5035 Latin American Civil Military Relations in A

Civil-mili paper for EM workshop FINAL 17.01.14.
1

Latin American Civil-Military Relations in a Historical
Perspective: A Literature Review
1

Elin Skaar with Camila Gianella Malca

Paper prepared for presentation at Everyday Maneouvers workshop at CMI,
20
th
-22
nd
January, 2014

Work in progress. Please do not cite or share without permission from authors.

ABSTRACT
Civil-military relationships constitute a crucial element in the transition to substantive
democracy all over the world. During periods of authoritarianism or civil war, the military in
Latin America has been responsible for extensive violations of human rights and humanitarian
law. Since the reintroduction of democracy in the region in the 1980s and 1990s, the military
has gradually been brought back under civilian rule. The balance of power between military
and civil political actors has shifted. How and in which ways have civilian governments
curtailed military power? What is the relationship between the military and civilian
governments today? And what new roles have been assigned to/taken on by the military in
areas such as maintaining national security?

Based on a review of the literature on civil-military relations in Latin America, this paper
explores three main themes: (1) the military as a political actor; (2) the military as an
economic actor; and (3) changing military self-perceptions and roles in a democratic era.

1
This paper forms part of a larger comparative research project entitled Everyday Manoeuvres: Military-
Civilian Relations in Latin America and the Middle East, anchored at the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI) in
Bergen and headed by Nefissa Naguib. I thank Catalina Smulovitz for excellent suggestions for how to start
digging into the extensive literature on civil-military relations in Latin America and Catalina Vallejo for valuable
research assistance in the initial phase of the project. Camila Gianella Malca has done a great job surveying the
literature in Spanish and Portuguese reviewed in this paper. I also wish to thank members of the cluster on
Rights and Legal Institutions at the CMI for inspiring feedback on the initial draft, which helped me develop this
paper when it was taking shape, and Ingrid Samset for constructive comments on a previous version presented at
the NOLAN conference in Oslo, 27
th
-29
th
November, 2013.

2

It would be inexcusable not to be prepared.
The raison d'etre of any army is to be ready to
defend the country from internal or external threats.
2

1. Introduction
About fifteen years ago, Consuelo Cruz and Rut Diamint optimistically noted that The tanks
that not too long ago roamed the streets have vanished from sight, military uniforms seem
pass and coups obsolete, and the era of the generals appears finally to have been consigned
to the archives (Cruz and Diamint 1998: xx). Their conclusion may have been overly
optimistic. Although civilian governments dominate the Latin American continent today, the
military coups in Venezuela (2002), Honduras (2009) and possibly Paraguay (2012)
3
along
with the failed coup attempts in Bolivia (2009) and in Ecuador (2010) remind us that the
military are still a force to be reckoned with in politics.
4
The military in Latin America is
notorious for its interference with civilian government. Indeed, the cyclic alternation of
civilians and generals in high office in many countries dates back to the era of independence
in the 1860s and 1870s. In more recent times, specifically the period 1970-1990, the Latin
American continent was largely dominated by military governments or suffering civil war.
5

According to Brian Loveman in 1979, over two-thirds of Latin America's people were living
under military rule. By 1993, however, not a single military regime remained in Central or
South America or the Spanish-speaking Caribbean (Loveman 1994).
As authoritarian regimes started to break down in the early 1980s, Latin America embarked
on what has been referred to as the third wave of democracy (Huntington 1991). Today,
most governments in the region are classified as democratic, though exactly what this
means is open to dispute. One overall trend in the region over the past two decades has been
the gradual withdrawal of the military from politics and back to the barracks. But how firm
is this retreat? To what extent is the military actually under civilian control? Broadening the
concept of civil-military relations (CMR) beyond the political realm: What economic role
have the armed forces played in the region? And what is the relationship between the military
and civilians today?

2
Cited in (Loveman 1994: 144). Originally cited by Zagorski, 1992: 136-137).

3
Vicky Pelaez, Coup detat in Paraguay: A blow to emerging democracy, the Moscow news, 06/07/12,
http://themoscownews.com/international/20120706/189927018.html (accessed 21.10.13). However, other
scholars argue that this was not a coup.

4
Note that the incidents referred to in this paragraph have been fiercely contested among scholars as to whether
they qualify as coups or not. I here follow Leiv Marsteintredets interpretation of the situations. Coup is here
defined as illegal power grab. Accordingly, failed coup is an unsuccessful illegal power grab. According to
Marsteintredets definition the 2009 skirmishes in Bolivia do not qualify as a coup, though the Bolivian president
claimed it was. See http://www.nytimes.com/2009/04/19/world/americas/19bolivia.html?_r=1& (accessed
09.01.14). I thank Leiv Marsteintredet for this clarification. Email correspondence 9.01.14.

5
Democratically governed Costa Rica, and the one-party states Cuba and Mexico are notable exceptions.

3

Based on a review of selected literature on civil-military relations in Latin America (here
restricted to South and Central America, excluding the Caribbean), this paper explores three
main themes: (1) the military as a political actor; (2) the military as an economic actor; and
(3) changes in military self-perceptions and roles in times of peace and democracy. Before
delving into these complex issues, a short note on the selection criteria for the literature
reviewed in this paper is in order.

