Consucting Illyrins:

Prehistoric Inhabitants of the Balkan Peninsula in

Erly Modem and Modem Perceptions
Danjel Dzino
Macquarie University
Sydney, Australia
The ancient, pre-Roman inhabitants of the central and westen Balkan Peninsula
("Illyrians," as they were popularly known throughout history) have not received
signiicant attention in moden scholarship. Outside the Illyrian region - moden
Croatia (excluding !stria), Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro nd Albania, pa1t
of Slovenia, Hungary and Serbia - these indigenous groups have been rarely
discussed in more recent times.
1
When they are discussed, it is not unusual to see
them in moden scholarship as the ultimate "Others" - strangers to the Greeks,
Romans and even to one another? There is nothing new in claiming that ancient
Illyrians are a historical construct developed n Greco-Roman antiquity and
perpetuated in diferent contexts rom early moden times to the most recent
history. However, this seems to be the only well-established general fact
ascertained by the scholarship about these communities, or, as Wilkes writes, " ...
we can assert with conidence only that Illyrians were not a homogenous ethnic
entity."3 Following this ndoubtedly important revelation, contemporary views of
these communities remain in pepetual limbo balanced between mutually opposing
perceptions of their unity and heterogeneity.4
This article will explore the perceptions of Illyrians ater antiquity with
particular emphasis on the ways this term was incorporated within contemporary
identity discourses in popular and scholarly perceptions as a way to claim the past.
Knowledge about the indigenous population and geography of the region was
partially preserved troughout late ntiquity and he early Middle Ages. As such, it
was the main source of information about the past of these regions, especially
before moden archeological research started to reveal the material culture of the
cmmnunities inhabiting this region in the pre-Roman and Roman era. This
knowledge became useul material for later writers rom the region, helping them
to claim the past and justiY the present for a range of purposes, including various
political agendas and identity discourses. For outsiders, ancient knowledge about
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
2 DIEL DZNO
Illyrians was for a long time a point of historical reference used in a maner not so
diferent rom ancient writers who wrote in the etnographic mode. Information
rom diferent pools of knowledge was combined and chosen in order to suit the
purpose of writing and form a perception of the region and its inhabitants.
5
Early
moden and romanticist perceptions of Illyrians remain fascinating material for
analysis because of the sophisticated ways in which the knowledge of Illyrians was
used and incorporated within so many different intellectual contexts. However,
even in the period 1945-1990, when scholarly research of the prehistoric
population of this region was probably at its peak, contemporary ideological and
identity discourses were continuing to affect the perceptions of Illyrians, as they do
today.
Development ofAncient Knowledge about Illyrians
Ancient lmowledge about lllyrians exists in several different contexts or
depositories of knowledge: the geopolitical labelling of this wider area, Greco
Roman ethnography of the indigenous population and the historical role of new
military elites rom Danubian lands in the later Roman Empire. The Illyrians
initially illed the role of a barbarian mirror to Greek civilization, an analogy for
the study of Greece illuminating by opposition particular qualities of the Greeks.
Thus Illyria was constructed as a liminal region sitting in between the known and
unlmown world, irst in the Greco-Roman and later in westen imagination.
6
Ancient discourse on Illyrians developed in several different ways. The irst was
the invention of Illyrians in Greek literary and popular discourse or the creation of
a label for the indigenous population living on the westen Greek borders,
expanding over time to include the southen Adriatic and, inally, the space
between the southen Alps, the Adriatic and the Danube. The label llyrians had
diferent meanings in diferent historical contexts throughout antiquity, in the same
way as did the geopolitical constructs deriving rom it, such as Illyria or Illyricum.
7
However, discourse on lllyrians also developed in domains of ancient
ethnoraphy, where information gathered in a process of earlier cultural exchange
and was processed in intellectual circles of the Hellenistic era, ea. 300-100 B.C.
Most ethnographic information about "Illyrian lands" was gathered until the area
was inally conquered by the Romans in the later 1st century B.C. and early 1st
century A.D. The early imperial period, in p.ticular the 1st and 2nd century AD.,
resulted in the most signiicant works that compiled and processed available
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CONSTRUCTING ILL YRIANS 3
information within diferent ancient literary genres. This applies particularly to the
geographer Strabo, encyclopaedist Pliny the Younger and historian Appian of
Alexandria. These accounts were not the only ones, but the fact that they were
transmitted through the written tradition of late antiquity and early medieval times
means that they had become a core of ethnographic knowledge on Illyrians and
"lllyrian lands," together with occasional references in poetry, accounts of the
Roman wars against indigenous communities or bits and pieces of information
about Roman provincial communities in Dalmatia and Pannonia.
8
The recruitment of the indigenous population into Roman legions on the
Pannonian limes which protected the Roman Empire was the beginning of the rise
of a new military elite during the Middle Empire, known as the Illyricini.
9
This
was an identity which formed in the units of the Roman army composed of soldiers
who were bon in a similar cultural koine of Roman provinces rom among the
Alps, Adriatic, Danube, Greece and Black Sea. Some of these soldiers had
indigenous origins; others were descended rom settlers coming to these regions
rom Italy or other parts of the Empire. Through the assumption of Roman values,
they developed heir own specific construction of Roman-ness, presenting
themselves as the "protectors" of Rome and Roman values.
1
0
The rise to a position
of power for the Danubian legions occurred in the late 2nd-early 3rd century, while
the Roman crisis of the 3rd century and the rise of military emperors resulted in a
number of Roman soldier-emperors being subsequently chosen from among the
ranks of the Illyriciani.
Medieval and Early Moden Illyrians
As stated earlier, the term Illyricum survives well into medieval times, but only as
a way for outsiders to form perceptions of the region between the Danube and
Adriatic Sea and its population. The foundation of new discourses could be dated
to the 9th century- a time of cultural transformations in Westen Europe. Latin
language sources rom the early medieval West (Frankish and Venetian in
particular), with rre exceptions, imagined the local population through ncient
templates such as "Illyrians," "Dalmatians" and ''Pannonians." However, more and
more requently they opted to use more recent identity labels, such as "Slavs."
Byzantine sources written in Greek took somewhat different strategies of approach.
A good example is De Administrando Imperio (DA), a foreign policy manual
written under the auspices of the emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus in the
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
4 DIEL DZNO
mid-lOth century. Compared with the Frankish and Venetian sources, DAJ is
undoubtedly much more specific in recognizing the ethnicity of local groups,
although it was not immune rom occasional uses of ancient identity templates or
more recent generalizations such as the Slavs.
11
Over time, the label "Illyrians"
slowly dropped out of use, intenally and extenally, while other identity labels
were in use, in particular, Slavs, Croats, Serbs, Dalmatians, etc.
We also have some limited insight into the local understanding and
interpretation of the past. Illyrian identity and the Illyrian past were not considered
important enough in this period to be claimed by any group. Forging links with the
Roman past and identity was much more signiicant among the Romanic-speaking
inhabitants of Dalmatian towns, who even constructed a speciic "Roman" identity
for themselves. Especially interesting were the stories forged to help the
inhabitants of Spalatum (Split) and Ragusium (Dubrovnik) to claim the ancient
heritage of Roman Salona (Solin) and Epidaurum (Cavtat), depopulated in late
antiquity. These narratives appear in the written sources as early as the mid- lOth
century (chapters 29-35 of DA), but also in the History ofthe Bishops ofSalona
and Spalatum, 0l as Historia Salonitana (H), written by Thomas, the
Archdeacon of Spalaum (1200-1260/61). The main purpose of HSwas to present a
history of the church in Spalatum and to justiy medieval Spalatum as the legal and
just heir to the ancient metropolitan see of Salona. n a short narrative of the pre
Christian history of Dalmatia and Salona, chapters 1 and 2 of HS, Thomas
imagined the inhabitants of ancient Salona as his ancestors: Romans. The
indigenous population was perceived and depicted as "barbarians" through the use
of elements of ancient discourse, as Thomas was well-acquainted with the works of
Lucan, Virgil, Horace, Ovid and Florus and their references to Dalmatia. His
portrayal of the ancient indigenous population represents a prelude to the
depictions of the Croats and other Slavophone groups of his time, who were
perceived as the main Others toward whom the Spalatan elite defined their
identity.
