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FomentingtheRadicalImaginationwithSocialMovements:TowardsaPrefigurative

Research

MaxHaivenandAlexKhasnabish

OurbookTheRadicalImagination:SocialMovementResearchintheAgeofAusterityis asetofreflectionsonanexperiment.Ourexperimentbegan,asmostdo,withquestions.Whatif researchersstudyingsocialmovementsunderstoodtheirroleaslessaboutgatheringreliable datatosharewithotherscholarsandmoreaboutcatalyzingandconvokingtheradical imagination?Whatif,insteadofdistancedobservers,researchersunderstoodthemselvestobe integral,generativeandcriticalpartsofhowmovementsreproducedthemselves?Whatif researchers­­andherewedon’tjustmeangainfullyemployedacademicsbutsomehthingfar braoder­­werecommittedtoenliveningandempoweringthosemostimportantforcesforsocial transformation:thesocialmovementswhich,thoughsidelinedandbelittledinmainstream history,areandhavealwaysbeenthemotorsofhistoricalchange?Whatifwesawourselves andourworkasborrowedfromafuturethatwemust,inturn,helpusherintobeing?

WebeganTheRadicalImaginationProjectin2010withtwokeytheoreticalassumptions.

Thefirstisthatsocialmovementsare,attheirhearts,animatedbytheradicalimagination.The

radicalimaginationisnotathingonecanpossess,nomatterhow“outsidethebox”one’sown

personalthinkingisorhowmanycleverbooksonehasread(orwritten).Theradicalimagination

isacollectiveprocess,it’ssomethingwedotogether.Itisasharedlandscapeofpoliticalrefusal,

amutuallyreinforcingagreementtoquestionthesocialorderandtherootsofexploitation,

inequalityandoppression.Beyondmerelyafeel­goodslogan,theradicalimaginationemerges

outofquestions,conflicts,frictionanddebate.Itisaconstant,alwaysunfinishedprocessand

whileitmayoccasionallycrystalizeintoaparticularlyinspiringidea,oraparticularlyacutetheory,

oraparticularlycompellingtext,thesearetheproductsof(and,inturn,helpreproduce)a

subterraneanflowofideas,arguments,relationships,organizationalformsandshared

memories.

Adoublecrisisofsocialmovementreproduction

Thesecondassumptionisthattodaysocialmovementsarecaughtinwhatwe

characterizeasa“doublecrisis”ofsocialreproduction.ForMarxist­Feministphilosopherslike

SilviaFederici,acriticalunderstandingofcontemporarycapitalismneedstobebasedonan

analysisnotonlyoftheforcesofproduction(labour,capital,machines,globalization,economics,

etc.),butalsothewaythesedependonandareinterwovenwiththeforcesofsocial

reproduction­­thatlabourthatproducessocialbeingsandsociallifeitself.Beyondmerelythe

bearingandraisingofchildren(thenextgenerationofworkerswhowillproducesurplusvaluefor

capital),reproductionalsospeakstothatmuchbroaderfieldofsocialnorms,institutions,

practicesandrelationshipsthatmakehumanlifepossible.

Inthissense,capitalismhasalwaysfundamentallyreliedonandenabledpatriarchyto

harnessandexploitwomen’sreproductivelaboursinthehome,thoughrecentlywehaveseen

theexpansivecommodificationofreproductivelabourinthestilllargelyfeminized(and,hence,

devalued)servicesector.Atthesametime,wehaveseenthecurrentcrisis­riddenformof

neoliberalcapitalismencloseorextinguishmanyformsofcommonlife­support(theprivatization

ofservices,theevictionofpeoplefromland,environmentaldestruction,theattackonunionsand

wages,etc),whichhasledtoawidespreadcrisisofreproductioninsocietyatlarge.Simplyput,

inthisageofausterity,therecklessreproductionandaccelerationofcapitalismcomesatthe

expenseofthereproductionofourlives,withuntoldmillionsbeingmadetopaythecostsof

capitalist­drivenclimatechange,oroftheausteritypoliciesaimedatstabilizingthecapitalist

economyinthewakeofthefinancialcrisis.