2. Selection criteria for literature reviewed
In line with the larger research project of which this study forms part, the purpose of this
paper is to provide a synthesis of how various literatures theorize the militaries political,
economic and social influence in Latin American societies. The literature on the military and
or/civil-military relations (CMR) in Latin America is huge and constantly growing. A crude
measure of this is to check hits in Google scholar: military Latin America gives 1 230 000
hits; Latin American military gives 1 320 000 hits and civil-military relations Latin
America 20 900 hits. Civil-military in combination with individual country names renders
many thousands more hits. Similarly, to capture the non-Anglophone literature in this field,
google search using key words such as relaciones civiles militares en Amrica Latina and
relaes civis-militares na Amrica Latina revealed a huge amount of texts and articles.
Needless to say, it is beyond the scope of this paper to give an exhaustive review of all
existing literature on the topic CMR. The task must be narrowed down. We have used a
combination of three criteria as a point of departure for selecting the titles reviewed in this
paper.
(i) Prominence in the field
First, there are some central scholars - considered experts in the field - whose work merit
attention. They include, among many others, Samuel P. Huntington, Felipe Agero, Craig
Arceneaux, Arturo Valenzuela, Brian Loveman, Terry Lynn Karl, Philippe C. Schmitter,
Guillermo ODonnell, Alfred Stepan, David Pion-Berlin, Wendy Hunter, Samuel J . Fitch,
Alain Rouqui, J orge Battaglino, Rut Diamint, Marcelo Sain, J orge Zaverucha, and Elizer
Rizzo de Oliveira, and Kristina Mani. Some of these scholars have followed the topic of civil-
military relations for decades, and bring with them into their analyses the history of a long
period of democratization. Other scholars are newer in the field, but have published
extensively on the topic; either generally on various aspects of the military, or on the military
in specific countries. We have selected a combination of seasoned and younger scholars, and
used their citation index as criteria for inclusion in the reading list: In brief, the more cited, the
more credible we assume the scholars are in the field. To avoid the fallacy of including only
articles that get into the Google scholar citation system, though, we have also gone critically
through the bibliography of around 20 widely cited books on the topic of civil-military
relations and taken note of those entries that jointly seem to form the crux of this large
scholarly field. Note that we have taken care to include texts in Spanish and Portuguese
4

written by Latin American researchers,
6
but excluded works translated to Spanish or
Portuguese from English.
7

(ii) Geographical focus
Second, this paper tries to locate the geographical focus of the literature that has shaped our
knowledge on civil-military relations in Latin America. Countries in the region are far from
evenly studied. There is much work done on the militaries in Brazil (Hunter 1997), (Skidmore
1988), (Stepan 1988) (Stepan 1989); Chile (Nunn 1976, Huneeus 2007); Argentina ((Burns
1987, Catterberg 1991), (Huser 2002), (Pion-Berlin 1997) (Rozitchner 1985)) (Valenzuela
1986); and Peru (Ellsworth and Green 1998). There is also quite a bit of comparative work on
two or more of these four countries ((Desch 1998) (Hunter 1997), (Hunter 1998), (North
1966), (Pion-Berlin 1998) (Stepan 1988)), or the region in general (Remmer 1989). By
contrast, the militaries in Uruguay, El Salvador, Guatemala, Ecuador, Honduras, Nicaragua,
and Venezuela have received much less scholarly attention, as has the armed forces in
Mexico. Notable exceptions include, among others, (Isaacs 1993), (Trinkunas 2005), (Serrano
1995), (Walter and Williams 1993). Last on the list of scholarly attention is the military in
Paraguay in spite of having the longest lasting military regime in modern times.
The general pattern seems to be that the militaries in more institutionally and economically
developed Southern Cone (plus/including Brazil) have been more prone to academic analysis
than the militaries in other parts of Latin America.
8
This suggests that many of the
dominating/central debates on the military in democratization are cast in a particular light,
namely that of transitions from authoritarian rule to democratic rule leaving the transitions

6
These are mainly Latin-American scholars outside the army forces. The research on civil-military relationships
has been produced by independent researchers, or researcher affiliated to research networks (such as Red de
Seguridad y Defensa de Amrica Latina - RESDAL, Colectivo de Anlisis de la Seguridad con Democracia-
CASEDE), research groups within universities, academic institutions and NGOS that regularly are publishing on
issues connected to civil military relations from different disciplines (at institutions such as Buenos Aires
University, DEJ USTICIA, FLACSO, Fundacin Arias para la Paz y el desarrollo humano, IDEELE between
others), and sometimes linked to research projects (such as Democracia e Foras Armadas no Brasil e nos
pases do Cone Sul performed by Fundao Getulio Vargas, Relaciones Civiles Militares perfomed by Pontificia
Universidad Catlica del Ecuador, or the research projects financed by CLACSO, FLACSO). Research has been
published as articles in general or periodic specialized academic publications (such as the journal Fuerzas
Armadas y Sociedad which was published for many years by FLACSO Chile; special issues of academic
J ournals as ICONOS published by FLACSO Ecuador, or the periodic bulletins published by RESDAL), books,
edited volumes, as well as master and doctoral works.