12
Another inluential local work rom this time, the Chronicle ofPresbyter
Docleas, did not take any notice of the indigenous population, beginning its
partially ictional narative in post-Roman times.
The roots of early modem lllyrian discourse can be seen in the context of
similar ideas circulating in late medieval and early modem Europe. The intellectual
elites of Dalmatian towr1s irst started to abandon medieval narratives about the
past in the 15th and 16th centuries. This intellectual clustering of what modem
researchers call "Illyrian ideologem" occurred under the influence of ideas
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C
ONSTRUCTING ILL IANS 5
developing within the medieval Polish kingdom (Sarmatian ideologem) and among
the German-speaking intellectual elite (Teutonic ideologem), which both used the
topos that the use of a common language relects a common identity of the
speakers.
13
Essentially, the new discourse was attempting to construct a continuity
of identities between the ancient and medieval Slavophone population, so that the
Slavs were Illyrianized and Illyrians were Slavicized and imagined as direct
ancestors. With the Ottoman penetration of the Balkan Peninsula, and especially
ater their conquests of the Bosnian kingdom (1463) and the duchy of Herzegovina
(Hum) (1488), the wider region became a zone of intense conlict. The early
moden Slav-speaking Croat intellectuals rom regions under Venetian or
Habsburg rule constructed Illyrian-ness as a way to reclaim the past and negotiate
their identity, positioning themselves in opposition to the Others such as
Hungarians, Ottomans, Italians and Germans. Constructing this early moden
Illyrian identity was also a way to seek foreign intervention (Habsburg, Venetian,
Spanish), which would recapture rom Ottoman rule and iy the South Slavic
(Illyrian) regions into a single Illyrian Empire.
14
The origins of this discourse can be found at the beginning of the 15th
century. The earliest recorded instance is the explicit labelling of venacular
language as lllyrian by a notary public in Zadar in a document dated August 13,
1403.
15
The most important representatives of early moden lllyrian discourse are,
among others, Dalmatian intellectuals such as Georgius Sezgoreus (Juraj
S
izgoric,
ea. 1444-1509), Aelius Lampridius Cervinus (Ilija Crijevic, 1434-1520) or
Vincentius Priboevius (Vinko Pribojevic, d. ater 1532). In the early stages, this
was just an attempt to establish continuity with the past, so ancient names nd
ethnonyms were revived alongside contemporary ones, as in the case of Sezgoreus
in De situ Illyriae et civitate Sibenici. During later stages, early moden Illyrianism
successully constructed genetic and linguistic "continuity" and connections
among the pre-Roman indigenous population, Roman Illyricum, Illyrian soldier
emperors, migrating groups rom late antiquity, medieval South Slavic identities
and the early moden Slavophone population. Biblical ancestry was "acquired"
through Gomer, son of Japhet, grandson of Noah, and classical ancesry through
Appian's mythological genealogy of Illyrians. The inheritance of the ancient
Macedonian and Roman Empires was also claimed through a ictive "privilege" of
Alexander the Great and the Illyrian emperors of Rome, and early Christianity
through Illyrian sailts such as St. Jerome.
16
Illyrian ideologem constructed a supra
national Slavic identity based on new paradigms of common Illyrian ancestry and
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6 DNIJEL DZINO
shared Slavic languages. It remained very inclusive until its last phases and in
addition to the South Slavic nations, included other Slavophone nations such as the
Poles, Czechs and Russians.
Such ideas appear ticulated as early as the oration of Priboevius, entitled
De origine successibusque Slavorum, published in 1532. The most inluential
narrative within this discourse is probably the work 11 regno degli Slavi, writen by
Ragusan Mavro Orbini (d. 1611) and published in 1601. Orbini constructed this
complex work, linking the biblical, ancient and late antique pasts with historical
narratives of the medieval dynasties of Serbia, Bosnia, Croatia, Bulgaria and
Herzegovina (Hum). He used existing discourse to present the Slavs as people who
have a historical destiny to reclaim their ancient homeland (Roman Illyricum) rom
the Ottomans. Early moden Illyrianism was in time appropriated in different
intellectual and political contexts, such as Slovenian Protestantism and Catholic
counter-reformation in Dalmatia and continental Croatia. In the latest stages,
lllyrian ideologem was remodelled and used for the narrower Croatian and Serb
national platforms by Pavao Ritter Vitezovic (1652-1713) and Count Dorde
Brankovic (1665-1711), respectivelyY
Outsider perceptions rom this period requently merged their present and
ancient past into a single narrative, imagining Illyrians as continuing their identity
and Illyria as a continuous space. Ancient depositories of nowledge about this
region were supplemented with more recent news and information arising from
trade and other types of contacts and interactions. These perceptions oten
corresponded in shape but not in essence with early moden Illyrian ideologem,
discussed earlier. For example, Illyria and Illyrians in English thought of the 15th
and 16th centuries were labels for Slavonic-speaking polities and their populations,
who inhabited ancient Illyrian lands. Shakespeare's parallels to Illyria are well
known and numerous. They were based on ancient knowledge and the poet's
imagination, but also belonged to contemporary textual discourse about the region,
so they were not as unknown to his audience as one might k. n many ways
these perceptions continued the approach to ancient sources: new knowledge
established new narratives which existed in addition to ancient depositories of
knowledge. These new narratives were perpetuated and transmitted in new
circumstances, for example, the topos of endemic Adriatic piracy relected in
Shakespeare's mention of Bargulus, the Strong Illyrian Pirate.
1
8
Another intellectual stream appeared in the 17th century with the historian
and antiquarian Johannes Lucius (Ivan Lucic, 1604-1679) rom Trogir and the
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CONSTRUCTING ILL IANS
7
intellectual circle around him. The significance of Lucius for the later
historiography of this region is enormous, and it is not surprising that he is
sometimes called the "father of Croatian critical historiography." Lucius rebelled
against the paradigms of the past established by early modem Illyrian ideologem,
and in particular against the dominating influence of Orbini's Il regno degli Sclavi
on contemporary historiography. His most significant and inluential work is De
regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae (De regno), the first edition being published in 1666
and covering the ancient and medieval history of Dalmatia. Using unprecedented
scholarly criticism, Lucius examined and compiled the existing sources into a
cohesive historical narrative, trying to show and construct a narrative about the
origins, development and continuing political sovereinty of Dalmatia through
history. He used the evidence rom DAI as crown evidence to claim a clean break
between antiquity and early medieval times in Dalmatia, with the exception of
Dalmatian towns. The book seriously undermined previous early modem
narratives which focused on diferent strategies used to claim the inheritance of the
ancient past in Illyrian lands. 19
For the present discussion, it is important to note that Lucius gathered a
large portion of surviving ancient knowledge of Illyrians and Illyricum and used it
in his narrative on Dalmatia's earliest history. Lucius combined this knowledge
occasionally with Roman inscriptions rom the area that he himself saw and wrote
down (De regno, 1.1-6, ed. Kuntic-Makvic). It is particularly important that among
other sources he extensively cited ancient Greek-language works, including
Hellenistic periploi of pseudo-Scylax and pseudo-Scymnus, Strabo and especially
Appian's l ian istory. Lucius is probably the first scholar who understood that
the term Rlyricum was contextual in antiquity, altering its meaning in diferent
historical contexts (De regno, 1.3, esp. 1.3.1-25), and that the term Illyrians had
not originally been applied to all indigenous groups in Illyricum (1.5.149-54). He
was most interested in constructing the narrative of Roman conquest (1.1.262-846),
the location of particular indigenous groups and especially the location ofDalmatia
within ancient lllyricum. De regno does not place much emphasis on ancient
ethnographies of Illyrian lands. Only a few stereotypes about Illyrians slipped into
Lucius 's narrative, such as the notion that the indigenous population is warlike
(1.1.48-49) or the more general and requent mention of queen Teuta's muliebri
imprudentia (1.1.951-52, 1.1.973-74, 1.4.17)?0
Lucius's narrative was expanded and incorporated into the monumental
project Illyricum sacrum, started by the Italian Jesuit Filippo Riceputi (1667-1742),
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8 DANIJEL DZINO
continued by his successor Daniele Farlati (1690-1773) and inished by Jacopo
Coleti (1734-1827). Tis work was published in eight volumes, with the primary
intention of depicting the history of Christianity and the Church in Illyricum,
following similar earlier works such as Germania topo-chrono-stemmato-graphica
sacra et profana by Buccelinus, or 1talia sacra by Ughelli. n important part of
the inroduction to volume I started by Riceputi but inished and published by
Farlati in 1753, is devoted to the history of pre-Christian and ancient Illyricum and
Dalmatia. Riceputi originally called this part of the introduction 1llyrici pagani.