Socialmovementstodayrecognizetheeffectsofthiscrisisofreproductionacutely,and

hopefullyrecognizethatthoseeffectsarenotsharedequally:thosewholabourundertheburden

ofsystemicoppression(peopleofcolour,Indigenouspeople,women,transfolks,peoplewith

disabilities,migrans)almostalwayssuffertheworst,fortheirreproductionisworthfarlessto

capital.Inanycase,socialmovementsaim,atsomelevel,toconfrontthiscrisisofreproduction

and,forthemostpart,demandsocietybereproducedotherwise,basednotoncapital’s

monolithicvalueofaccumulation(atacompoundratenoless),butonvaluessuchasjustice,

solidarity,autonomy,andecologicalsustainability.

Butinahighlyalienating,oppressive,andexploitativecapitalistworld,socialmovements

alsooftenserveassubculturesofsolace,offeringoasesoffriendship,meaning,valueand

relationalityinablightedandlonesomeworld.Inthecourseofourresearch,wesawtimeand

againthatparticipantsfoundintheirmovementsvehiclesnotonlyforsocialchange,butfor

personalsurvival,foramoreintentional,rewarding,andjustpracticeofcollectivereproduction.

Sometimesthistooktheformofphysicalsurvivalasactivistssharedhousing,meals,

financesandcompanionship.Moreoften,ittooktheformofmentalandspiritualsurvival:

movementsofferaplacetoreaffirmone’svaluesandcommitmentsinaworlddeadsetagainst

them,theyofferanavenueforrelationshipsandpeersupport,andtheyofferameanstobe(orat

leastfeel)effectiveagainstasystemthatseemssopowerfulandmonstrousastobe

unstoppable.Thisisclearlythecasewiththemorerecentwaveofanarchisticmovementsthat

placeahighvalueoninternaldemocraticprocess.Butitisnolesstrueofmoreformaland

structuredmovements,eveniftheyopenlydisavowtheirsocialandhumandimensionsinfavour

ofahard­nosedanddepersonalizedapproach.

Butthereisaninherentconflicthere,which,inthecourseofourresearchwesawplay

outtimeandagain.Therolesocialmovementsplayinthereproductionofthelivesoftheir

participantsalltoooftencomesintoconflictwiththeirroleasagentsstrivingtotransformthe

reproductionofsocietyatlarge.Often,otherwisepromisingsocialmovementsdeclineinto

cliquesorsectsofmutualaidandaffirmation,whichhaveahardtimeaddressingbroader

publicsandoftenreproducethemselveslargelybydefiningothersimilarmovementsastheir

enemies.

Othertimes,evenmoreecumenicalmovementscanbecomeobsessedwiththeirown

internalprocesses,endlesslyself­questioningtheirownreproductionandseekingtorefinetheir

internaldynamicsinthe(mistaken)beliefthatonlyaperfectedmovementcanhopetoeffect

socialchangemorebroadly.Moreprosaically,manymovementssufferwhenindividual

memberscomeintoconflictwithoneanother,leadingtofesteringandrancorousinterpersonal

conflictsthatunderminethereproductionofboththemovementanditsparticipants.

Thesuccessfulreproductionofmovementsoftenbreaksdownbecausetheyreproduce,

withinthem,thepatternsandpracticesofoppressionandexploitationthatarepresentinthe

broadersocietyofwhichtheyareapart.Theseincludetheperpetuationofpatriarchalattitudes

andmasculinistbehaviour,subtle(andnot­so­subtle)reaffirmationsofwhite­supremacyandthe

devaluationofnon­whitepeople,ignoranceorindifferencetowardsdisabilities(especially

invisibilizeddisabilitieslikementalhealth),ortherefusaltocontendwiththepolitics,painand

implicationsofcolonialism.

Forandagainstprefigurativepolitics Thevexatiousrealityoftheseforceshaveledmanytodecryrecentsocialmovement’s “obsession”with“identitypolitics”anddeclarethefailureofprefigurativepoliticsassuch.The

latterisatermwhichhas,sincethe1970s,beenassociatedwithan“anarchisticturn”insocial

movements,onethatstressestheneedto“bethechange”onewishestoseeintheworldandto

buildandconstantlyrefinemovementorganizationssoastomakethemworkingminiature

modelsofthesortofsocietythatmightbebuilt.Respondingtothebelaboureddeliberationismof

theOccupymovementandotherrecentinitiatives,criticschargethatthefeel­goodrhetoricof

radicalgrassrootsdemocracyrendersmovementsineffectiveandstagnant,andalsooften

militatesagainstactuallyaddressingdeep­seatedsystemicproblems.