7
Note that we have included scholars invited to write in edited volumes in English and/or compendiums
published in the region. We have also searched for researchers who belong to research networks, research
programs on civic military relation in the region. In order to get an overview of the type of works produced at the
local level that an internet search would not capture, Camila Gianella carried out personal inquiries with scholars
at universities in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mxico and Peru about scholarly works on civic military relations
in Latin America.
8
Part of the explanation for this may be that there is a gap between the research on peace building and security
sector reform when dealing with the military. The CMR discussion is usually tied to the discussion of
authoritarianism. We thank Ingrid Samset for pointing this out to us. It illustrates well how the same issues may
be investigated in different strands of literature that do not necessarily speak to each other. We will try to dig
deeper into the peace building literature for the next version of this paper.

5

from armed conflict (El Salvador, Guatemala, Peru, Colombia) or from one-party statism to
multi-partyism (Honduras, Nicaragua, Mexico) relatively understudied.
9
It is worth bearing
this potential bias in mind, as the militaries in the Southern Cone and Brazil may have
different characteristics from militaries elsewhere in the region and consequently may have
played and continue to play a different role than the militaries in other kinds of post-
transition contexts.
Some limitations of this methodological approach should be highlighted. First, there are some
key works (particularly in Spanish and Portuguese) that are not available on the internet.
10

Second, since this review is mainly based on internet search in combination with suggestions
given by personal contacts with key informants, we may reasonably expect that many
important works produced at the national level (especially so called grey literature) have not
been included. Nevertheless, the literature reviewed here should provide a reasonable good
geographical overview of the trends and debates covered by Latin American scholars.
11

(iii) Key debates
Third, the literature search has been furthered narrowed to cover principally the key debates
regarding civil-military relations that are relevant for the larger research project that this study
forms a part of. In the Latin American context, the debates on civil-military relations centre
principally on the military as a political and economic actor, and on the role of the military in
the transitions to and consolidation of democracy. According to (Sotomayor Velsquez 2008)
and (Sain 2010), academic research on civil-military relations in Latin America has been
mainly focused on issues regarding the role of the military in democracy. These studies have
explored issues such as National Security Doctrine, the structure of the military regimes, the
role of the military in the transition to democracy, civil control over the military, institutional
reforms (such as the reforms of Ministries, creation of Ministry of Defence in some countries
which merges all the army forces under one ministry, and reform of the Military J ustice
System), and militarization of public security. Less attention has been paid to issues as the
role of civilian governments in strategic affairs and national security.
Debates that are not covered in this paper include the militarys role in religion, specifically
its link to the Catholic Church, and its role in food production.
12
Other potentially interesting

9
For instance, according to Mexico scholar Monica Serrano, It was only with the uprising in Chiapas in
J anuary 1994 that the place of the armed forces in the liberalisation process entered the public debate. Since
1988 not only the debate and analysis of political change, but also the various proposals for political reform had
practically ignored the question of the armed forces. Monica Serrano, "The Armed Branch of the State: Civil-
Military Relations in Mexico," Journal of Latin American Studies 27, no. 2 (May) (1995).: 423.

10
These include publications by Elizer Rizzo de Oliveira, Fernando Argelles, Kees Koonings, Rut Diamint,
and Victor Villanueva among others.

11
Note that there may also be an ideological bias in some of the research produced by Latin American scholars
where research has been donor funded and mainly produced to respond to donors interest (such as Friedrich
Ebert Foundation, Ford Foundation or Open Society).
12
The larger research project of which this study forms a part suggests that the militarys role in the Middle East
is closely linked to the role and power of religion and religious alliances. Since a cursory reading of the literature
on Latin America leaves us with the impression that this appears not to be the case for the Latin American region
6

topics that we have refrained to explore due to limitations of time and space include scholarly
work that explore the dynamics within the army, as military ceremonies/rituals, attitudes of
the army towards gender and female leadership, as well as racism and social mobility within
the army.