However, in a inal version, Farlati divided it into two parts and renamed it
pro/egomenon) De 1llyrico and prolegomenon) De Dalmatia, which together
introduced the text, with the third part prolegomenon) De 1/lyrica et Dalmatica
ecc/esia. This was in accordance with Farlati's intention to limit 1llyricum sacrum
on ancient Dalmatia, excluding Aquileia, Noricum and Pannonia, which were
originally intended to be included by Riceputi. Riceputi and Farlati thus collected
in one place the most complete collection of ancient knowledge about Illyrian
lands, constructing this incredibly impmtant, complex and inluential narrative
about its earliest history. They utlized a massive amount of available written
sources with sporadic use of epigraphic and numismatic evidence and critically
assessed them, although with less rigidity and criticism of the sources as compared
to Lucius.
2
1
The irst two parts of the inroduction to 1/lyricum sacrum represent the fmal
stage of early modem intellectual discourse on Illyrians and the ancient past of
Illyrian lands. It is most unfortunate that this segment did not receive more
scholarly attention in the context of its inluence on later scholarship and the
author's perceptions of the past. There is no space to provide a more
comprehensible analysis here, but only to comment on a few important things.
Riceputi and Farlati developed a compact narrative rom ragmentary sources and
their own imagination, telling a story about the origins and the earliest history of
the Illyrian lands. They were quite keen on following ancient authorities in their
attempts to provide and conirm mythological genealogies and origines of the
Illyrians. This can be seen clearly through tracing the origines of "pelasgian"
Illyrians rom Heracles' son Hyllus and his descendant, Hyllaei, but also through
the stories of Greek mythological heroes such as Cadmus and Diomedes on the
Adriatic, etc. By collecting the pieces of ancient knowledge Riceputi and Farlati
constructed new or expanded upon existing stories (usually arising rom Lucius's
nTative), some of which have impacted scholarship until recently.
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CONSTRUCTING ILL RIANS 9
The inluential travel diaries ofVenetian Abbe Alberta Fortis (1741-1803),
Viaggio in Dalmazia, published in English under the title Travels into Dalmatia,
are not so important in the process of compilation and recreation of ancient
"knowledge" about Illyrians. His view of antiquity is limited to his personal
experiences of a few Roman sites during his visits to Venetian-ruled coastal
Damatia-he presented Roman rule as the height of Dalmatian "glory." However,
his writings had a siniicant and long-lasting impact on the perception of the
region, especially his perceptions and descriptions of the Morlacchi. Morlacchi is
the tenn which developed as an outside identity-label and was used for the
Christian population from parts of the Dalmatian hinterland taken by Venice rom
the Ottoman Empire ater the peace of Carlowitz (Krlovci) in 1699. Fortis's
depictions of the Morlacchi as exotic "noble savages"- shepherds who lived in the
mountains - was one of the fOlmdation stones for the development of westen
discourse on the Balkans in the 19th and early 20th century. The division between
coastal cities and wild, lmtamed mountaineers from the hinterland is the epitome of
developing civilization and timeless barbarity embodied in the juxtaposition of
Dalmatian cities and the Morlacchi. The impressions of F01tis resonated in
scholarly thought as late as Femand Braudel.
22
At the same time, as we will see
below, it also signiicantly impacted views and perceptions of Illyrians in later
times.
Illyrians in the 19th and 20th Centuries
Early modern perceptions of Illyrians established the intellectual foundations on
which were built more recent perceptions of the indigenous population of the
westem and central Balkan Peninsula. They developed originally through
antiquarian explorations, a general revival of interest in the classical Greco-Roman
world, and the attempts to establish unbroken continuity with ancient times and
reclaim the past among regional intellectuals. Patially preserved knowledge from
antiquity was "melted down" and cast into new and cohesive narratives of the past,
such as that of Lucius' s De Regno or the introduction to lllyricum sacrum, which
were becoming new depositories of knowledge for uture generations.
Interpretations emphasizing Illyrian-Slavic continuity would be rejected by later
scholarship following a decisive paradim shit first articulated by Lucius. The
idea of Illyrian-Slavic continuity remained present in the first half of the 19th
century through the short-lived Illyrian movement in Croatia (LL. 1830-1843) led
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
10 DANIJEL DZINO
by Ljudevit Gaj and his followers, who appropriated early moden lilyrian
ideologem for the Croatian national platform following in the footsteps of
Vitezovic. The Illyrian movement was an important inspiration for the Croatian
version of Yugoslavism, developing within the intellectual circle surrounding the
archbishop of>akovo Josip Juraj (Joseph Georg) Strossmayer a generation later.
2
3
Nevertheless, the view that Illyrians were a distinctive cultural and identity
unit in antiquity will remain part of the discourse, especially ater the new
discipline of paleo-linguistics established Illyrian as a precursor to the Albanian
language on the basis of very modest evidence. The existence of Illyrian as a
separate language clearly suggested to 19th-century scholars that Illyrians once
existed as a separate identity.
2
4
In addition, the ravel diaries of Fortis established
important new reference points which would be elaborated on by later travelers in
the region, such as the Englishman Arthur Evans. The ancient population becomes
a relection of Fortis's noble savages, the Morlacchi-if not their genetic ancestors,
then certainly as their ancestors in histoire des mentalites. Some parallels between
the ancient and more recent populations of the Dinaric Alps were so deeply rooted
in scholarly perceptions that they have only recently been challenged. n excellent
example is the presumption that the ancient population was organized in a social
system similar to that recorded in the early modem-era Dinaric ranges
(Herzegovina, Montenegro and Albania), based on kin-related brotherhoods
phratrias) and tribes.
2
5
It is important to note that these early narratives were heavily dependent on
written sources before the 19th century. The research of material evidence, similar
to a majority of other European countries, was limited to the amateur eforts of
antiquarians who were collecting the items, describing the ruins and writing don
available inscriptions. The visibility and monumentality certainly privileged
Roman provincial remains in the region, as so little remains let by the indigenous
population would be visible without more focused excavations. Moreover, it is
very important to note that the tradition of antiquarianism was shown differently in
different regions. In Slovenia and Croatia, antiquarian tradition developed on
similar grounds and about the same time as elsewhere in westen and
Mediterranean Europe, especially in Dalmatia. For this reason, archaeological
institutions and research developed much faster in the early 19th century.
