed in their
religious affiliation. After being reminded of their death (experimental MSinduction), Christian participants
evaluated fellow Christians more positively, and Jewish participants more negatively, relative to the control
condition.
[22]
Conversely, bolstering self-esteem in these scenarios leads to less worldview defense and derogation
of dissimilar others.
Mortality salience has an influence on individuals and their decisions regarding their health. Cox et al. (2009)
discuss mortality salience in terms of suntanning. Specifically, the researchers found that participants who were
prompted with the idea that pale was more socially attractive along with mortality reminders, tended to lean towards
decisions that resulted in more protective measures from the sun.
[23]
The participants were placed in two different
conditions; one group of participants were given an article relating to the fear of death, while the control group
received an unrelated to death article dealing with the fear of public speaking. Additionally, they gave one group an
article pertaining to the message that "bronze is beautiful," one relating to the idea that "pale is pretty," and one
neutral article that did not speak of tan or pale skin tones. Finally, after introducing a delay activity, the researchers
gave the participants a five-item questionnaire asking them about their future sun-tanning behaviors. The study
illustrated that when tan skinned was associated with attractiveness, mortality salience positively affected people's
intentions to suntan; however, when pale skin was associated with attractiveness people's intentions to tan decreased.
Mortality and self-esteem on health risks
Studies have shown that mortality and self-esteem are important factors of the terror management theory. Jessop et
al. (2008) study this relationship within four studies that all examine how people react when they are given
information on risks, specifically, in terms of the mortality related to the risks of driving.
[24]
More specifically, the
researchers were exploring how participants acted in terms of self-esteem, and its impact on how mortality-related
health-risk information would be received. Overall, Jessop et al. (2008) found that even when mortality is prominent,
people who engage in certain behaviors to improve their self-esteem have a greater chance of continuing with these
activities. Mortality and self-esteem are both factors that influence people's behaviors and decision-making regarding
their health. Furthermore, individuals who are involved in behaviors and possess motivation to enhance their
self-worth are less likely to be affected by the importance placed on health risks, in terms of mortality.
Self-esteem is important when mortality is made salient. It can allow people a coping mechanism, one that can
cushion individuals' fears; and thus, impacting ones attitudes towards a given behavior. Individuals who have higher
levels of self-esteem regarding their behavior(s) are less likely to have their attitudes, and thus their behaviors
changed regardless of mortality salient or death messages. People will use their self-esteem to hide behind their fears
of dying. In terms of smoking behaviors, people with higher smoking-based self-esteem are less susceptible to
anti-smoking messages that relate to death; therefore, mortality salience and death warnings afford them with an
even more positive outlook on their behavior, or in this instance their smoking.
In the Hansen et al. (2010) experiment the researchers manipulated mortality salience. In the experiment, Hansen et
al. (2010) examined smokers attitudes towards the behavior of smoking. Actual warning labels were utilized to
create mortality salience in this specific experiment. The researchers first gave participants a questionnaire to
measure their smoking-based self-esteem. Following the questionnaire, participants were randomly assigned to two
different conditions; the first were given anti-smoking warning labels about death and the second, control group were
23
exposed to anti-smoking warning labels not dealing with death. Before the participants attitudes towards smoking
were taken the researchers introduced an unrelated question to provide a delay. Further research has demonstrated
that delays allow mortality salience to emerge because thoughts of death become non-conscious. Finally, participants
were asked questions regarding their intended future smoking behavior. However, one weakness in their conduction
was that the final questionnaire addressed opinions and behavioral questions, as opposed to the participants level of
persuasion regarding the different anti-smoking warning labels.
Social impacts and TMT
Many people are more motivated by social pressures, rather than health risks. Specifically for younger people,
mortality salience is stronger in eliciting changes of one's behavior when it brings awareness to the immediate loss of
social status or position, rather than a loss, such as death that one can not imagine and feels far off.
[25]
However,
there are many different factors to take into consideration, such as how strongly an individual feels toward a
decision, their level of self-esteem, and the situation around them. Particularly with people's smoking behaviors,
self-esteem and mortality salience have different effects on individuals decisions. In terms of the longevity of their
smoking decisions, it has been seen that individuals smoking habits are affected, in the short-term sense, when they
are exposed to mortality salience that interrelates with their own self-esteem. Moreover, people who viewed social
exclusion prompts were more likely to quit smoking in the long run than those who were simply shown
health-effects of smoking. More specifically, it was demonstrated that when individuals had high levels of
self-esteem they were more likely to quit smoking following the social pressure messages, rather than the health risk
messages. In this specific instance, terror management, and specifically mortality salience is showing how people are
more motivated by the social pressures and consequences in their environment, rather than consequences relating to
their health. This is mostly seen in young adult smokers with higher smoking-based self-esteems who are not
thinking of their future health and the less-immediate affects of smoking on their health.
Death thought accessibility
Another paradigm that TMTresearchers use to get at unconscious concerns about death is what is known as the
death thought accessibility(DTA) hypothesis. Essentially, the DTAhypothesis states that if individuals are
motivated to avoid cognitions about death, and they avoid these cognitions by espousing a worldview or by buffering
their self-esteem, then when threatened, an individual should possess more death-related cognitions (e.g.,thoughts
about death, and death-related stimuli) than they would when not threatened.
[26]
The DTA hypothesis has its origins in work by Greenberg et al. (1994) as an extension of their earlier terror
management hypotheses (i.e.,the anxiety buffer hypothesis and the mortality salience hypothesis). The researchers
reasoned that if, as indicated by Wegners research on thought suppression (1994; 1997), thoughts that are purposely
suppressed from conscious awareness are often brought back with ease, then following a delay death-thought
cognitions should be more available to consciousness than (a)those who keep the death-thoughts in their
consciousness the whole time, and (b)those who suppress the death-thoughts but are not provided a delay. That is
precisely what they found. However, other psychologists have failed to replicate these findings.
In these initial studies (i.e.,Greenberg et al. (2004); Arndt et al. (1997)
[27]
), and in numerous subsequent DTA
studies, the main measure of DTA is a word fragment task, whereby participants can complete word fragments in
distinctly death-related ways (e.g.,coff__ as coffin, not coffee) or in non death-related ways (e.g.,sk__l as skill, not
skull).
[28]
If death-thoughts are indeed more available to consciousness, then it stands to reason that the word
fragments should be completed in a way that is semantically related to death.