3. The Military and Politics
The scholarship on the military in politics dates back to Samuel Huntingtons ground-
breaking book, The Solider and the State, from 1957. This was the first attempt to theorise the
relationship between the military and society and lay the foundations for the scholarly field
that is now referred to as civil-military relations (hereafter CMR). Huntingtons thesis is that
the military institutions of any society are shaped by two forces: a functional imperative
stemming from threats to the societys security and a social imperative arising from the social
forces, ideologies, and institutions dominant within the society . the interaction of these
two forces is the nub of the problem of civil-military relations (Huntington 1957: 2) This
thesis remained unchallenged for the next 20 years. Only in 1980s was there an attempt to
push theoretical thinking about the military in new directions. However, much of more recent
CMR scholarship still relies heavily on Huntingtons seminal study.
This section gives a historical overview of the military in politics in Latin America, which
constitutes the biggest chunk of literature on civil-military relations (CMR) for this region
according to our findings. Most scholarly discussion about the military in Latin America is
intrinsically linked to discussions of democracy, democratic breakdown, democratization, and
democratic consolidation. Perhaps not surprising, as most of the continent was governed by
military governments in the 1970s and 1980s, giving way to civilian governments in the
1980s and 1990s. In spite of the recent democratic set-backs in the region briefly mentioned
in the introduction, this overall, though greatly simplified, picture suggests that the military is
back in the barracks. A great deal of scholarship on the Latin American military has
focused on the transitions from military to democratic rule (O'Donnell 1986, O'Donnell 1986),
and in the wake of this, on the process widely referred to as democratic consolidation
(Becker 1999, Boeninger 1997), (Diamond 1999) (Linz 1996), (Linz 1996), (Mainwaring
1992), (Valenzuela 1992).
Although the main focus here is on current civil-military relations, we need to take a dip back
into history in order to appreciate the dynamics that legitimized the intervention of the armed
forces in internal affairs (including national security) in order to guarantee the nations
economic and social development. These dynamics provided the foundations of the many
military governments that prevailed in the region in the 1960s, 70s, and 80s.

(which is predominantly Catholic, but with important enclaves of Protestantism/evangelisms), we have chosen to
leave this out of the discussion here. Also, the military in the Middle East appears to have a much more
prominent role in food production than its Latin American counterpart. See, for example, Dr. Zeinab Abul-
Magd. 2013.The Egyptian military in politics and the economy: Recent history and current transition status,
CMI INSIGHT, October, No. 2, pp. 1-5. Bergen: Chr. Michelsen Institute.

7

This part is therefore divided into four sub-sections: (1) the scholarship on the history of CMR
in Latin America; (2) the military dictatorship period of the 1970s and 1980s, (3) the
(re)introduction of civil rule in the 1980s and 1990s, and (4) the consolidation of civilian
control over the military.
(1) A brief historical background to civil-military relations in Latin America
As highlighted by several prominent scholars, Latin American political history has been
deeply influenced by the tenuous relationship between the civilian and the military
(ODonnell 1983, Sotomayor Velsquez 2010). The independence wars contributed to create
a heroic image of the military, which was closely linked to the emerging identities of the new
nations (Morner 1960). Interestingly, Latin American armed forces have not been
characterized by intervening in major international wars. On the contrary, with few
exceptions, Latin-American armed forces have not been involved in major long lasting
international wars (Morner 1960, Kruijit and Koonings 2002, Russell and Tokatlian 2009).
During the nineteenth century there were some wars between neighbouring countries, such as
the war between Mexico and the United States of America (1846-1848), the War of the Triple
Alliance, where Paraguay fought the combined powers of Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay
(1865-1870), and the War of the Pacific (or the Saltpeter War) between Chile, Peru and
Bolivia (1879-1883). During the twentieth century these types of conflicts were scarce. Apart
from some short term border conflicts (such as armed conflicts between Colombia and Peru in
1932-1933, Ecuador and Peru in 1941, 1981 and 1995, the Football War between El Salvador
and Honduras in 1969), only the Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia (1932 1935) and
the Malvinas War between Argentina and England in 1982 can be categorized as interstate
wars.
13

In the absence of international wars, one of the main characteristics of Latin Americas armed
forces has been its belief in its right to intervene in internal affairs (Morner 1960, Kruijit and
Koonings 2002, ODonnell 1972). Morner (1960) highlighted that in contrast to Europe where
the principal role of the armed forces has been to develop an aggressive foreign policy and
guarantee international security, the traditional and main role of the armed forces in Latin
America has been to keep the internal order. This is due to the interplay of different factors.
The participation in the wars of independence made the military believe they had the right to
occupy a prominent place in society.
14
This sentiment is still present today, as well as the
certainty of being responsible for maintaining the national identity through the assertion of
their basic values (Badar 2008, Bombelli, et al. 2013). The importance given to the role of
the armed forces in the construction of the new national identities was not restricted to the

13
This does not imply that the region is exempted of tensions between countries (i.e. the ongoing border
conflicts between Colombia and Nicaragua; Costa Rica and Nicaragua; and Chile and Peru; diplomatic crisis
between Colombia and Venezuela in 2010, the dispute between Argentina and Uruguay). However, these are
portrayed as diplomatic conflicts, where the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and politicians are the main actors.

14
For a future version of this paper it could be interesting to explore academic work on military monuments
(including those at battle camp in Quinua, Ayacucho in Peru), national holidays, and discourses regarding the
celebrations of the bicentenary of the independence in Latin American countries. In many countries the
celebrations have included civil-military parades.