However, in the former Ottoman possessions - Bosnia, Herzegovina, Serbia and
Montenegro - antiquarianism was rare and research on the material was poorly
established before the later 19th century, when Serbia and Montenegro became
Balanistica 27 (201 4)
CONSTRUCTING ILL lANS 1 1
autonomous principalities (later independent countries), and Bosnia and
Herzegovina a colony of the Habsburg Austria-Hungary. The same should be said
for the development of archaeology in this region, which did not follow westen
models but developed in specific ways.
26
The arrival of 19th-century westen romantic nationalism signalled the
development of more sophisticated and even more diverse narratives of
Illyrianness. Some were constructed by outsiders, and others were developed and
built within regional identity discourses, oten impacting each other. In the more
recent past, scholarly perceptions of the Illyrians were similar to perceptions of
many other prehistoric groups used by modem ideologies to justiy present identity
constructions.
27
There are siniicant diferences between insider and outsider
discourses. On one hand, the outsider perception initially projected interests, either
in romanticizing "noble savages" rom the Balkans, or, more directly, political
interests of colonial powers, such as the "civilizing" mission of Austria-Hungary in
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
28
Only the last 50-60 years have produced a more
coherent, but still quantitatively modest, corpus of research on Illyrians. Regional
perceptions relected the attempts to build the ancient past within new national
discourses. One of the lllyrian movements in Croatia was in the long mn
unsuccessul. However, new South Slavic historical narratives developed in the
intellectual circles around the archbishop Strossmayer, in particular the works of
historian Fro Racki and linguist Vatroslav Jagic. They consructed a more
accepted discourse on the early medieval Slavic migrations in southeasten Europe
as a shared history of the South Slavs, relegating lilyrians to a much less
siriiicant position.
29
Outside Perceptions: Romanticism and Colonialism
British travelers in the 19th century developed their views on the lllyrians in the
wider context of discourse on the Balkans, a new code-word for the communities
rom the Ottoman-mled regions in Europe, constmcted between opposing literary
projections of the West and Orient. The focus of British travelers was irst
concenrated on Albania and the Albanians. Some of these travelers, such as W.M.
Leake, reinforced the view of the Albanians as direct descendents of ancient
Illyrians, but also as a purer version of ncient Greeks, purer than the Greeks who
were "contaminated" by the centuries of Ottoman mle. One should not forget the
contribution of the French during the Napoleonic rule of Dalmatia, best seen in the
Balkanistica 27 (201 4)
12 DIEL DZNO
1802 publication Voyage pittoresque et historique de l 'Isrie et de la Dalmatie.
30
A
few others, such as J. Gardner Wilkinson, travelled through Dalmatia in the irst
half of the 19th century. His two volumes on Dalmatia and Montenero rom 1848
pay only scarce attention to illyrians, drawing information about the ancient past
mostly rom Farlati's narrative.
The most famous raveler is certainly Sir Arthur Evans, otherwise mown as
the discoverer of the nossos and Minoan civilization. He travelled through
Ausrian Dalmatia and its Ottoman-ruled hinterland during the Herzegovina
uprising (1875-1878) of the Christians (mostly Serbs) against the Muslim landlords
and Ottoman rule and the subsequent occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by
Austria-Hungary. Evans was mostly interested in contemporary events, srongly
sympathizing with the case of the rebels, but he also provides .a vivid description of
the landscapes and archaeological remains, detailed historical background and
ethnography, etc. He depicts both Bosnia and Herzegovina as isolated regions,
while his strong emphasis on achievements of the ancient Illyrians and the history
of the medieval Bosnian kingdom serves to illusrate his argument that the rule of
the Ottomans was repressive and backward, and that it should have ended. 31 Evans
is not always consistent in his evaluation of the past, but the idea that Slavonic
"barbarians" occupied and inherited the ancient civilization of illyro-Romans,
culturally and genetically, requently comes up in his writings.
32
Evans
occasionally acmowledges that the Albanians are true descendents of Illyrians, but
in addition also imagines the inhabitants of the Dinaric Alps, in particular of
southen Dalmatia, Herzegovina and Montenegro, as direct descendents of Illyro
Romans. It is not suprising that he resorts requently to the terms Illyrian and
lllyrians for the 19th-century population of Croatia, Dalmatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina and their languages. Such an opinion probably influenced him to see
the provincials of Roman Dalmatia as isolated, fierce, conservative and reedom
loving, not unlike his perceptions of the people who inhabited these regions in the
19th century. Evans also supported the idea of Slavic unity, for which he inds
good support in emphasizing Illyrian unity rom the past, his United Illyria. 33
Resonance ofEvans's perceptions can be traced in perceptions oflllyrians in
the Anglophone scholarship of the 20th century. The motives of reedom-ighting
(especially reinforced by the more recent example of Yugoslav partisan guerrilla
ighting in the Second World War), conservativism and cultural uniy of the
indigenous population still occasionally appeared in scholarly perceptions, as can
be seen in this quote:
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
CONSTRUCTING ILL ANS
The Dinaric region of Yugoslavia comprises some of he most
impenetrable country anywhere in Europe. Its inhabitants never
submitted to a cenral authority, as local loyalties prevail and the
ragmented terrain hinders contact even between adjacent
communities. By the same token, resistance to the would-be
conqueror has always been determined; the sruggles of Pannonian
Illyrians against the Romans and those of the Montenegrins against
the Turks were emulated by Yugoslavs during the Second World
War.
3
4
13
Modem historiography and archaeology received their strongest initial
impetus rom the works of Germanophone scholarship in the 19th and early 20th
centuries, coinciding with the German and Habsburg political and colonial interests
in southeasten Europe. Zippel wrote a monograph on the Roman conquests in
Illyricum, relying mostly on the interpretation of literary sources. This book was of
very high standards for the period, and frequent referencing in later works shows
that it established foundations for the contemporary historical narrative of the
Roman conquest of the region's indigenous communities, but also research of
political institutions among these communities just before the Roman conquest.
35
Equally important and inluential on scholarly thought was the so-called
"Panillyrian" discourse. The German archaeologist Gustaf Kossinna postulated
massive migrations of the late Bronze Age Umfielders toward southeasten Europe
and the Aegean Sea. He ascribed the origins of these Umfielders to the Lusatian
and South-German Unielder cultures, who were in his opinion pushed rom there
by victorious Germans moving rom Jutland in 1800-1700 B.C. Kossinna's
interpretation of the ethnicity of these cultures varied over time, but in one instance
he ascribed the Lusatian culture to the Illyrians. This "solved" two issues at the
same time. First, it dened when and rom where the ancestors of the Germans
settled in Germany. Second, it made the descendants of pre-Gennan inhabitants of
Germany the indirect founders of classical Greek civilization, which is in ull
compliance with his opinion that Central European prehistory was not inferior to
the Mediterranean cultures. Kossinna drew his views rom contemporary German
and other westen Europen research, which saw the Illyrians as a distinct Indo
European linguistic group and, in accordance with 19th-century views, as a distinct
"racial" category.
36
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
14 DNIEL DZINO
German paleo-linguists such as Krahe and Pokomy enthusiastically accepted
the ideas of Kossinna, rying to justiy and srengthen these views by providing
paleo-linguistic evidence of massive prehistoric migrations. Krahe revised his
opinions only in the second volume of his study of the Illyrian language, published
in 1964, when it became obvious that Panillyrian positions were untenable. Carl
Schuchhardt took a slightly different interpretation than Kossinna. He believed
Germans rom the Lausitz culture migrated south and used with the Neolithic
Danubian population (proto-Illyrians), creating Illyrians.37 The basic idea of
Illyrians as the Umielders and one of the main participants in the Aegean
migrations influenced scholarship for decades, even ater 1945, when Kossinna
was largely abandoned n scholarly literature, since his views were embraced by
the Nazi regime (although he himself died in 1931 ). 38
At this time, a signiicant corpus of German scholarly works developed on
the ancient history and prehistory of Croatia and especially Bosnia and
Herzegovina, a virgin area for archaeologists prior to the Austro-Hungarian
takeover by the Ottomans in 1878.39 While interest in Slovenia and Croatia in
prehistory and ancient history reveals political interests, as they were part of
Austria-Hungary, the archaeology was carried out primarily by local
archaeologists. However, the situation was signiicantly diferent in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, where archaeology developed as a colonial discipline ater 1878. In
the course of a few decades of focused and well-unded archaeological,
anthropological and ethnographic work, there resulted a signiicant copus of finds
rom Roman and medieval times, but in particular rom prehistory.4
0
Antiquarians
and early archaeologists in the westen parts of Illyrian lands focused on the more
visible and more abundant Roman provincial finds. Pre-Roman communities were
overall insuiciently known, so these discoveries in Austro-Hungarian Bosnia and
Herzegovina were crucial for developing an early archaeological picture of pre
Roman Illyrians.