24
Importance of the DTA hypothesis
The introduction of this hypothesis has refinedTMT, and led to new avenues of research that formerly could not be
assessed due to the lack of an empirically validated way of measuring death-related cognitions. Also, the
differentiation between proximal (conscious, near, and threat-focused) and distal (unconscious, distant, symbolic)
defenses that have been derived from DTAstudies have been extremely important in understanding how people deal
with their terror.
[29]
It is important to note how the DTAparadigm subtly alters, and expands, TMT as a motivational theory. Instead of
solely manipulating mortality and witnessing its effects (e.g.,nationalism, increased prejudice, risky sexual behavior,
etc.), the DTAparadigm allows a measure of the death-related cognitions that result from various affronts to the self.
Examples include threats to self-esteem and to one's worldview; the DTAparadigm can therefore assess the role of
death-thoughts in self-esteem and worldview defenses. Furthermore, the DTAhypothesis lends support to TMT in
that it corroborates its central hypothesis that death is uniquely problematic for human beings, and that it is
fundamentally different in its effects than meaning threats, (i.e.,Heine et al., 2006
[30]
) and that is death itself, and
not uncertainty and lack of control associated with death; Fritsche et al. (2008) explore this idea.
[31]
Since its inception, the DTAhypothesis had been rapidly gaining ground in TMTinvestigations, and as of2009, has
been employed in over 60published papers, with a total of more than 90empirical studies.
Death anxiety on health promotion
How people respond to their fears and anxiety of death is investigated in TMT. Moreover, Taubman-Ben-Ari and
Noy (2010) examine the idea that a persons' level of self-awareness and self-consciousness should be considered in
relation to their responses to their anxiety and death cognitions. The more an individual is presented with their death
or death cognitions in general, the more fear and anxiety one may have; therefore, to combat said anxiety one may
implement anxiety buffers.
Due to a change in people's lifestyles, in the direction of more unhealthy behaviors, the leading causes of death now,
being cancer and heart disease, most definitely are related to individuals' unhealthy behaviors.
[32]
Age and death
anxiety both are factors that should be considered in the terror management theory, in relation to health-promoting
behaviors. Age undoubtedly plays some kind of role in people's health-promoting behaviors; however, if there is an
actual age related effect on death anxiety and health-promoting behaviors has yet to be seen. Although, research has
demonstrated that for young adults only, when they were prompted with death related scenarios, they yielded more
health-promoting behaviors, compared to those participants in their sixties. In addition, death anxiety has been found
to have an effect for young adults, on their behaviors of health promotion.
Terror management health model
The terror management health model (TMHM) explores the role that death plays on one's health and behavior.
Goldenberg and Arndt (2008) state that the TMHM proposes the idea that death, despite its threatening nature, is in
fact instrumental and purposeful in the conditioning of one's behavior towards the direction of a longer life.
According to Goldenberg and Arndt (2008), certain health behaviors such as breast self-exams(BSEs) can
consciously activate and facilitate people to think of death, especially their own death. While death can be
instrumental for individuals, in some cases, when breast self-exams activate people's death thoughts an obstacle can
present itself, in terms of health promotion, because individuals experience fear and threat.
On the other hand, death and thoughts of death can serve as a way of empowering the self, not as threats.
Researchers, Cooper et al. (2011) explored TMHM in terms of empowerment, specifically using BSEs under two
conditions; when death thoughts were prompted, and when thoughts of death were non-conscious. According to
TMHM, people's health decisions, when death thoughts are not conscious, should be based on their motivations to
act appropriately, in terms of the self and identity. Cooper et al. (2011) found that when mortality and death thoughts
25
were primed, women reported more empowerment feelings than those who were not prompted before performing a
BSE.
Additionally, TMHM suggests that mortality awareness and self-esteem are important factors in individuals' decision
making and behaviors relating to their health. TMHM explores how people will engage in behaviors, whether
positive or negative, even with the heightened awareness of mortality, in the attempt to conform to society's
expectations and improve their self-esteem. The TMHM is useful in understanding what motivates individuals
regarding their health decisions and behaviors.
In terms of smoking behaviors and attitudes, the impact of warnings with death messages depends on:
1. The individuals level of smoking-based self-esteem
2. 2. The warnings' actual degree of death information
Emotion and TMT
People with low self-esteem, but not high self-esteem, have more negative emotions when reminded of death. This is
believed to be because these individuals lack the very defenses that TMT argues protect people from mortality
concerns (e.g., solid worldviews). In contrast, positive mood states are not impacted by death thoughts for people of
low or high self-esteem.
TMT and leadership
It has been suggested that culture provides meaning, organization, and a coherent world view that diminishes the
psychological terror caused by the knowledge of eventual death. The terror management theory can help to explain
why a leader's popularity can grow substantially during times of crisis. When a follower's mortality is made
prominent they will tend to show a strong preference for iconic leaders. An example of this occurred when
GeorgeW.Bush's approval rating jumped almost 50percent following the September11attacks in the United States.
As Forsyth (2009) posits, this tragedy made U.S.citizens aware of their mortality, and Bush provided an antidote to
these existential concerns by promising to bring justice to the terrorist group responsible for the attacks.
Researchers Cohen et al. (2004), in their particular study on TMT, tested the preferences for different types of
leaders, while reminding people of their mortality. Three different candidates were presented to participants. The
three leaders were of three different types: task-oriented (emphasized setting goals, strategic planning, and structure),
relationship-oriented (emphasized compassion, trust, and confidence in others), and charismatic. The participants
were then placed in one of two conditions: mortality salient or control group. In the former condition the participants
were asked to describe the emotions surrounding their own death, as well as the physical act of the death itself,
whereas the control group were asked similar questions about an upcoming exam. The results of the study were that
the charismatic leader was favored more, and the relationship-oriented leader was favored less, in the
mortality-salient condition. Further research has shown that mortality salient individuals also prefer leaders who are
members of the same group, as well as men rather than women (Hoyt et al. 2010). This has links to social role
theory.
26
TMT and Religion
TMT posits that religion was created as a means for humans to cope with their own mortality. Supporting this,
arguments in favor of life after death, and simply being religious, reduce the effects of mortality salience on
worldview defense and thoughts of death have been found to increase religious beliefs. At an implicit, subconscious
level, this is the case even for atheists.
Criticisms
Several psychologists, especially evolutionary psychologists, have argued against terror management theory.