8

armed forces self-perception. Politicians and intellectuals too stressed the role of the armed
forces in creating the feeling of national unity and building a new common history (Toche
Medrano 2008).
Another important factor frequently mentioned in the literature is the professionalization of
the armed forced. The military self-identified as the guards of the common good.
Consequently and ironically - the professionalization provided them with the required
knowledge to assess the performance of the civilian governments and to intervene when the
civilian government were not protecting the national common good. This challenges
Huntingtons (1957) thesis that the professionalization of the armed forced and an objective
civil control reduces the tendency of the armed forces to intervene in politics.
The intervention of the armed forces in internal affairs has not always been detached from the
interest of civilian groups. Back in the 1960s, Amos Perlmutter defined the crux of the matter
as follows: Many civil-military combinations are possible: the army can take over the
government with or without the consent of civilian politicians, on their behalf or against them,
in order to eliminate one civilian group and establish another, or to eliminate rivals in the
military (Perlmutter 1969: 382). In many cases, Latin-American armed forces have been
used by the political elites to recover public order in name of the so-called common good.
These elite groups have turned to the armed forces requesting their intervention to solve the
problems that the democratic regimes were unable to solve, or to save the societal values,
power structures that democratic regimes were putting in risk (Toche Medrano 2008,
Velsquez Rivera 2002, North 2006).
However, the professionalization of the armed forces reinforced their self-perception of being
capable to judge civilian authorities performance, and to intervene when they were not
performing in line with the common good. Armed forces in Latin American progressively
started during the twentieth century to introduce into their discourses the idea that their role
was also to guarantee the social and economic development of the nation (ODonnell 1972).
This is a major change described in the literature, because this opened the space for the long
term dictatorships that seized power and took over the governments in the vast majority of
Latin American countries during the 1960s and 70s.

(2) Long-term military intervention in domestic politics in the 1970s and 80s
The literature analysing this historic period highlights the crucial role played by the National
Security Doctrine (NSD), which promoted and defended the direct involvement of the armed
forces in national development. There is no common understanding of when the NSD was
first adopted. Different scholars point to the establishment of the Inter-American Defence
Board (1942) and the signing of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (TIAR)
in 1948 as milestones (Morner 1960, Kruijit and Koonings 2002, Leal Buitrago 2003,
Velsquez Rivera 2002, Heller 1973).
9

Another key element in the development of the NSD was the involvement of the USA, rooted
in the Monroe doctrine. Under the new geopolitical context after the Second World War II,
the resulting weakness of most European nations, and the Cold War, the USA made major
efforts to have a direct influence over the Latin American armed forces through the
deployment of special missions, humanitarian/medical missions, and the direct training of
officials, at institutions such as the US Army School of the Americas /USARSA. That school
had by 1975 graduated 33,147 students. In 1973, 170 former students from the USARSA were
chief of government, ministers, commanders, or chief of Intelligence Departments in many
Latin American Countries, and some of the military coups were performed by former (and
outstanding) USARSA students (Velsquez Rivera 2002).
In the context of the Cold War, the USA recognized and gave its support to de facto
governments in Latin America without any consideration of the legal order. The only required
conditions were to maintain US influence in Latin America and the anti-communist status quo
(Heller 1973). However, the literature also highlights the heterogeneity of the NSD. Scholars
differentiate between a hard and a soft line (Pion-Berlin 1989, Leal Buitrago 2003). These
differences were rooted in ideologies within the armed forces regarding the understanding of
development, resource distribution, and influence of the tolerance of military governments to
political opposition, human rights violations perpetrated by the military, as well as the policies
implemented by the military government.

(3) The end of military rule and (re)introduction of civilian government
One of the crucial questions facing civilian governments upon the demise of military rule in
the region, starting with Brazil in the 1960s, was how to establish control over the military in
the new context of democratic rule. According to David Pion-Berlin, a veteran in the
scholarly field of civil-military relations, the question of the conditions under which civilian
leaders can or cannot establish effective control over their armed forces has been the main
theme of the research field, from the origins of modern civil-military studies in comparative
politics to the present (Pion-Berlin 2011: 222). In this part, we deal with the following main
issue which has been of particular concern to scholars working on the military in politics in a
post-transition setting
15
: how the modes of transition affect and define military power;
before we in the ensuing section turn out attention to how the process of democratic
consolidation
16
has been challenged by at least three contentious issues: (i) accountability for

15
By post-transition we here mean the period following a transition from military government to elected civilian
government.

16
The concept democratic consolidation has been the subject of much scholarly debate, focusing in essence on
when the transition ends and when consolidation begins and ends. For different points of view, see for example
Felipe Agero, "Conflicting Assessments of Democratization: Exploring Fault Lines," in Fault Lines of
Democracy in Post-Transitional Latin America, ed. Felipe Agero and J effrey Stark (Miami: North-South
Center Press of the University of Miami, 1998); David G. Becker, "Latin America: Beyond 'Democratic
Consolidation'," Journal of Democracy 10, no. 2 (1999); Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner, and Hung-mao Tien,
ed. Consolidating the Third Wave Democracies (Baltimore: The J ohns Hopkins University Press, 1997); Larry
Diamond, J onathan Hartlyn, Juan J . Linz, and Seymour Martin Lipset, ed. Democracy in Developing Countries.
Latin America, Second ed. (Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc., 1999); Juan J. Linz, and Alfred
10