Although never as inluential as Geman historiography, older Italian
scholarship was also interested in developing a particular narrative of Illyrian
prehistory. Research was focused on establishing lincs between the prehistoric
Veneti and Illyrians -projecting Italian political interests in the Dalmatian coast
through the developing common prehistory of North Italy and trans-Adriatic
regions. The culmination probably came with Italian archaeological interests n
Albania in the 1920s and 1930s. Research was focused in particular on inding
evidence of Aeneas travelling to Italy via Albania, providing an interesting
Balanistica 27 (2014)
CONSTRUCTING ILL YRIANS 15
example of the interplay between the political interests of Mussolini's regime and
research of the past.
41
Insider Discourses: South Slavs and Albanians
The links between the construction of Illyrians and the changes in political
surroundings in the 191 Os, when Albania ( 1913) and the common state of South
Slavs (1918) were founded, has not received much attention in recent scholarship,
which has been increasingly interested in the links between the Zeitgeist and the
perception of past identities.
42
Albanian Discourse
From the later 19th century, the notion of continuity between prehistoric and
ancient Illyrians with the medieval and moden Albanians continues to be deeply
embedded in Albanian national discourse. It was based on paleo-linguistic
assumptions mentioned earlier that the Albanian lnguage descended rom the
Illyrian language, leading to the belief that the Albanians must have been the direct
successors of Illyrians. This reveals an easily recognizable strategy developed in
the intellectual climate of romantic nationalism, which constructed the historical
and biological continuity for Albanian identity rom prehistory to moden times. It
is unsurprising that Albanin discourse on Illyrins signiicantly affected scholarly
interpretations in Albanian archaeology, especially during the time of commuist
rule (1945-1991). In short, scholarly interpretation supported the view that Illyrians
never ully assimilated during the Roman occupation, maintaining their separate
ethnic identity. The Albanians are, according to this view, direct descendents of
those Illyrians who withdrew to the inaccessible mountains of moden Albania in
the 6th and 7th centuries, pressured by the migration and settlement of the Slavs.
43
Some new theories were incorporated into the discourse in the 1950s.
Excavations in the Valley of Mat brought about the acknowledgment that Mati
culture had a strong level of continuity rom the Bronze Age, which was at the
time understood as proof that the origins of Illyrians belonged to that time. Such a
view corresponded with a paradigm shit occurring among Yugoslav scholars in
the 1960s, as the Benac-
C
ovi6 theory (discussed below) of "Illyrin ethnogenesis"
also emphasized the importance of cultural continuity rom the Bronze to the Iron
Age. Later interpretations questioned the notion that Illyrians were formed in the
Balanistica 27 (2014)
1 6 DIEL DZNO
Bronze Ages. They pointed to the Iron Age as the time when Illyrians appeared as
a "large community of tribes" who shared a common culture that evolved rom the
Bronze Age stratum. Nevertheless, the view that Illyrian communities in Albanian
territory maintained cultural unity during the Iron Ages was unchallenged.
44
The claims of Albanian Illyrian origins were also encouraged and used for
political purposes as a useul weapon in a scholarly war between Serb and
Albanian scholars over the identity of prehistoric inhabitants in the disputed region
of Kosovo.
4
5
Although the notion of continuity is today seriously shaken by more
recent research, it is not surprising that it continues to a certain degree to dominate
popular and scholarly Albanian perspectives. n more recent popular (but not
oicial scholarly) perceptions, the so-called "Pelasgian discourse" (or rather, a
new Pelasgian discourse) has appeared. This theory claims Illyrians and Albanians
developed rom the Pelasgians, an autochthonous population of prehistoric
southeasten Europe and Asia Minor. It does not take much to reconize here a
retun to 1 9th-century theories of Albanian autochthony. They were rightly
rejected and criticized by Albanian scholars, although these views had been
oicially embraced by the great communist leader Enver Hoxha. This bizarre new
Pelasgianism has its supporters in non-academic circles outside Albania as wel1.
46
South Slavic Discourses
Yugoslav discourse on prehistory and Illyrians, on the other hand, survived several
important paradigm shits. The state of South Slavs was in 1 91 8 an entirely new
political foundation, bringing together diferent peoples who spoke mutually
understandable languages, and, in some instances, shared cultural habitus. The
period of prehistory and ancient history was not crucially signiicant for the
historical foundations of a new state, especially when compared with Albania.
Historical foundations were rather established in the early medieval period when
the ancestors of South Slavs irst appeared in written sources. The idea of a joint
arrival of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians into post-Roman Illyricum became the
foundation stone of official Yugoslav discourse on history. Illyrians in this new
discourse were presented as a disappearing people who irst melted into wider
Roman identity and were later absorbed by South Slavs. Nevertheless, lllyrians
were still considered important, as they let behind raditions and ways of life later
incorporated into the culture of medieval and early modem South Slavs.
4
7
Balanistica 27 (20 1 4)
CONSTRUCTING ILL IANS
17
It is dificult to dispute that the inluence of German nd Ausrian
scholarship at first dominated the perception of the illyrian past in this region. This
is not to say that there was no diversity of approaches and opinions, as
Germanophone scholarship was intenally divided into different schools of
thought, best seen in archaeology.
4
8
The perception of lllyrians was lrgely formed
through Panillyrian discourse before the 1950s. This is unsurprising, not only
because of the inluence of Gemanophone scholarship: Panillyrianism made
illyrians directly and/or indirectly participate in the foundations of classical Greek
civilization through the late Bronze Age migrations. At the same time, they were
seen as a part of "indogerman racial stock," therefore of the same "blood" as
westen Europeans. The perception of lllyrians was dominated by paleo-linguistics.
It was suggested that migrating illyrians assimilated the indigenous inhabitants,
who survived only in pockets such as he Libuni. Some authors, such as Budimir,
assumed that even those pre-Illyrians (Pelasgi) were also Indo-European stock,
settling in the Balkan-Aegean region in the early Bronze Age, ea. 2000 B.C., and
significantly impacting new settlers. Similar ideas were loated in archaeology of
the time, as shown by the study of Crl Schuchhardt on the "in do germanization" of
pre-Illyrians, upgrading the original ideas of Kossinna.
49
The first important paradigm shit was the break-up of the Panillyrism of
Kossinna, which was resonating in regional scholarship even ater 1945. The so
called "Sarajevo symposium" of 1964 redeined the Illyrians as peoples indigenous
to Roman Illyricum, roughly speaking, the Yugoslav federation and Albnia of the
time, with its core in the region of the Dinaric Alps. Kossinna's migratory
ramework was replaced with the notion that Iron Age lllyrians were mostly of
autochthonous origins, as the descendants of the Bronze Age population stratum.
50
The driving forces behind the idea were the archaeologists Alojz Benac and
Borivoj
C
ovic, both from the Provincial (Zemajski) Museum in Sarajevo. They
were not immune rom their own Zeitgeist though, and by replacing Panillyrin
views, they created a wider explanatory ramework focused on their own narrow
region of research, which Wilkes described as "Bosnia (and Herzegovina)
centered."