Forinstance,manyOccupyencampmentsfellintodeclinebecausethecelebrationof

individualvoiceandfreedomdidnotallowthemtoproperlyaddressoppressivebehaviourand

sexualviolence,ortomovefromaspectacularbutlargelysymbolicandfiniteprotesttactic

(campingincitysquares)toasustainablemovementcapableofactuallymobilizingmassesof

peopleandchallengingcapitalistorstatepower.Morepressingly,criticsofprefigurativepolitics

arguethatissuessuchasracism,sexism,homophobiaandableismcannotbeaddressedby

endlessinternalsquabblingwithinmovements,butdemandbroadsystemicsolutions(notablyan

endtocapitalistexploitation)andtotheextentsocialmovementsobsessovertheirowninternal

dynamics,theycannothopetotransformthesystemmorebroadly.

Theseareimportantcritiques,thoughwefearthattheyalltooquickly(indeed,

suspiciouslyeagerly)declareprefigurativepoliticsanditsassociatedconcernswithoppression

tried,failed,overanddone.Thesecritiquestypicallyposita“we”(socialmovementparticipants)

whomustovercomeourchildishself­infatuationwithprocessandmatureintomorerobustand

formalpoliticalorganizationssuchasradicalpoliticalpartiesthatcanactuallyconfrontpower.

Butwhoisthis"we,"really?Shouldpeopleofcolour,orwomen,orIndigenouspeople“outgrow”

theirallegedlyparochialconcernsandrealizetheiroppressioncanonlybeansweredinthe

contextofformalstruggle?

Moretothepoint,thereality,atleastfromourobservations,isthatmoreformaland

structuredradicalpoliticalorganizationsareanythingbutimmunetothedoublecrisisweoutline

here.They,too,arecaughtinadouble­bindbetweenseekingtochallengethereproductionof

capitalismandactingaszonesofalternativereproductionfortheirparticipants.Wedonot

believethatanyamountofhard­nosedpragmatism,formalstructureor“self­alienating”

orientationcanovercomethisdoublecrisis.Often(usually,infact)formalpartiesandinitiatives

schismorfailtogrowpreciselybecausetheyareunwillingtoacknowledgethesetensions.Or,if

theydonotcollapseinward,theysofrequentlyfailtoachievetheirambitiousendsbecausethey

endupsuccumbingtoaperceivedrealpolitikthatendsupreproducing(ratherthansubverting)

thosesystemicoppressionsthataremobilizedbycapitalisminordertofacilitateexploitation.

Wearenotinterestedintakingapositionintheambientdebatebetween“prefigurative

politics”anditsmoreformalist,party­orientedopponents.Thereisgreatmerittoboth

approaches,andtotheircritiquesofoneanother,totheextentthosecritiquesriseabove

caricature(somethingthatisdispiritinglyrare).Weare,rather,interestedinhowresearchers

mightbetterconceiveoftheirrolewhenworkingwithsocialmovements.

Commonresearchabdacademicenclosure

Thismayseemlikeanacademicconcern,butacademicconcernsaren’twhattheyused

tobe.Asyouthun­andunder­employmenthasskyrocketedinrecentyears,andascapitalhas

ratchetedupthenecessaryqualifications(read:training,accreditation,andobediencecourses)

forevenmenialjobs,ahigherandhigherpercentageofpeopleareattendinguniversities.Of

course,thiscomesatatimewhentheuniversityasapublicinstitutionisunderconstant,(likely

lethal)attack:universitiesaredeeplyboundupinanincreasinglycorporatizedmodel,which

includessharplyrisingtuitionfees,theeviscerationoftheliberalartsandsocialsciences,the

increasinglyprecariousnatureofuniversityfaculty,thecommercializationofresearch,

partnershipswithodiouscorporateinterests,thebloatofincreasinglyaustere(andhighlypaid)

administrativecadres,andnefariouscollusionwithfinancialintereststosaddlestudentswith

unbearabledebtburdens.

Yetforallofthat,universitiesremainaspacewheremanyyoungpeopleareradicalized

andjoinsocialmovements(forbetterandforworse).Andweandothershaveobservedthe

relativelyhighproportionofgraduatestudentsandprecariousacademicworkersintheranksof

recentmovements.AstheEdu­FactoryCollective(atransnationalnetworkofscholar­activists)

note,inallegedlypost­industrialtimes,theuniversityholdsapositionnotaltogetherunlikethatof

thefactoryintheindustrialage:ithasbecomeakeysociologicalandeconomicfulcrum,anda

keyplacewheresubjectivitiesandrelationshipsareformed.