[33]
One
scholar commented that the field of psychology would be advanced by a study of paralyzed states caused by anxiety
that would only be alleviated with the reworking of a person's mental state.
[34]
These authors instead explain human
behavior is selected to urge people to avoid situations likely to lead to death. This suggests that mortality salience
effects reflect adaptive responses to solve specific life-threats rather than an unconscious attempt to avoid this
realization.
Prevalence of death in TMT
Since findings on mortality salience and worldview defense were first published, other researchers have claimed that
the effects may have been obtained due to reasons other than death itself, such as anxiety, fear, or other aversive
stimuli such as pain. Other studies have found effects similar to those that MS results in for example, thinking
about difficult personal choices to be made, being made to respond to open-ended questions regarding uncertainty,
thinking about being robbed, thinking about being socially isolated, and being told (falsely) that ones life lacks
meaning.
[35]
While these cases exist, thoughts of death have since been compared to various aversive experimental
controls, such as (but not limited to) thinking about: failure, writing a critical exam, public speaking with a
considerable audience, being excluded, paralysis, dental pain, intense physical pain, etc.
With regards to the studies that found similar effects, TMTtheorists have argued that in the previously mentioned
studies where death was not the subject thought about, the subjects would quite easily be related to death in an
individuals mind due to "linguistic or experiential connection with mortality" (p.332) For example, being robbed
invokes thoughts of violence and being unsafe in ones own home many people have died trying to protect their
property and family. A second possible explanation for these results involves the death-thought accessibility
hypothesis: these threats somehow sabotage crucial anxiety-buffering aspects of an individuals worldview or
self-esteem, which increases their DTA. For example, one study found increased DTA in response to thoughts of
antagonistic relations with attachment figures.
The Meaning Maintenance Model
The Meaning Maintenance Model(MMM) was initially introduced as a comprehensive motivational theory that
claimed to subsume TMT, with alternative explanations for TMTfindings. Essentially, it posits that people
automatically give meaning to things, and when those meanings are somehow disrupted, it causes anxiety. In
response, people concentrate on "meaning maintenance to reestablish their sense of symbolic unity" and that such
"meaning maintenance often involves the compensatory reaffirmation of alternative meaning structures". These
meanings, among other things, should "provide a basis for prediction and control of our...environments, help [one] to
cope with tragedy and trauma...and the symbolic cheating of death via adherence to the enduring values that these
cultures provide".
TMT theorists argue that MMM cannot describe why different sets of meaning are preferred for a symbol by
different people, and that while they may exist, "different [(i.e.,more concrete)] types of meaning have different
psychological functions". For example, MMMtheorists argue that all types of meaning are basically equal, and yet
one could not compare the likelihood of defensive responses resulting from exposure to a deck of cards containing
27
black hearts with something like the September11attacks. TMTtheorists argue, essentially, that unless something is
an important element of a persons anxiety-buffering worldview or self-esteem, it will not require broad meaning
maintenance.
In sum, TMTtheorists believe that MMM cannot accurately claim to be an alternative to TMT because it does not
seem to be able to explain the current breadth of TMTevidence. As an example, TMTtheorists assert that mortality
salience would not be a threat to meaning, since our eventual demise is a necessary condition of life. Therefore, it
should not cause an individual to engage in general meaning maintenance. MMM also makes no attempt to explain
why threatening meaning increasesDTA.
Offensive defensiveness
Some theorists have argued that it is not the idea of death and nonexistence that is unsettling to people, but the fact
that uncertainty is involved.
[36]
For example, these researchers posited that people defend themselves by altering
their fear responses from uncertainty to an enthusiasm approach. TMT theorists agree that uncertainty can be
disconcerting in some cases and it may even result in defense responses, but note that they believe the inescapability
of death and the possibility of its finality regarding ones existence is most unsettling. They ask, "Would death be
any less frightening if you knew for certain that it would come next Tuesday at 5:15p.m., and that your hopes for an
afterlife were illusory?....Would you rather be certain that death is the end, or live with the uncertainty that it might
not be?" They also note that people actually seek out some types of uncertainty, and that being uncertain is not
always very unpleasant.
Though TMTtheorists acknowledge that many responses to mortality salience involve greater approaches
(zealousness) towards important worldviews, they also note examples of MS which resulted in the opposite, which
offensive defensiveness cannot account for: when negative features of a group to which participants belong were
made salient, people actively distanced themselves from that group underMS.
Evolutionary psychology, coalitional psychology, and TMT
Several critiques have been proposed against TMT from evolutionary psychologists for reasons including that fear
is an adaptive response in individuals' that has come about as a result of natural selection; without these adaptions
human beings would have never been able to avoid maladaptive situations.
[]
Thus, it is unlikely that people would
have psychological ways of slowing-down anxiety. In response, TMTtheorists argue that this critique is mixing up
fear related to immediate danger with anxiety related to thoughts of threats that will or may occur eventually. TMT is
talking about the protection that self-esteem and cultural worldviews offer against the threat of unavoidable death in
the future. While anxiety may be adaptive in avoiding entering a dangerous place (e.g. because a predator may be
waiting), this doesnt mean that anxiety must be adaptive in all cases just ask any clinician who helps people
suffering from anxiety disorders. For a more comprehensive review of TMT and evolutionary psychology, see
Landau et al., 2007.
Coalitional psychology(CP) is presented as another alternative to TMT, which proposes that there is an evolutionary
tendency to seek safety in groups (coalitions) as a reaction to adaptive threats.
[37]
People already a part of coalitional
groups seek to protect their membership by exhibiting their value to the group.
28
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Becker, Ernest (1973). The Denial of Death, The Free Press. ISBN 0-02-902380-7
Pyszczynski, Thomas; Solomon, Sheldon; Greenberg, Jeff (2003). In the Wake of 9/11: The Psychology of Terror,
American Psychological Association. ISBN 1-55798-954-0
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Further reading
Curtis, V.; Biran, A. (2001). "Dirt, disgust, and disease: Is hygiene in our genes?" (http:/ / muse. jhu. edu/
login?uri=/ journals/ perspectives_in_biology_and_medicine/ v044/ 44. 1curtis. html). Perspectives in Biology
and Medicine 44 (1): 1731. doi: 10.1353/pbm.2001.0001 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1353/ pbm. 2001. 0001).
PMID 11253302 (http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 11253302).