C
ovic defined the wider Illyrian region as the space between the
Adriatic, Sava, Morava and Vardar, narrowing it to central and south Dalmatia,
Herzegovina, southen Bosnia, Montenero, south-west Serbia and Kosovo.
5
1
Although directly criticizing Kossinna, this paradigm shit is still deeply rooted
within he same culture-history methodology, redeined and cleansed of
unfortunate racial baggage by Gordon Childe. The methodology is particularly
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
18 DIJEL DZNO
visible in the linkage of historically-named groups with prehistoric cultures in an
attempt to objectiy ancient identities and put them on the map. This intent is
shown clearly in the title of the proceedings: Symposium of Territorial and
Chronological Delimitation ofthe Illyrians in Prehistory.
In this new conceptual ramework, the Illyrians are seen as a supra-ethnic
group composed of heterogeneous and culturally-related tribes, who were well on
their way to creating a uniied people, if not for the Roman conquest. With the
benefit of hindsight, it seems reasonably clear to say that the symposium of 1964
and its sequels of 1966 and 1968, dealing with the lllyrians in antiquity and their
impact on the "ethnogenesis" of South Slavs, indirectly proj ected onto prehistory
the ideology of the federal Yugoslav Brotherhood-and-Unity (bratstvojedinstvo)
of different but akin peoples connected in a supra-ethnic identity structure. 52 A new
ramework did not ofer a unified theory on. lllyrian origines and identity. In fact,
certain contributions forced a wedge into the view that illyrians were a uniied
group of communities, while Gabrovec insisted on the separation of Slovenian
regions rom the Illyrian ramework. 53 The paper by Benac was arguably the most
inluential study for new perceptions of Illyrians, but it offered at times unbalanced
and mutually exclusive arguments. At the same time he emphasized the crucial
importance of indigenous and migratory elements in the Bronze Age nd also
anticipated the later term Illyrians through the terminology used for erlier
communities (pre- and proto-Illyrians). A three-phased terminology of
development (pre-Illyrians - proto-Illyrians - pra-Illyrians) existed before his
paper throughout Panlllyrian discourse in different versions and not necessarily in
the same order. 54
There were two important consequences of this Sarajevan symposium. 55 The
irst is that the most influential perceptions of Illyrians were now provided by
archaeologists specializing in prehistory or the Roman provincial period, while the
arguments coming rom paleo-linguistics were pushed into the background. The
second is that the focus of research on the identity of the prehistoric population
moves rom highly speculative debates on the origins of Illyrians into more
substantial evidence rom the Iron Ages, inciting debates on the identity of groups
known rom Greco-Roman written sources. Soon ater the Symposiwn in Sarajevo
it becomes obvious that indigenous communities n Illyrian lands were different
groups, which did not exist as historical categories before the late Hallstatt ea. 500
B. C. They did not share political unity, outlines of social development or historical
experiences until the Roman conquest. Covic even suggested that Illyrian was
Balanistica 27 (2014)
CONSTRUCTING ILL IANS 19
nothing more than a geographic term.56 Neve1iheless, the Illyrians did not
disappear rom scholarly perceptions. The foundations of Illyrian discourse were
too strong to be seriously threatened by this change of paradigm. They were
redeined rom being an ethnic into a cultural-linguistic category, which appears
sometime in the early 3rd millennium B.C. and continually develops into the Iron
Age Illyrian communities we know from written sources. 57
As a result of this paradigm shit, new perceptions of Illyrians developed in
the 1970s and 1 980s. They were now seen as a group of different but related ethnic
groups ultimately uniied under Roman administration. As noted before, it was a
perception very similar to the view of South Slavic peoples, ultimately uniied in a
single political and adminisrative structure, wich "conserved" their ethnic
identities. A more complex regional ethno-taxonomy also develops in this period,
inaugurating new units of analysis, "cultural groups" being defined by shared
material culture (archaeological cultures), anthroponymic classiications of
indigenous names rom Roman times, and Greco-Roman sources. The previously
uniied Illyrian space becomes more visibly divided between these wider cultural
ethnic groups deined by scholars as the Pnnonii, Illyrians and the North Adriatic
complex. Shared material culture of the Iron Age archaeological groups was
regarded as a core of smaller ethnic groups (or "tribes") recorded by ncient
written sources.58 This approach still sees identity as an objectively-determined
category constructed in both a historical and power vacuum, and shows no
intention of abandoning the notion of their unity. As a matter of fact, Benac never
really dared to abandon the idea of Illyrians as a tightly bound roup of similar
peoples, self-aware of their kinship, who in his opinion experienced similar
cultural and social development. 5
9
The traumatic experience of the Yugoslav break-up and inluence of post
structuralist approaches in westen scholarship did not result in new paradigm
shits in regional perceptions of the indigenous prehistoric population. Political
fragmentation resulted in the ragmentation of research nd a signiicantly lower
level of information exchange, both of which started to improve only quite
recently.
60
The ehnicization of proto-historical groups rom Illyricum was
accomplished, so individual peoples started to replace Illyrians as basic identity
units. Ethnicization of Iron Age communities in research relects to some degree
the ethnic ragmentation of the Yugoslav political ramework. hile more
advanced than the earlier, this approach is also a consequence of the longer-term
southeast European view of ethnicity as an organizational principle through
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
20 DANIJEL DZINO
history.61 fllyrians as a term did not disappear but withdrew into the shadows under
the dubiously-described terms "ethnic complex" or "wider community." The term
is impossible to deine more closely and probably represents a transitional stage
before its complete disappearance rom scholarly interpretations. 62 Ater the
demise of Yugoslavia in the early 1 990s, various attempts appeared to appropriate
Illyrians as the ancestors of modem nations in this region. This is most clearly
visible in the attempts to establish the Bosniaks (Bosnian Muslims) in Bosnia and
Herzegovina as the descendents of Illyrians. 63
It is also interesting to note that the perception of Illyrians in not only South
Slavic but also in Albanian historioraphy was afected by narratives of resistance
to a signiicant deree, in particular, in relation to the Roman conquest and period
of provincial history. South Slavic and Albanian historioraphy perceived the
Roman relationship with the region as Roman conquest, the submission of the
indigenous population and the loss of their political independence. A strong degree
of self-identiication with the indigenous population can be seen in requently-used
motifs of native "heroes" and "heroic resistance against the aggressors," as well as
the direct assumption of victimhood for the indigenous population. Romans are
usually represented as aggressors or occupiers whose only aim was to conquer
foreign tenitory, and the description of the conlicts between the Romans and the
indigenous population sometimes directly relects narratives and experiences of
guerrila resistance to the Germans and Italians during the Second World War. In
the case of South Slavic historiography, this resistance narrative is part of a wider
historical discourse, which interpreted the inclusion of Yugoslav tenit0y within
wider political constructs in the past, such as Byzantine, Ottoman, Venetian and
Habsburg, as "occupation."64
fllyrians between the Present and the Past
Images of Illyrians as pastoral mountan-dwellers, or scrufy, rough waniors rom
the ringes of the Mediterranean world, developed in the minds of outsiders in an
almost unbroken continuity rom antiquity to recent times. Scattered written
references, an oten-modest material record, and ragmentary publications in the
Albanian and South Slavic languages without a doubt contributed to the lack of
current wider scholarly interest. A blurry and incomplete picture of these
communities made them particularly useul to be embedded in the more recent
historical and political constructs in southeasten Europe, especially South Slavic
Balanistica 27 (201 4)
CONSTRUCTING ILL YRIANS 21
and Albanian. On the one hand they become a symbol, a platform that was used to
reclaim the past for the needs of the present. The links with Illyrians were
constructed to justiy territorial claims, political aims and historical rights of not
only modem ethnic groups but also transnational identities. On the other hand,
Illyrians were used as a blank screen on which the present was projected into the
past, relecting contemporary ideologies and state-building projects.