Asregrettableaswemaydeemittobe,weshouldnotdenythatsocialmovementsand

academicshaveastrongandcomplexrelationshiptoday.Weshould,however,notfailto

criticallyassessandleveragethisrelationship,forcurrentlythebenefitstypicallyflowoneway:

sympatheticscholarsstudymovements,collectdata,transformitintopublications,andaccrue

academiccapitalwhichmightvaultthemoutofprecariousstatusorleadtopromotions,tenure,

etc.Studyingsocialmovementscanoftenprovideradicalscholarswiththeassurancetheyare

doingsomethingunobjectionableorsociallysignificant.That’snotgoodenoughand,more

importantly,wethinkmoreispossible.

Itisimportant,wethink,toacknowledgethatmovementsareall,always,conductingtheir

ownresearch.Thisisanotionofresearchoutsidethetypicalscholarlyparametersoftheterm,

whichenclosestheideaofresearchwithincloselygate­keptacademicdisciplines.Rather,

socialmovementsareconstantlyandnecessarilyengagedinprocessesofreflexivediscovery,

inquiryandstudyastheytrytodiscovermoreaboutthemselvesandtheforcestheyconfront

(bothparticularandsystemic).Inthissense,socialmovements’commonresearchisintimately

connectedtotheradicalimagination:thecollectiveprocessofunderstandingthesublime

complexitiesofpowerandefficacyinafragmentedandunjustworld.Oftenthisresearchis

formal,definedandintentional,suchaswhenmovementsagainst,say,fracking(hydraulic

fracturing),seektodiscovertheconstellationsofcorporatepowersandgovernmentcollusion

thatthreatenaparticularwatershed.Butequallyimportantaretheinformal,unsungmomentsof

reflection,analysis,conversationanddebatewherebyparticipantscometobetterunderstand

whatiscommonanduncommonamongthem,wheretheradicalimaginationgrowsandgains

resonanceandresilience.

Butofcoursethegreatadvantage(thoughalsoaliability)ofacademicresearch,in

contrast,isitsaloof,disinterestedandsystematicallyandrigorouslymethodicalapproach,and

we’renotsuggestingforamomentthatthisshouldbeabandoned.Thereisincredibleand

enduringvaluetotheworkofsympatheticscholarswhointerpretthebroaderpatternsofsocial

movementsandgivethatknowledgeback.Thereisalsoavitalimportanceinresearchers

lendingtheirconsiderableskillsandprivilegesdirectlytomovementstoassistwithconcrete

tasks.Butthereisalso,wethink,anotherusefulroleforscholarstoconsider,onewethinkabout

as“prefigurativeresearch.”

Acommonresearchmethodborrowedfromthefuture

Weunderstandtheuniversitynotasapureandnobleinstitution,butasacolonialand

capitalistimpositionontheflowsofknowledge.Whileitiscomfortingtobelievethatthe

corruptionoftheennobleduniversitybeganwiththeneoliberalassaultofthelastfourdecades,

therealityisthatuniversitieshavealwaysbeeninstitutionsofpowerandprivilegewhoseprimary

socialfunctionistosortknowledgeandpeople.

Thewaythesocialsciencesenabledandperpetuatedcolonialismandthetheftand

devaluationofIndigenousknowledgeis(oroughttobe)wellknown,asistheroleof

managementsciencesinrefiningtheexploitativeindustrialapparatusesofcapitalism,tosay

nothingofthedevelopmentofweapons,surveillanceandrepressiontechnologyinengineering

schools,allofwhichmaketheodiousdefenceofwhite,malecanonsofthoughtinthe

humanitiespaleincomparison.Thisisnottosaythatthereisnoroomtomaneuver­thereare

numerousinspiringexamplesandthereisfarmoreroomtodoradicalworkthanmost

professorsarecomfortablerecognizing.Itis,however,tosaythat,inabetter,post­capitalist

future,theuniversityasitcurrentlyexistswillhavenoplace.