Darwin, C. (1998) [1872]. The expression of the emotions in man and animals. 3rd edition, (http:/ / www.
human-nature. com/ darwin/ emotion/ contents. htm). London: Harper Collins.
Florian, V.; Mikulincer, M. (1997). "Fear of death and the judgment of social transgressions: a multidimensional
test of terror". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology (registration required) 73 (2): 36980. doi:
10.1037/0022-3514.73.2.369 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/ 0022-3514. 73. 2. 369). ISSN 0022-3514 (http:/ /
www. worldcat. org/ issn/ 0022-3514). PMID 9248054 (http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 9248054).
Goldenberg, J.L.; Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Kluck, B. & Cornwell, R. (2001). "I am not an
animal: Mortality salience, disgust, and the denial of human creatureliness". Journal of Experimental Psychology
130 (3): 427435. PMID 11561918 (http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 11561918).
Goldenberg, J.L.; Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J. & Solomon, S. (2000). "Fleeing the body: A terror management
perspective on the problem of human corporeality". Personality & Social Psychology Review 4 (3): 200218. doi:
10.1207/S15327957PSPR0403_1 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1207/ S15327957PSPR0403_1).
Greenberg, J.; Pyszczynski, T. & Solomon, S. (1986). "title = The causes and consequences of a need for
self-esteem: A terror management theory". In R. F. Baumeister (Ed.). Public Self and Private Self. New York:
Springer-Verlag. pp.189212.
Greenberg, J.; Pyszczynski, T.; Solomon, S.; Rosenblatt, A.; Veeder, M.; Kirkland, S. (1990). "Evidence for
terror management theory. II: The effects of mortality salience on reactions to" (http:/ / cat. inist. fr/
?aModele=afficheN& cpsidt=6811697) (Fee required). Journal of personality and social psychology 58 (2):
308318. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.58.2.308 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/ 0022-3514. 58. 2. 308). ISSN
0022-3514 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ issn/ 0022-3514). 13817, 35400000600727.0100 (INIST-CNRS).
Retrieved 2007-07-27. "those who threaten or bolster the cultural worldview"
Greenberg, J.; Solomon, S.; Pyszczynski, T. (1997). "Terror management theory of self-esteem and cultural
worldviews: Empirical assessments and". Advances in experimental social psychology 29 (S 61): 139. doi:
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10.1016/s0065-2601(08)60016-7 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ s0065-2601(08)60016-7). "conceptual
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Hansen, J; Winzeler, S; Topolinski, S (2010). "When death makes you smoke: a terror management perspective
on the effectiveness of cigarette on-pack warnings". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 46: 226. doi:
10.1016/j.jesp.2009.09.007 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. jesp. 2009. 09. 007).
Hirschberger, G.; Florian, V. & Mikulincer, M. (2003). "Striving for romantic intimacy following partner
complaint or partner criticism: A terror". Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 20 (5): 675687. doi:
10.1177/02654075030205006 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1177/ 02654075030205006). "management perspective"
Judis, J.B. (August 27, 2007). "Death grip: How political psychology explains Bush's ghastly success". New
Republic.
Lazarus, R.S. (1991). Emotion and adaptation. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-506994-3.
Mikulincer, M.; Florian, V. & Hirschberger, G. (2003). "The existential function of close relationships.
Introducing death into the science of love". Personality and Social Psychology Review 7 (1): 2040. doi:
10.1207/S15327957PSPR0701_2 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1207/ S15327957PSPR0701_2). PMID 12584055
(http:/ / www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 12584055).
Pyszczynski, T.; Greenberg, J. & Solomon, S. (1997). "Why do we need what we need? A terror management
perspective on the roots of human social motivation". Psychological Inquiry 8 (1): 120. doi:
10.1207/s15327965pli0801_1 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1207/ s15327965pli0801_1).
Pyszczynski, T.; Greenberg, J. & Solomon, S. (1999). "A dual process model of defense against conscious and
unconscious death-related thoughts: An". Psychology Review 106 (4): 835845. doi:
10.1037/0033-295X.106.4.835 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/ 0033-295X. 106. 4. 835). "extension of terror
management theory"
Rosenblatt, A.; Greenberg, J.; Solomon, S.; Pyszczynski, T.; Lyon, D. (1989). "Evidence for terror management
theory: I. The effects of mortality salience on reactions to". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology
(registration required) 57 (4): 68190. doi: 10.1037/0022-3514.57.4.681 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1037/
0022-3514. 57. 4. 681). ISSN 0022-3514 (http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ issn/ 0022-3514). PMID 2795438 (http:/ /
www. ncbi. nlm. nih. gov/ pubmed/ 2795438). "those who violate or uphold cultural values"
Royzman, E.B.; Sabini, J. (2001). "Something it takes to be an emotion: The interesting case of disgust". Journal
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1468-5914. 00145).
Shehryar, O.; Hunt, D.M. (2005). "A terror management perspective on the persuasiveness of fear appeals".
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1207/ s15327663jcp1504_2).
Simon, L.; Arndt, J., Greenberg, J., Pyszczynski, T. & Solomon, S. (1998). "Terror management and meaning:
Evidence that the opportunity to defend the worldview in response". Journal of Personality 66 (3359382): 359.
doi: 10.1111/1467-6494.00016 (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1111/ 1467-6494. 00016). "to mortality salience increases
the meaningfulness of life in the mildly depressed"
Simon, L.; Greenberg, J., Harmon-Jones, E., Solomon, S., Pyszczynski, T., Arndt, J. & Abend, T. (1997). "Terror
management and Cognitive-Experiential Self-Theory: Evidence that terror management occurs". Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology (in The Experiential System) 72 (5): 11321146. doi:
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Greenberg, J.; Koole, S. L. & Pyszczynski, T. (2004). Handbook of experimental existential psychology. Guilford
Press. ISBN1-59385-040-9.
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mortality salience on evaluations of charismatic, task-oriented, and relationship oriented leadership". (unknown).
31
Van Tilburg, W. A. P. & Igou, E. R (2011). "On the meaningfulness of existence: When life salience boosts
adherence to worldviews.". European Journal of Social Psychology 41: 740750. doi: 10.1002/ejsp.819 (http:/ /
dx. doi. org/ 10. 1002/ ejsp. 819).