human rights violations; (ii) civilian attacks on military prerogatives; and (iii) civilian control
over defence issues.
Modes of transition and types of democracy
Inspired by the breakdown of authoritarian regimes that started in the Latin American region
in the 1970s, scholars concerned with democracy were forced to rethink the definition of
democracy itself. The Schumpeterian definition of political democracy as one in which
citizens could freely choose between elites in regular and competitive elections turned out to
be inadequate in the Latin American context. Terry Lynn Karl proposed to settle for a middle-
range specification of democracy defined as a set of institutions that permits the entire adult
population to act as citizens by choosing their leading decision makers in competitive, fair and
regularly scheduled elections which are held in the context of the rule of law, guarantees of
political freedom, and limited military prerogatives (Karl 1990: 2) (italics mine).
17

Latin American scholars, when studying the withdrawal of the military from politics and the
echelons of power, referred to changes of government as modes of transition. It was
believed that the type, or mode, of transition would determine the relative power of the
military in the new democracy, and hence the type and quality of democracy that was
established. Karl operates with four main types of transition, where transition by rupture (like
the defeat of the Argentine military in the Malvinas war against Great Britain in 1982) would
wield the least power to the military and so-called pacted transitions (where the military
negotiated its way out of power, like in the case of Chile in 1990, where Pinochet lost free and
fair elections and was forced to step down) would leave the military with most power vis--
vis the democratic government after the transition (Karl 1990). Pacted transitions dominated
the continent, though the outcomes of these pacted transitions have turned out to be very
diverse. According to Loveman, with the partial exception of Argentina during the early
years of the Alfonsin regime, the birth of new democracies was made possible only (1) by
conceding via "pacts of transfer," formal or informal impunity for crimes committed in the
name of national security, (2) by accepting military-imposed limitations on candidates,
parties, and procedures in the transition elections, and (3) by observing significant constraints
to the authority of the incoming governments. Nowhere in Latin America did transition to
elected civilian government eliminate the principal constitutional, juridical, and political

Stepan, ed. Problems of Democratic Transitions and Consolidation. Southern Europe, South America and Post-
Communist Europe (Baltimore/London: J ohns Hopkins University Press, 1996); , "Toward Consolidated
Democracies," Journal of Democracy 7, no. 2 (1996); Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J . Samuel
Valenzuela, ed. Issues in Democratic Consolidation. The New South American Democracies in Comparative
Perspective (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992); Andreas Schedler, "What is Democratic
Consolidation?," Journal of Democracy 9, no. 2 (1998); Arturo Valenzuela, "Chile: Origins and Consolidation of
a Latin American Democracy," in Democracy in Developing Countries. Latin America, ed. Larry Diamond,
J onathan Hartlyn, J uan J . Linz, and Seymour Martin Lipset (Boulder, Col.: Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc.,
1999); J . Samuel Valenzuela, "Democratic Consolidation in Post-Transitional Settings," in Issues in Democratic
Consolidation. The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective, ed. Scott Mainwaring,
Guillermo O'Donnell, and J . Samuel Valenzuela (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992).

17
Alfred Stepan coined the term military prerogatives in 1988. It has since featured prominently in the
literature on CMR.
11

impediments to consolidating civilian-controlled constitutional democracy(Loveman 1994:
116).
Like Karl, many scholars writing at the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s saw
the balance between civilian and military forces as relatively static and used this balance of
power argument to speculate on democratic stability and the risk of democratic breakdown
(O'Donnell 1986, O'Donnell 1986, O'Donnell 1986). But as observed by other scholars, this
civil-military balance was all but stable (Hunter 1997), (Pion-Berlin 1998). Changes in the
balance of power brought new opportunities with respect to how the democratic government
could challenge the military for example in the field of human rights, without risking
democratic breakdown (Skaar 1999).
(4) Reigning in the military: The process of democratic consolidation (1980s1990s)
A central question of concern to scholars of Latin American democratization processes has
from the onset of democratic transition to the present been to what extent the military is
reigned in under civilian rule (Schedler 1998) (Desch 1999, Pion-Berlin and Arceneaux 2000,
Trinkunas 2005). Different scholars use different terms here, such as establish civilian
control, civilian supremacy, civilian direction (Bland 1999). Irrespective of vocabulary,
the crux of the matter is whether the military is willing to submit control and authority in
areas where they feel that their interests, power, or integrity is at stake. Scholars understand
civilian control in two main ways: (i) civilian control of the military through institutional
changes and (ii) through societies understanding of military issues (Sotomayor Velsquez
2008). These two approaches do not contract each other. Rather, they emphasis different
aspects of civil-military relations.
There is heterogeneity in the role and institutional design of Defence ministries in Latin
America. Some countries, like Argentina, have undertaken major reforms of this central
institution. However, in general the literature highlights that the task of bringing the armed
forces of Latin America under the control of democratic, civilian authority in the context of
stable institutions and rules remains unfinished (Diamint 2008, Basombro 2006, Pion-Berlin
2008, Vela Castaeda 2004).
Scholars have also been concerned with the legislative control of the civil over the military.
This includes analysis of the parliamentary powers (such as the capacity to audit military
expenditure), and the involvement of the parliament in the process of defining national
security policies.
18
Scholars have found that despite developments, and formal power of the
elected authorities, parliaments face major challenges in controlling the military. Some of
these problems are rooted in the historical alliances of the armed forces with dominant sectors
of society, which have allowed the army to continue to wield significant power in the face of
civilian lack of knowhow on defence issues. It is partly due to the lack of democratic routines