Thetaskofimaginingtheuniversity­to­comeisanimportantone,anddiscussingitcan

stimulatetheradicalimaginationinimportantways.Butfornowwecanonlyunderstandits

contoursthroughdialecticnegation.Theuniversity­to­comewould,ofcourse,befree,financially,

politicallyandspiritually.Itwouldbeopentoall.Itwouldnothavespecificdisciplinarycoursesof

studytobecompletedinfouryearsbydisenfranchised,indebtedyouth,butallowforafluid

passageofpeopleinandoutoflearningandteachingatdifferentmomentsintheirlife.Itwould

notbepresidedoverbyaprivilegedgroupofsequesteredwould­be­sages,butwouldcelebrate

andsupportknowledgeandresearchfromthroughoutsociety,meldingtraditionsofformal

inquirywithIndigenousandotherpracticesofteachingandlearning,aswellasthegrassroots

formsofknowledgeproducedthroughlifeandstruggle.Itwouldceasetopresideoverafalse

meritocracyandtolegitimateandsortpeopleintoanunjustandinhumanedivisionoflabourin

societyasawhole.Itwouldbebothrootedinandresponsivetocommunities,butalsoprovidea

spaceforradical,unconventional,unpopularandautonomousthinking.Itwouldnotrestonthe

poorly­paidlabourofsomeandperpetuatetheovervaluationofothers.Itwoulddisavowthefetish

ofthe“public”interest,whichtodayisafig­leafbehindwhichthecorporatization,militarization,

andsecuritizationofuniversitiesfesters;itwouldinsteadcomprehenditselfasa“common”

institution,dedicatedtothecollectiveprocessofliberation,justiceandautonomy.Importantly,the

university­to­comewouldunderstanditselfasreproducedaspartofanetworkofcommons,and

wouldtakeupitsroleasanodeinthatnetwork,providingindividualsandcommunitieswiththe

resourcestobuildabetterworld.

Itisfromthishazymirage(amiragewhosecontourswecanonlymakeoutthroughour

struggleshereandnow)thatwecandrawinspirationforanotionofprefigurativeresearch.Ifthe

university­to­comeisonethatself­consciouslyseekstocreatetheresourcesandcultivatethe

subjectsofliberation,howcanwe,today,letthisfutureinstitutioninformourconduct,inthe

nameofcreatingthesortofworldwhereitmightonedayexist?

Herewewanttoreturntothedoublecrisis.Aswenoted,theconflictbetween,ontheone

hand,socialmovements’missionstotransformhowsocietyatlargeisreproducedand,onthe

other,theroleofsocialmovementsasalternativezonesofsocialreproductionisarecurring

problem,whichmanifestsinallsortsoftensionsandcontradictions.Weenvisagea

“prefigurative”practiceofsocialmovementresearchasonethatseekstoenablemovementsto

betteraddressandattendtothistension.Thatis,weimaginearoleforsocialmovement

researchersasfacilitatorsofmovements’ownresearchpractices,asconduitsandcatalystsfor

theradicalimagination.Further,researcherscanactasbordercrossers,translatingor

smugglingsocialmovementcommonresearchintodifferentcommunities,differentvenuesand

differentpublicspheres.

Experimentsintheradicalimagination

Becausethetensionsandcontradictionscausedbythedoublecrisisaresoprofound

andrunsodeep,fewmovementsactuallymaketimeorspacetoaddressitdirectly.Further,in

mostplaces,movementsarenotmadeupoflarge,concrete,wellorganized,ideologically

unifiedandformalorganizations:mostactivism,accordingtoourresearch,occursin

fragmented,overlappingandcontradictorymilieusmadeupofmultipleformalandinformal,

permanentandtemporary,liberalandradicalorganizationswithoverlappingandchanging

memberships.ThiswascertainlythecaseinthesmallcityofHalifax,Canada,wherewe

conductedourfieldwork.

Theanswer,then,isforsocialmovementresearchersto,inconsultationandreflexive

dialoguewithactivists,experimentwithcreatingnewtemporaryinstitutions,environmentsor

spacesinwhichtheradicalimaginationandtheprocessesofcommonmovementresearchcan

flourish.Inourproject,wefirstconductedlong,open­endedinterviewswithdozensofactivists,

focussingontheirpersonalbiographiesandexperiencesinsocialmovements,butalsotheir

hopesandfearsforthefuture,therationalefortheirstrategicandpoliticalorientation,andthe

vitalquestion(whichweborrowedfromtheUK­basedTurbulenceCollective):whatwouldit

meantowin?