Gutierrez, C. (2006). Consumer attraction to luxury brand products: Social affiliation in terror management
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TMT and self-esteem
Pyszczynski, T., Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., Arndt, J. & Schimel, J. (2004). "Why do people need self-esteem? A
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management theory and self esteem revisited: The roles of implicit and explicit self-esteem in mortality salience
effects". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 96 (5): 10771087. doi: 10.1037/a0015091 (http:/ / dx.
doi. org/ 10. 1037/ a0015091).
The Dog in the Manger
The story and metaphor of The Dog in the Manger derives from an old Greek fable which has been transmitted in
several different versions. Interpreted variously over the centuries, the metaphor is now used to speak of those who
spitefully prevent others from having something that they themselves have no use for. Although the story was
ascribed to Aesop's Fables in the 15th century, there is no ancient source that does so.
Greek origin
The short form of the fable as cited by Laura Gibbs is: There was a dog lying in a manger who did not eat the grain
but who nevertheless prevented the horse from being able to eat anything either. It is twice used by the 2nd century
Greek writer Lucian: in "Remarks addressed to an illiterate book-fancier" and in his play "Timon the
Misanthrope".
[1]
One other contemporary poetic source is a paederastic epigram by Straton of Sardis in the Greek
Anthology.
[2]
At roughly the same time an alternative version of the fable is alluded to in Saying 102 of the apocryphal Gospel of
Thomas that involves oxen rather than a horse. Jesus said, "Woe to the Pharisees, for they are like a dog sleeping in
the manger of oxen, for neither does he eat nor does he let the oxen eat". Assuming that this gospel is not an original
document, the saying seems to be an adaptation of criticism of the Pharisees in the canonical Gospel of Matthew
(23.13): Woe to you, teachers of the law and Pharisees, you hypocrites! You shut the kingdom of heaven in men's
faces; you do not enter yourselves, nor will you let others enter.
32
Later use in Europe
American children's illustration, 1880
The fable does not appear in any of the
traditional collections of Aesop's Fables and is
not attributed to him until Steinhwel's Esopus
(c.1476). There it appears as illustrating a moral
proposition: 'People frequently begrudge
something to others that they themselves cannot
enjoy. Even though it does them no good, they
won't let others have it. Listen to a fable about
such an event. There was a wicked dog lying in a
manger full of hay. When the cattle came and
wanted to eat, the dog barred their way, baring
his teeth. The cattle said to the dog, "You are
being very unfair by begrudging us something
we need which is useless to you. Dogs don't eat
hay, but you will not let us near it." The fable
shows that it is not easy to avoid envy; with
some effort you can try to escape its effects, but
it never goes away entirely.'
An English reference is found a century earlier
in John Gower's Confessio Amantis (c.1390):
Though it be not the hound's habit
To eat chaff, yet will he warn off
An ox that commeth to the barn
Thereof to take up any food. (Book II, 1.84)
Although a horse figures in some allusions by later writers, the ox is the preferred beast in Renaissance emblem
books. It appears as such in a Latin poem by Hieronymus Osius (1564),
[3]
in the Latin prose version of Arnold
Freitag (1579)
[4]
and in the English poem by Geoffrey Whitney (1586).
[5]
All these authors follow Steinhwel in interpreting the fable as an example of envy, but later on the dog's behaviour
is seen as malicious, a reading made very clear in Roger L'Estrange's pithy version: 'A churlish envious Cur was
gotten into a manger, and there lay growling and snarling to keep the Provender. The Dog eat none himself, and yet
rather venturd the starving his own Carcase than he would suffer any Thing to be the better fort. THE MORAL.
Envy pretends to no other Happiness than what it derives from the Misery of other People, and will rather eat
nothing itself than not to starve those that would.' Samuel Croxall echoes L'Estrange's observation in Fables of Aesop
and Others (1722). 'The stronger the passion is, the greater torment he endures; and subjects himself to a continual
real pain, by only wishing ill to others.'
[6]
It is with this understanding that the idiom of 'a dog in a manger' is most
often used currently. However, a recent study has noted that it seems to be falling out of use, in America at least,
concluding that 'the majority of [respondents] do not know it or even recall ever having heard it'.
[7]
33
The sexual reading
One of Lucian's allusions to the fable gives it a metaphorically sexual slant: 'You used to say that they acted absurdly
in that they loved you to excess, yet did not dare to enjoy you when they might, and instead of giving free rein to
their passion when it lay in their power to do so, they kept watch and ward, looking fixedly at the seal and the bolt;
for they thought it enjoyment enough, not that they were able to enjoy you themselves, but that they were shutting
out everyone else from a share in the enjoyment, like the dog in the manger that neither ate the barley herself nor
permitted the hungry horse to eat it.' (Timon the Misanthrope)
In the 1687 Francis Barlow edition of the fables, Aphra Behn similarly sums up the sexual politics of the idiom:
'Thus aged lovers with young beautys live,/ Keepe off the joys they want the power to give.' It was of exactly such a
situation involving a eunuch and his slaveboys that Straton had complained in the Greek anthology. More
innocently, two of the Bront sisters fit the idiom to occasions of heterosexual jealousy. In Emily Bront's Wuthering
Heights it arises during an argument in Chapter 10 between Catherine Linton and Isabella Linton over Isabella's love
for Heathcliff. In Charlotte Bront's Villette it is used in the quarrel between Mme Beck and Lucy over Paul
Emmanuel (Chapter 38).
Lope de Vega adapted a Spanish version of the story to his play El Perro del Hortelano (The Gardener's Dog,
1618),
[8]
which deals with the emotional complications of class conflict. The haughty countess Diana rejects her
many aristocratic suitors and falls in love instead with her handsome young secretary, Teodoro, who is the lover of
her maid. Unwilling to let the couple marry, she is also unwilling to marry him herself.
[9]
The play was originally
adapted for Russian TV as Sobaka na sene in 1977 and released in the USA as "The Dog in the Manger". The same
title was applied to the Spanish film made of the play, released in 1996.
De Vega's title relates to the parallel European idiom current in Dutch, Danish, German, French, Portuguese and
Italian as well. It refers to a variant story in which a gardener sets his dog to guard his cabbages (or lettuces). After
the gardener's death the dog continues to forbid people access to the beds, giving rise to the simile 'He's like the
gardener's dog that eats no cabbage and won't let others either' or, for short, 'playing the gardener's dog' (faire le
chien du jardinier).
[10]
34
Artistic use
An 1899 theatre poster for the farce by Charles Hale Hoyt.