18
The aim of national security policy is to enhance the safety of the nations social, economic, and political
institutions against threats arising from other independent states Samuel P Huntington, The Soldier and the
State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, (1995
edition), 1957).: 1.
12

and broader debates on defence issues (Follieti 2005, Basombro 2006, Diamint 2012,
Diamint 2002).
In general the military and the civilian spheres have been quite separated in many Latin
American societies. There is little knowledge and a general lack of interest in military matters
and defence issues on the part of civil society. Some issues, such as the role of the military in
human rights violations and military justice have attracted more interest from civil society
(Sotomayor Velsquez 2008).
19
This trend can be explained by a general perception that these
are the issues that have direct relation on civil society (i.e. how to access to the truth and/or
justice regarding human rights violations perpetrated by the armed forces).
Alfred Stepan in the early period of transition identified three areas as potential areas of
conflict between the armed forces and democratic governments: (i) accountability for human
rights abuses committed against citizens under military rule; (ii) the policy-making processes
whereby democratic political actors exert control over the military, and, (iii) the policy-
making processes whereby democratic political actors establish criteria for the structuring of
defence budgets and their post-allocation supervision (Stepan 1988). Wendy Hunter echoes
these ideas in her work. According to her, authority over the military has been established in
different ways: by holding the military accountable for the human rights violations committed
during the authoritarian period; determining the type and extent of institutional military
prerogatives that will be maintained under democracy; and deciding on which priority defence
spending should have in the national budget (Hunter 1998).
Each of these three contentious areas listed by Stepan and Hunter has received extensive
scholarly attention, either separately, or jointly, and will be discussed below.
(i) Human rights violations
One of the most contentious issues in transition from military rule to democratic rule in the
region was how to deal with gross and systematic human rights violations committed by the
military forces during periods of authoritarianism ((Correa Sutil 1997, De Brito 1997);
(Loveman 1994); (Roniger 1999); (Zalaquett 1989); (Panizza 1995, Pion-Berlin 1994, Pion-
Berlin 1998) (Walsh 1996, Zalaquett 1992) with the possible exception of Brazil.
20
The
argument that dominated the literature at the time of transition was that prosecuting the
military for human rights violations would potentially provoke a new military coup and hence
risk democracy (Correa Sutil 1997). Indeed, only Argentina successfully prosecuted its army

19
See also Juan Rial, La Justicia Militar. Entre la Reforma y la Permanencia (Buenos Aires: RESDAL, 2010);
Luz Maria Snchez Luque and Rodrigo Uprimny, "Comentarios Dejusticia a la Reforma Constitucional al fuero
penal militar," (2012).

20
In Brazil the issue of justice for past human right violations (so called transitional justice) was left untouched
for many years after the transition. An amnesty law has to date precluded prosecution of the military responsible
for human rights violations. A truth commission has recently been set down to document and clarify the pattern
of past state human rights violations committed by state agents under authoritarian rule. Its work is still ongoing.
See chapter on Brazil by Glenda Mezarobba in Elin Skaar, J emima Garca-Godos, and Cath Collins, eds.,
Reconceptualising Transitional Justice: The Latin American Experience (manuscript under consideration by
Routledge).

13

right after the transition to democracy, though this did provoke a series of unsuccessful
military revolts and forced the president to issue first laws that limited the prosecutions, and
then later pardoned the high-level officials that had actually been convicted to serving
sentences in jail. The legacy of human rights abuses committed by the military is still a hot
topic today, several decades into democratic rule, though prosecuting the military is no longer
perceived to be a threat to democratic governments (Skaar, et al.).
21
Important court cases like
the trial of former president Fujimori in Peru, that of former Commander-in-Chief Pinochet in
Chile, that of former Foreign Minister (under the military dictatorship) Blanco in Uruguay,
and the halted trial against sitting president General Rios Montt in Guatemala illustrate that it
has been possible for courts in the region to prosecute even (former) heads of state for gross
human rights violations without the armed forces staging a coup against the democratic
government. This, we think, is solid evidence that the balance of power in the region has
tilted favourably in the direction of civilian government.
(ii) Civilian control over the military: Military prerogatives
Building on Stepans seminal work from 1988 (Stepan 1988), scholars of CMR seem to agree
that the issue of military prerogatives is central for our understanding of to what extent, and in
which ways, the military is subject to civilian control (Desch 1999), (Karl 1990), (Hunter
1998). Reigning in on military autonomy is an important case in point for democracies.
According to Cruz and Diamint, Democratic states, like all others, depend on organized
coercive power. Hence the unavoidable need for armed forces endowed with sufficient
institutional autonomy to perform their duties well. At the same time, democracies are
democracies in part because their armed forces remain both functionally integrated with the
state and subordinated to legitimate authority. Put another way, civilian authorities bar
soldiers from making independent forays into civil and political society, or even into the
international arena, and subject the military to the state's internal rules of accountability(Cruz
and Diamint 1998).
Based on the Spanish experience, Serra argues that institutional reform of the military is
imperative to ensure military subordination (Serra 2010). Yet, according to Hunter,
institutional preservation is first among military concerns. This includes protecting the
military from prosecution for human rights violations and to resist civilian efforts to transform
the military into a qualitatively different institution, such as a regional defence force. Other
central military concerns include retaining autonomy over areas considered to fall within the
militarys own corporate domain (such as education, socialization, and career advancement of
officers); maintaining or improving their professional standing (reflected in salaries, budgets,
equipment, training, and organization); and to retain institutional prerogatives that enhance
their leverage over broader political, society and economic matters (Hunter 1998) (italics
mine).