Followingtheseinterviews,wehostedaseriesofcommunityroundtablesfeaturing

intervieweeswhosepositionswethoughtwouldrevealkeytensionsandimportantfrictionswithin

thesocialmovementmilieu.Inthethirdphaseofourproject,wecreatedavehiclethroughwhich

tohostdialogueswithimportantspeakersandactivistsfromafar,whoseideasandstoriesmight

catalyzeamoreconcertedsetofdiscussionsaboutkeyissues.

Inthis,wehopedtocreateaprocessoftheradicalimagination.Thecontradictionsand

tensionscreatedinmovementsandinindividualsbythedoublecrisishasaheavycost,andone

thatisheavierifitremainshiddenorobscured.Wesometimesimaginedourresearchasalmost

aformofradicalcollectivetherapy,notoneaimedatreturningthepatienttosomepredetermined

ideaof"normal,”butoneseekingtohelponeanotherbetterunderstandand,therefore,copewith

thedifficultiesandchallengesgermanetotheobjectivelyterriblesituationinwhichwenowfind

ourselves.

Manyofourparticipants,forinstance,foundthelonginterviewsempowering:formost,no

onehadeverbothertoaskthemhowtheybecameactivists,whattheirexperiencehadbeen,

howtheyunderstoodtheirchoices,andwhattheyhopedandfeared.Asrelativelyneutral,

semi­detachedresearcherswithnoparticularaffiliations,wehopedtobecomesounding­boards

forthepent­uptensionsandfrustrationsthathadaccumulatedinthemovementmilieu,and

soughttofindwaystopresentthesecontradictionsinwaysthatwouldmakethemworkableand

concreteforactivistsandtheirmovements.

Ofcourse,itwouldbeafantasytobelievethatmostofthesetensionsandcontradictions

couldberesolvedthroughthesemethods.Manytensionsrevealedthemselvestobebased

eitherondeeplyheld,irreconcilableideologicalconvictions,oronformsofsystemicoppression,

exploitation,powerandidentitywhichcannotbesolvedmerelywithgoodwillandtherapeutic

dialogue.

Ourprojecthas,bynomeans,beenacompletesuccess,butithasbeen,wethink,a

worthyeffortatdesigningaprefigurativeroleforresearchers.Wedonotthinkthisistheonly,or

indeedalwaysthebestapproach.It’snotevenaltogethernew:feministparticipantaction

research,forone,hasbeenexperimentingwithradicallyintegratedsocialmovementinquiryfor

decades.Andradicalscholarshavelongcommittedthemselvestobringingtheirexpertise,

rigourandcriticalthinkingtomovements;takeforexampletheexcellentmanualcraftedby

scholar­activistparticipantsatOccupyWallStreet.OronecanlooktoStefanoHarneyandFred

Moten'sbrillianttheorizationoftheformsofradicalstudyoccurringasanundercommons

within,beneathandinspiteoftheimpositionoftheaustereuniversity.They,likeRobinD.G.

Kelley,approachtheresurgentradicalimaginationfromthehistoriesofblackradicalandcultural

activismintheUnitedStates,animatedastheywere(andare)bytheanti­institutionalformsof

research,studyandinquirythatsparkedinstruggle,dialogueanddebate,aswellasin

community,inmusicandinwriting.

Wethinkthatthedoublecrisisofmovementreproduction,aswellasthestruggleswithin,

againstandbeyondtheuniversity­as­we­know­itareonsomelevelconnected.Andtogetherthey

demandofustheapplicationoftheradicalimagination,anditsfomentationasacollective

practice.

MaxHaiventeachespoliticaleconomyandculturalstudiesattheNovaScotiaCollegeofArt

andDesigninHalifaxandisauthorofCrisesofImagination,CrisesofPower:Capitalism,

CreativityandtheCommons.AlexKhasnabishteachesaboutmovements,socialchange,and

engagedresearchatMountSaintVincentUniversity,istheco­editorofInsurgentEncounters:

TransnationalActivism,Ethnography,andthePolitical,andistheauthorofZapatistas:Rebellion fromtheGrassrootstotheGlobalandZapatismoBeyondBorders. Together,theydirectthe Halifax­basedRadicalImaginationProjectonCanada’sEastCoast.TheirbookTheRadical Imagination:SocialMovementResearchintheAgeofAusterity,ispublishedbyZedBooks.