Popular artistic allusions to the fable, or the idiom arising
from it, were especially common during the 19th century.
Where Lope de Vega had adapted the theme to a problem play
in the 17th century, the French composer Albert Grisar used it
as the basis for his one-act comic opera of 1855, Le chien du
jardinier.
[11]
It was also taken up in the USA by the
successful writer of farces, Charles Hale Hoyt, in one of the
last of his productions. A horse rather than the more common
ox figures on the 1899 poster for this. The play was later to be
made into a short comedy film in 1917 by the Selig Polyscope
Company.
In Britain artistic preference was for the anecdotal and the
sentimental during the 19th century, especially among genre
artists, and they found the fable and its applications ideal for
their purposes. Two of these set the example, later followed
by Gustave Dor in France, of adapting the title to human
examples of the behaviour indicated by the fable. In 1826, the
print-maker, Thomas Lord Busby (active 180437), showed a
dyspeptic man eyeing a huge dinner while hungry beggars and
an importunate dog look on. Thomas Webster also exhibited a
picture with the title "The Dog in the Manger" at the Society
of British Artists in 1830. Of this a reviewer remarked that
'The strong sentiment of disgust and anger which is excited,
while contemplating the selfishness of the spoiled and currish urchin in Mr Websters clever little work, is sufficient
proof of his success' (London Literary Gazette, March 27, 1830, p.211).
Naturally, the theme recommended itself to animal painters as well and we find it in the work of several regional
artists. The most successful of these was Walter Hunt (18611941), whose "Dog in the Manger" was bought by the
Chantrey Bequest in 1885 and is now in Tate Britain.
[12]
Other treatments include ones by the Scottish artist Edwin
Douglas (18481914) and by the Sussex painter Henry W.Bodle (1915). The latter shows two calves looking
apprehensively at a puppy curled asleep in their hay basket.
[13]
An outdoor scene of a dog and calves peering at each
other by Claude Cardon (fl.18901915) has been alternatively titled "Curiosity" and "The Dog in the Manger".
Twentieth century American illustrations include a print by E. E. Cummings, now in the University of Texas
collection (67.75.18). There is also a watercolour of the fable by Gerson Goldhaber that illustrates his wife Judith's
Sonnets from Aesop.
[14]
35
References
[1] Loeb edition, p.342, available at archive.org (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ lucianhar02luciuoft/ lucianhar02luciuoft_djvu. txt)
[2] Puerilities, translated by Daryl Hine, Princeton University, 2001, Epigram 236
[3] Fabulae Aesopi carmine elegiaco redditae, poem 67 (http:/ / mythfolklore. net/ aesopica/ osius/ 67. htm)
[4] Mythologia Ethica pp.689 (http:/ / www.archive. org/ stream/ mythologiaethica00frei#page/ 68/ mode/ 2up)
[5] Choice of Emblemes, page 184 (http:/ / www.mun.ca/ alciato/ whit/ w184. html)
[6] Page 219, copy on Google Books (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=vjYXAAAAYAAJ& printsec=frontcover&
source=gbs_ge_summary_r& cad=0#v=onepage& q=dog in the manger& f=false)
[7] Wolfgang Mieder, "The dog in the manger": The rise and decline in popularity of a proverb and a fable. Midwestern Folklore: Journal of the
Hoosier Folklore Society, 2011, 37.1: 144. An abstract of his study is available in FOAFTales Newsletter 78 (http:/ / www. folklore. ee/
FOAFtale/ ftn78.htm#abstracts), April 2011, ISSN 1026-1001
[8] The Spanish text is available here (http:/ / www. comedias. org/ play_texts/ lope/ perro. pdf)
[9] [9] A detailed summary and commentary [www2.ups.edu/faculty/velez/Comedia/html/unit3/dogsum.doc]
[10] Emanuel Strauss: Concise Dictionary of European Proverbs, London, 1998, proverb 1036
[11] The score is available at http:/ / www.archive.org/ details/ lechiendujardini00gris
[12] There is another version in Glasgow Art Gallery. An idea of what it looks like can be gained from Hunt's similar Calves Feeding,
fineartamerica.com (http:/ / fineartamerica.com/ featured/ calves-feeding-walter-hunt. html)
[13] vmine.net (http:/ / www.vmine. net/ williamvine.net/ 004. The Dog in the Manger - HWB, 1915. jpg)
[14] Berkley, CA 2004, 2004, pp.289 (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=0nNWhFOFTFAC& printsec=frontcover& dq="sonnets+ from+
aesop"& source=bl& ots=s5ygXzwyYk& sig=8I2tYA78DUutsF5aTTs88shH_Iw& hl=en& ei=6J1xTJWnKIS84AaqiY2XCg& sa=X&
oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& ved=0CBkQ6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q=dog in the manger& f=false)
External links
19th century book illustrations of "The Dog in the Stable" online (http:/ / www. flickr. com/ search/
?w=38299630@N05& q=canis+ in+ & m=text)
16th20th century book illustrations of "The Dog in the Manger" online (http:/ / www. flickr. com/ search/
?w=38299630@N05& q=canis+ et+ bos& m=text)
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Teratornis, Tgeairn, The Thing That Should Not Be, TheFSaviator, Thine Antique Pen, ThreeOfCups, Thumperward, Timelezz, Timl, Timp21337, Tom Parrett, Tom Sauce, Tommy2010,