It is clear that perceptions of lilyrians ater antiquity varied and that they
were perceived diferently in diferent social, political and ideological
circumstances. The corpus of knowledge on lilyrians rom antiquity was partially
preserved and its ragments collected in the Middle Ages and Early Moden period.
These ragments were used as the most convenient material for forming new
naatives of the past, and these narratives were established with different degrees
of criticism, varying rom the political and identity inventiveness of the Illyrian
ideologem to the foundations of the critical scholarly approach to the sources
established by Lucius and fllyricum Sacrum. The reports of travelers, like Fortis
and Evans, also influenced the view of this region as inhabited by a conservative
society of uncivilized and rough but :eedom-loving mountain folks who share the
same culture and identity. Such perceptions of the population rom the Adriatic
hinterland and Dinaric ranges were oten unwillingly projected into the past and
communities of prehistoric and Roman Illyrians in both the perception of outsiders
and insiders.
The appearance of archaeology and paleo-linguistics as new scholarly
disciplines made the views on lilyrians important throughout the 1 9th and 20th
centuries. Paleo-linguistics defmed Illyrians as a people who spoke one language
and therefore shared the same identity. Debates on the location of the origins of
Illyrians shited rom initially migrationist to mostly autochtonist views thanks to a
shit of emphasis on the use of archaeological, rather than paleo-lingu"sitc,
evidence. New interpretations emphasized that indigenous Iron Age communities,
considered to be real Illyrians, were not created by prehistoric immigrant groups,
while a continually increasing body of material evidence strongly indicated that
these communities could not be considered to be a unified body or to share
identity. Nevertheless, Illyrians did not ully disappear rom either popular or
scholarly perceptions, remaining to be perceived as a wider supra-community of
culturally and identity-connected smaller communities. The projection of political
rameworks of federal Yugoslavia and Albania in he past encouraged scholars to
balance the notions of unity and disunity and ry to invent theoretical and
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
22 DIEL DZNO
explanatory rameworks which would reconcile these opposed notions. he
disintegration of Yugoslavia in the 1 990s and appearance of the present-day
independent countries made Illyrians once more a useul tool for reclaiming the
past. It also presents a new opportunity for scholars to re-examine the identity of
these prehistoric communities without the blurring effects of contemporary
ideological and identity discourses.
Notes
1 . This article is part of the Discovery Project supported by postdoctoral reserch fellowship
awarded by the Australian Research Council. The only major work in recent times that has
focused on Illyrians is Wilkes (1 992); see also Stipevic (1 977).
2. Harding (1992: 1 5).
3. Wilkes (1 992: 38); cf KatiCic ( 1 991 : 91),
Sasel Kos (2005: 23 1).
4. See
S
alel Kos (2005: 21 9-44) for the most recent assessment and Wilkes (1 992) in general.
5.
See Woolf (201 1 ) for literary strategies of ethnographic writing in antiquity.
6. Wallace (1 998).
7. Sasel Kos (2005: 244-47).
8.
S
asel Kos (2005) is a mjor recent study of sources and history of the area up to Roman
imperial times; see also Dzino (201 0a).
9. Brizzi (2004), M6csy ( 1 977), Wilkes (1 992: 60-64), Frezouls and Jouroy (1 998).
1 0. Brizzi (2004: 320-23), Alfdldy (2004: 17-19); cf also Wilkes (1 999) and Syme (1 973).
1 1 . Chapters 29-35; see Budak (2008), Dzino (201 0b: 1 92-97), Fine (2006: 63-66).
12. Katicic (1 987, 1 988), Ivic (1 992), Matijevic-Sokol (2002), Matijevic-Sokol and Peric (2004),
Peric et al. (2006), Dzino (201 0b: 1 01 -04).
1 3. Hirschi (2005 [German discourses]), Cynarski (1 968), Symmons-Symonolewich (1 983: 23-
40 (Sarmatian]).
14. The best moden treatments of the subject are Bla2evic (2007a, 2007b, 201 0 (abbreviated in
English]). See also earlier Petrovich (1 978), Lauer (1 974), Iovine (1 984), Kuntic-Makvic (1 984),
Fine (2006: 1 38-562), Madunic (201 0), Palavestra (201 0), Stih (201 0: 39-42), as well as Ancic
(2005: 1 27-36 (beginnings of this discourse and creation of Dalmatian textual communities]).
1 5. State Archive Zadar, Archive of Split Vol. 1 2/a fol. 78', Ancic (2005: 1 30); cf the revival of
the term Illyricum in Historia Rausii by Ioannes Coversini of Ravenna (1 343- 1 408); Kniewald
(1 957: 1 25-27).
1 6. The "privilege" of Alexander the Great to his "Slav" troops is a forgery irst recorded in the
1 3th or 14th century in Poland; Odlozilik ( 1 970), Morovic ( 1968: 1 09-24), Snoniti (1 973).
Balanistica 27 (201 4)
CONSTRUCTING ILL ANS 23
1 7. Blaievic (2007a: 1 14-336).
1 8. 2 Henry VI, 4. 1 . 1 08, Stanivukovic (2002), Parker (2008), Puljcan Juric (201 1 ).
19. Antoljak (1 992: 1 24-67), Kurelac (1 994).
20. Kuntic-Makvic ( 1 991 ).
21 . Farlati (1 75 1 : 1-21 0). Useul readings on the long story of making flyricum sacrum can be
found in Vnino (1 932), Patriarca (1 935), LuCic (1 972/73) and Neralic (201 0).
22. Fortis (2007 [ 1 778] : 43-90), Braudel (1 972: 1 5, 43). For Fortis and the colonial discourse on
Dalmatia in the Age of Enlightenment, see Wol (2001), Markulin (201 0), Raspudic (201 0: 61 -
1 54) and McCallam (201 1); and on Morlacchi, Wol (2003). For Balkng discourse as a
form of intenal European "Orientalism," see Note 30, below. Fortis (2007 [ 1 778] : 45) might
have attributed to the Morlaccbi some aspects of their mentality, such as barbarity nd vigor, as a
"residue" of ancient Illyrians, but perhaps not as clearly as McCallam (20 1 1 : 1 29-32) implies.
23. Most recently, Maissen (1 998); in English, see Despalatovic ( 1 975) and Adler ( 1 974).
24. Thunmann (1 774: 1 71 -366), Kopitar (1 829), Hhn (1 853). Not much is known about the
language of the indigenous population - see Katicic (1 976) and Polome (1 982).
25. Criticized only recently in Cace (20 1 0).
26. See Novakovic (201 1 ) tmder individual countries and regions; but also Babic (2001) for
Serbia and Baric (20 1 1 ) for Dalmatia. The traces of antiquarian interests in Ottoman-ruled
Bosnia and Herzegovina existed, mostly among the Franciscan riars, but on very modest scale
when compared with Dalmatia (Kaljanac and KriZanovic [2012: 240-50]).
27. n a wider context, see Kohl and Fawcett (1 995), Diaz-Andreu and Champion (1 996), Galaty
and Watkinson (2004), etc.
28. See Okey (2007) for the Ausro-Hungarian "civilizing mission" and also Note 40, below.
29. See Ancic (2008) for Racki.
30. Goldsworthy (1 998), Fleming (2000 [discourse on the Balkans]), Todorova (1 997: 89- 1 1 5),
Wallace (1 998: 21 9-24), A. Hond (2004 [British travelers]), McCallam (201 1 : 1 32-
41 [French travelers ]).
3 1 . Evans (1 877, well as 1 878 [he reports to The Manchester Guardian] ; 1 883/85 [lectures
for Sociey ofAntiquarians]). See Wilkes ( 1 976) for Arthur Evans in the Balkns and Drapac
(201 0: 22-62) for a wider political background ofEvns' s political ideas.