Trilobitealive, Tritium6, Tulkss, Tyrol5, Unomi, Utcursch, Uucp, V2Blast, Vaughan, Vhjuice, Vicki Rosenzweig, Voiceofreason467, Vrenator, VsevolodKrolikov, WQUlrich, Wegesrand,
WhatamIdoing, Wikipelli, Willerror, William Avery, William Pietri, Wingman4l7, Winston365, Wyldweasil, XP1, Xanzzibar, Xerographica, Xmacro, Yakushima, Yamamoto Ichiro, Yayay,
Youremyjuliet, ZX81, Zachweiss0491, ZeroEgo, ZoneSeek, 488 ,. anonymous edits
Founder's syndrome Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=603400335 Contributors: A2Kafir, Andyjsmith, Beetstra, Bhny, Charles Matthews, Chenopodiaceous, Cybercobra,
Danny, Dawynn, Devourer09, Elisam8, Fbriere, Freqnc, Gary, Griffinsp, Henrygb, Hughcharlesparker, IICLEdkiliman, Invertzoo, JillCoffin, Jpeeling, Jtolentino, Khazar, Leslie.Forman,
Malcolma, NovaReads, PeterEastern, PeterIto, Pnm, Sagannotcarl, Seaphoto, Sercc, SuperHamster, Svbenoit, Tdmoritz, 19 anonymous edits
Law of Jante Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=605999783 Contributors: 32X, Agendum, Airunp, AlanSiegrist, Andycjp, Apoc2400, Berig, Bigdaddy1981, Blanche Poubelle,
Bucketsofg, Byrial, CJ, Charles Matthews, Chrmb, Cloud02, Computerjoe, Devanatha, Eddideigel, Frailisthehuman, Froth, Gabbe, Graham87, Gunnar345, Gustavb, Haabet, Haggen Kennedy,
Hippietrail, Hisham saadi, Hurven, Hushpuckena, Infrogmation, Isarra (HG), Iselilja, Jacen Aratan, Jack Greenmaven, Jandalhandler, Jax-wp, Jeltz, Jens2010, Jianhui67, Joseph Solis in Australia,
Jsk10, Jrgen, Kate, Kelaer, Kristo1410, Kwamikagami, Leifern, Loui Da Boss, Lundgren8, MX44, Max Hyre, Mbinebri, Meco, Mic, Michael Hardy, Mulder1982, Mycos, Narssarssuaq,
Nederbrd, Nescio, Njardarlogar, Omnipaedista, Onceler, Orzetto, Pavel Vozenilek, PenfoldNorway, Peregrine981, Philwino, Preisler, R'n'B, Rallette, Ranveig, Rasmus Faber, Richard Arthur
Norton (1958- ), Rjwilmsi, Rossrs, SDC, Saddhiyama, Salleman, Sasper, SergeWoodzing, Sjc, Solipse, Spag85, Standardfact, The Duke of Waltham, Twthmoses, Unyoyega, Wingman4l7,
Woohookitty, YapsCarrot, Zarex, 193 anonymous edits
Parkinson's law of triviality Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=610663322 Contributors: Abu.al.alaa, Acebrock, Altenmann, AndrewTJ31, Andycjp, Anthony Appleyard,
Apomyzitis, ArbiterOne, Arch NME, Bathizte, BillFlis, Bizso, BrokenSphere, C10633, Chi42, Circeus, ClassicalScholar, Conscious, Curtis Clark, Cybercobra, David Gerard, David Levy,
Davidprior, Deltabeignet, Dicklyon, DragonHawk, Drmom5, Dvdrtrgn, Emurphy42, EngineerScotty, Father Ignatius, Fenomeno, Fnlayson, Gafter, Goldfndr, H, Hiding, Hyperman 42, Idont
Havaname, Irnie, Ispytux, Itub, James tyrrell, Jeremy Visser, JoeSmack, John, Johntex, Kfogel, Kingboyk, Koavf, Kvng, Lgfcd, Light current, Livitup, Mahanga, Mangojuice, MarcoTolo,
Marudubshinki, Mdd, Michael Hardy, Mirokado, Mitchan, Nicd, Ohconfucius, Ohms law, Ohnoitsjamie, Oknazevad, PeR, Philip Sutton, Picaroon, Pmanderson, Pmc, Pot, Qole, Quarl,
RajShekhar, Retired username, Rl, RockMFR, Ronabop, SMcCandlish, Samuell, Shreevatsa, Silly rabbit, Sn0wflake, Spinality, Spinningspark, Stattouk, Stratadrake, Tac-Tics, Thumperward,
Timurite, Tobias Bergemann, Tonyhansen, Trilobitealive, Trovatore, UKoch, WillJeck, Xb2u7Zjzc32, Xyzzyplugh, Yakushima, Zygryk, Zymurgy, 57 anonymous edits
Peter Principle Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=609408652 Contributors: 2D, A bit iffy, Abberley2, Alottom, Aoidh, ArinArin, Ascidian, Ashley Pomeroy, Asknine,
Babbage, Bdesham, Bellhalla, Bender235, Bgwhite, BigHaz, Bkell, Blake Burba, Bozman7000, Brianhenke, Bubatx, BusinessSense20000, CHawke, CWenger, Chamal N, Chricho, Chris the
speller, ChrisG, ChrisGualtieri, Clivestaples, Clodius78, Conversion script, Csl77, DKEdwards, Darko.veberic, Darsie, Debresser, Dennis.Parnham, Discospinster, Doc275, Download, Dr.K.,
Ebehn, EdmondoW, Elwikipedista, Emurphy42, Espen, Esrever, Everyme, Ewlyahoocom, Feydey, Firebird, Fjet2020, Fplay, Francis Schonken, Fubar Obfusco, Funandtrvl, GMan552, Gengrace,
Goodtimber, Graham Berrisford, Grover cleveland, HarryHenryGebel, Headbomb, Heartofgoldfish, Hephaestos, Heron, HunterX, Hyacinth, I am One of Many, Ingolfson, Ink74, Intangible,
Ipoellet, JLaTondre, JaeDyWolf, Jakob mark, JasonAQuest, Jasperdoomen, JeR, Jeremykemp, Jimdog33, John, John Vandenberg, JorgeGG, Jules.LT, KASchmidt, Kbh3rd, Keeves, Keimzelle,
Keraunos, Kindall, Kostmo, Kukini, Kurt Jansson, Kurzon, Kuuzo, Latha P Nair, LegitimateAndEvenCompelling, Lfrench, Liamdaly620, Liface, Llamabr, Lmurray1, Lord Bitememan,
M4gnum0n, Maciej Adwent, MakeRocketGoNow, MarSch, Mattbr, Mercy11, Mezigue, Michaelcg, Mike R, MisterHand, Mogism, MoraSique, Mtiffany, Mydogategodshat, Netminder,
Nickpowerz, Niskand, Nolelover, Nosebungwimp, Old port, Oriettaxx, Paul A, Paul Murray, Paulkramer, Peedevee, Peter.jcd, PeterEastern, Pharaoh of the Wizards, PhelonyJones, Phil Boswell,
Phoenixrod, Pjoef, Pol098, Primergrey, Proteus, Psychonaut, Pt1234, Qui1che, Quigglyj, Rabidbuzz, Raph, Rapis60, RaptorHunter, RavenFeat, RedWordSmith, Redheadchica, RichardVeryard,