32. For example, Evans (1 877: xxii-xxiv, 23 1 , 347, 367). That he considers "natives" to be
"barbarians" is clear in a chilling statement rom ( 1 877: 3 12): "I don't choose to be told by every
barbarian I meet that he is a man nd a brother. I believe n the existence of inferior races and
would like to see them exterminated."
33. Evans (1 877: 1 6-24, 217-18, 285-88, 369; 1 883/85: [ 1 : 3 1 -36], [3: 33-37] [cultural and
physical "inheritance"]).
Balanistica 27 (201 4)
24 DIJEL DZNO
34. Wilkes (1 992: 21); cf 25. See also N. Hond (1 992: 23 [conservativism]), Gruen (1 996:
1 76 ["nationl pride" and ''the fierce spirit oflllyrian warriors"]).
35. Zippel (1 877).
36. Kossinna (1 902). See Veit ( 1 989: 35-41 , 2000), Griinert (2002), S0rensen nd Rebay
Salisbury (2008: 62-63 [Kossinna]), Wijorra (2006) and Diaz-Andreu (2007: 368-97
[Kossinna's Zeitgeist]).
37. rahe ( 1 925, 1 955/64), Pokony ( 1 936), Schuchhardt (1 937) and also Fluss (1 93 1). See
Gavela (1 952/53 [criticism of Schuchhardt]), Tovr (1 977) [criticism of Krahe]), Covic ( 1 986:
55-60) and Tertan ( 1 995 [Panillyrianism]).
38. Milojcic (1 948/49), Mozsolics (1 957), Gara5anin (1 960), Kimmig (1964), etc. See Smensen
and Rebay-Salisbury (2008) on diferent ways the Uielders were constructed in archaeology.
39. Wilkes ( 1 992: 8-9), Kaiser (1 995: 1 01 -02), Novakovic (201 2: 57). See also older literature in
Fluss ( 1 93 1 : 3 1 1 - 1 2) and the bibliography of Austrian works dealing with ancient and prehistoric
period in Croatia in Sanader (1997).
40. See Munro (1 900 [contemporary perspective]), Wilkes ( 1 992: 8-9) and especially Novakovic
(201 1 : 402-04).
41 . Buora (2004) [research on "Illyrians"), Gilkes and Miraj (2000), Gilkes (2003, 2004: 39-54),
Magnani (1 996, 2007 [Italian archaeological mission in Albania] .
42. Kaiser (1 995), Slapsak and Novakovic (1 996), Novakovic (2007), Lomonosov (201 1), Gori
(2012).
43. Korkuti ( 1 971 ), Anamali (1 982), Islami et al. ( 1 985); cf the updated version in Ceka (2005).
On archaeology and national identity in Albania, see Cabanes (2004) and Galaty et al. (1 999).
The general idea on Albanians being the descendents of Illyrians is challenged today; see, e.g.,
Wilkes (1 992: 271 -80), Bowden (2003) and Nalbani (2004).
44. Isli et al. ( 1 955: 1 34 [continuity]), Korkuti (1 982), Prendi (1 985a [more advanced
interpretations], 1 985b [IIlyrian cultural unity in Albania]).
45. See criticism of the approach in Xohaj (2005),
S
asel Kos (2007), Lomonosov (201 0) and
Gori (201 2). On the Serb-Albanian scholarly "wars," see Wilkes (1 992: 1 1 -1 3), Kaiser (1995 :
1 1 4-1 5) and Novakovic (201 1 : 439-40).
46. Spahiu (2006); cf Jacques (1 995: 2- 1 09), Aref (2003). See Cabanes (2004: 1 1 9) and Rapper
(2009) for critical overviews. For "old-Pelasgianism," see Note 49, below.
47. Best formulated n Benac ( 1 969); see Lomonosov (201 2: 65-68). This notion becomes even
more importnt, when we take into account the importance given to "continuity" as a
metaphysical transmission of cultre in the methodological ramework of naional archaeologies
rom this region; see Palavestra (20 1 1) for the notion of continuity in Serbian ethno-archaeology.
Balanistica 27 (2014)
CONSTRUCTNG ILL IANS
25
48. See Rebay-Salisbury (20 1 1) and S0rensen and Rebay-Salisbury (2008: 61 -64) on diferent
schools of Germanophone archaeology, and Novakovic (201 2) on the strong impact of the
"Geman school" on national archaeologies of the Westen Balkan Peninsula.
49. OStir (1 921), Novak (1 929), Budimir (1 937, 1 951 ), Mayer (1 957/58). Cf Schuchhardt
(1 937), and the thinking of Slovene anthropologist Zupanic (Milosavljevic 201 2). Construction
of the links between Aegean civilization and the Central Balkan Peninsula was strongly present
n Serbian rchaeology rom Vasic onwards - Palavesra (20 1 1 : 581 -84), Babic (2001 : 1 72-73).
50. The proceedings were published as Benac ( 1 964a), and the sequels as Benac (1 967a) and
(1 969).
5 1 . Benac (1964b), Covic (1 964), continued in Benac (1 967a), (1 967b), (1 977), Garasanin
(1 982). See the criticisms ofWilkes ( 1 992: 39-40).
52. Benac ( 1 964a: 287); cf Benac ( 1 953: 88). See Novakovic (201 1 : 442-43) on Brotherhood
and-Unity n the archaeology of the Yugoslav period.
53. Maric ( 1 964), Covic (1 964), Katicic (1 964), Gabrovec (1 964).
54. See the critical approach of Gavela (1 971 : 33-34), who earlier ofered a similar scheme of
Indoeuropization for lllyrians in Gavela (1 958). Benac was also under the strong luences of
Budimir and his 'pelasgianism', cf Benac (1 964a: 76)
55. Mihajlovic (forhcoming) rightly points out the inluence of Garlanin (1 964), who separated
notions of cultural and ethnic continuity in the past on the later ideas of Benac.
56. Gavela ( 1 971 ), Covic and Gabrovec (1 971 ), Vasic (1 973), Covic (1 976: 1 1 2-1 4).
57. Gavela ( 1 965, 1 978: 54-68).
58. Covic (1 986), Benac ( 1 987), Garlanin (1 988, 1991). However, the literature outside of the
region, e.g., Alfoldy (1 965: 40-60), Wilkes ( 1 969: 1 57-77), were already much more aware of
these diferences.
59. Benac (1 977: 3, 1 3), as well as Benac (1 973).
60. Novakovic (20 1 1 : 448).
61 . Kaiser (1 995 : 1 03-09).
62. For example, Olujic (2007),
Slel Kos (2005), Matijlic (2009: 30-50), Dzino (201 0a; 201 1 ).
New trends in de-ethnicizing lllyrians are visible in the change of terminology rom "lllyrian
peoples" to "peoples of Illyricn" or "Illyricans. " See, e.g.,
S
asel Kos (2005), Dzino (201 0a)
and Matijevic and Kurilic (20 1 1 : 49, n. 1 37). Recent works in Serbian scholarship show the
maturation of a new generaions of scholars embracing post-processual methodologies, e.g. ,
Babic (2004), Vranic (201 1), Mihajlovic (forthcoming).
63. Imamovic (1 998: 3 1 ), Filipovic (2004). These views were rightly criticized by mainstrem
scholarship as scholrly irrelevant:
Skegro (1 997), Novakovic (2007: 1 85), and Perisa (2002).
Balkanistica 27 (2014)
26 DANIJEL DZINO
See also Pruitt (2009), Lomonosov (201 2: 70-83) and Dzino (201 2: 1 8 3-85) on use ofIllyrians
in building new identity-discourses amongst the Bosniaks.
64. See Dzino (2009: 30-32) for descriptions of belum Batonianum, as well as Ancic (201 1 : 29-
33) for Croatian historiography.
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