Ripounet, Rjcripe, Rjwilmsi, Robin Johnson, Rvolz, S2000magician, Satiricalobserver, Ser Amantio di Nicolao, Shanel, Simetrical, Siuenti, Sjorford, Skysmith, Sleigh, Smyth, Specs112,
Spencerk, Stemonitis, Stevertigo, Svick, Tagishsimon, Techmanaged, The Anome, The wub, TheGodOfWiki, Three-quarter-ten, Thumperward, TimothyHorrigan, Timrollpickering, Tktktk,
Tobypoodle, Tokikake, Tp1024, TreadingWater, Trusilver, Trylks, Tygerfish, Ulric1313, Unconventional, Uriahsw, Vladislav0, Voltaire777, Wars, Wegner8, Widefox, Williamjacobs,
Wonderstruck, Xaven, Yesspaz, 292 anonymous edits
Tall poppy syndrome Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=610738399 Contributors: *Paul*, Accord 3702, Alro, Andyman1125, Ashmoo, Auric, Avenue, B-D, Baseball
Watcher, Bender235, Bigdaddy1981, Billsmith453, Black Kite, Blank Noise, Bobbeers, Br'er Rabbit, BringItOn TheAteam, Bryan Derksen, CJ, Cactus Wren, Calair, CapitalLetterBeginning,
Catiline63, Charles Matthews, Cheule, Clarkk, Cometstyles, Coreyemotela, Denisarona, Doctor Whom, Dr Christopher Heathcote, Dukemeiser, Earlofw, Edward Waverley, Ehrenkater,
EsmeElizabeth, Evilandi, Evrik, Fifelfoo, Freefry, Gadfium, Gary2863, Graibeard, Grant65, Gveret Tered, Haeinous, Hapzydeco2, Hga, Illegitimate Barrister, Iryna Harpy, Itzar, J390, Jack
Greenmaven, Jenks, Johnpacklambert, Jpo, Jwray, Kipholbeck, Kudz75, Kurzon, Kwertii, Kylu, Liftarn, Llywrch, Longhair, Lotje, Luna Santin, MadPoster, Mais oui!, Mana Excalibur,
MarkinBoston, Markjoseph125, Matilda, Matthew Proctor, Michael Hardy, Michael de Graaf, Miklos legrady, Mordemur, Moshe Constantine Hassan Al-Silverburg, Mwboyer, Ngebendi,
Nikodemos, Nosuchdude, Nuttycoconut, Ohnoitsjamie, Ovideon, Paul Barlow, Paul Magnussen, Penbat, Peregrine981, Peter Ellis, Peyre, Pierre Trudi, Pondle, Ponydepression, Robert Merkel,
Roregan, Rrostrom, Saffaza, Sam Hocevar, Sam.B, Saruman-the-white, Savant1984, Schrdinger's Neurotoxin, Scott, Scrapbook, Sdelat, Seijihyouronka, Snowchess, Somebody in the WWW,
Soulkeeper, Stombs, StrangerThanFiction, Tassedethe, TechBear, TelopiaUtopia, TheAmbsAce, Theo Pardilla, Thetourismnews, Tim Eliseo, Trevor Andersen, Ulric1313, Universaladdress,
Violetine, WANAX, Wilfred Pau, WookieInHeat, Xud37, Yintan, Your reverence, ZeroSignal00, 190 anonymous edits
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Terror management theory Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=610872197 Contributors: 1000Faces, Adampegler90, Alfio66, Alimarie777, Alvin Seville, AndrewMNaber,
Andrewaskew, Atnorton, AtticusX, Bachrach44, Bearian, Belami43, Bencherlite, Bgwhite, Blagov, Boflynn, Brad3117, Burpen, Cogiati, Coreyrudd, Croweml11, Cybercobra, DESiegel, DGG,
DOSGuy, Damicocar, Diannabrooks, Ernesto99, Eyu100, FaceInTheSand, Ffrankfurt, FirstPrinciples, FoxyOrange, Franklin Dmitryev, Frater Lucifer, Gaius Cornelius, Geo Swan, Gigacephalus,
Gold Stur, Haeinous, Idkwhatshappening, Infovoria, Jarble, Jordanleeclemens, Justinfr, Jutta, Kai-Hendrik, Karada, Khazar2, Koavf, LauraHale, MarcelStuessi, McSly, Mcfwalker, Moni3,
Mpstanco, Naturyl, Nikai, Omnipaedista, PMDrive1061, Palisades, Raylu, Reach Out to the Truth, Reychstan, Rich Farmbrough, RichardF, Rjwilmsi, SP612, SirWoland, Stevenmitchell,
Tassedethe, Tesseract2, The Anome, Tim bates, Tlr1138, Tonbo0422, Trialswerm, U3964057, Waninge, WereSpielChequers, Wikid77, WillC, Winterstoke1, WissensDrster, 140 anonymous
edits
The Dog in the Manger Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=610747962 Contributors: Aan, Akerans, Anders.Warga, Andrzej18, Annielogue, Baseball Bugs, Berti, Big Brother
1984, BillC, Br'er Rabbit, Cattus, Cottie, Cryptic, CyberSkull, Damian Yerrick, Dorftrottel, Fram, Fureon, Gavia immer, GorillaWarfare, Graham87, Hapax, I am One of Many, Iridescent,
Jasonglchu, Johnbod, Keith-264, King peter ronaldson, Lotje, Metamagician3000, Mogism, Mzilikazi1939, Pete unseth, Pjoef, Quentin X, Quiensabe, SNIyer12, Sadads, SeamonsterSounds,
Semanticmechanic, Shanes, Tagishsimon, Talbrech, Tassedethe, Thumperward, Tombomp, Vancouveriensis, Wereon, 35 anonymous edits
Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors
File:Psi2.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Psi2.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Arjen Dijksman, Badseed, Beao, Bouncey2k, Gdh, Herbythyme, Imz, Jack
Phoenix, KillOrDie, Nagy, Pepulin123, Proteins, Remember the dot, Wutsje, 27 anonymous edits
File:Lawrence Alma-Tadema 11.jpeg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Lawrence_Alma-Tadema_11.jpeg License: Public Domain Contributors: DenghiComm, Mattes,
Shakko, WolfgangRieger
File:Dog in the manger.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Dog_in_the_manger.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: McLoughlin Brothers
File:Dog in manger poster.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Dog_in_manger_poster.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Charles Hale Hoyt
License
39
License
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