All these areas have, according to Hunter, served as sources of conflict between the
military and civilian governments in a post-transitional setting.

21
Note that a separate paper on transitional justice in Latin America is planned for 2014 as part of the larger
project of which this paper forms part. We have therefore decided to make this section short.

14

There are still big variations between different Latin American countries capacity to control
the armed forces and national defence issues. Scholars such as Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira,
Marcelo Sain, and Felipe Agero have written seminal works on the negotiations between the
army and elected authorities regarding sensitive issues such as military reform, describing the
resistances of the military to institutional changes that implied more civil control (Rizzo de
Oliveira 1998, Agero 2003, Sain 1999). These works provide rich descriptions of the
political negotiations between the civil authorities and armed forces, and provide a historical
perspective to the so-called military prerogatives.
Lovemans list over military prerogatives remaining after the transitions from military to
democratic rule is probably the most comprehensive in the literature on Latin American civil-
military relations. These prerogatives include: (1) regimes of exception as basic elements in
Latin American constitutions; (2) prohibition of judicial protection of civil liberties and rights
during regimes of exception and/or in applying national security laws; (3) explicit
constitutional definition of the internal security and political roles of the armed forces, making
the armed forces a virtual fourth branch of government guardians of the nation; (4) organic
laws ("constitutive laws") further embedding the political role and relative autonomy of the
armed forces in the legal foundations of the nation; (5) security legislation (laws pertaining to
internal security, anti-terrorism, and maintenance of public order) that criminalizes certain
types of political opposition (for example: "Marxists," "undemocratic elements," and
"totalitarians") and expands military functions and jurisdiction even further (frequently
including ample, autonomous internal intelligence roles for the armed forces); (6) restrictions
on the mass media justified by "national security" concerns; (7) criminal codes with special
provisions for political crimes and "crimes against the state," or against "the constituted
government"; (8) military jurisdiction (trial by courts-martial or military courts) over civilians
for "crimes against internal security," "terrorism", or even "insulting" officers; (9) restriction
(or full exclusion) of the jurisdiction of civilian courts over military personnel (as, for ex-
ample, in the case of allegations of kidnapping, torture, and murder "while in service"); (10)
formal corporate representation for the armed forces in policymaking (for example, in
congress, the judiciary, executive agencies, public administration, and public enterprises);
(11) partial autonomy of the armed forces over its budget (for example, constitutionally fixed
minimum budgets in real terms, percentages of export revenues, or revenues from particular
public enterprises or taxes, unsupervised [by the legislature] off-the-books enter-prises used to
support intelligence services or special military functions); and (12) broad constitutional and
statutory autonomy for the military from oversight by the legislature and/or the president over
"professional" and "internal" matters, such as military education, promotions, retirements,
reassignments, and tenure of service commanders. Together, these special rights and
prerogatives interwoven into the political fabric of protected democracies seriously impair
civil authority, constrain civil liberties and rights and, to a greater or lesser extent, impede
democratization throughout the region, from Guatemala to Chile (Loveman 1994: 123-125).
(iii) Military defence budgets
Establishing criteria for the structuring of defence budgets and their post-allocation
supervision is one of the areas through which civilian governments can exercise power over
15

the military. One of the central ways of curbing military power after the return to democracy
was therefore to make severe cuts in the defence budgets of many countries in the region.
This, naturally, reduced the militarys potential to carry out their missions. But what do we
mean by defence? According to J orge Battaglino, defence issues are defined as the set of
actions taken by a state to ensure its survival against perceived threats. defence policy has
normative and material dimensions. While the first is related to the establishment of a strategy
or defence doctrine; the second of concerned with the material consequences of the first, for
instance in terms of the deployment of new military units or the acquisition of weapons
(Battaglino 2013: 13. Note 1).
Although defence is the primary function of the military, the comparative literature on the
politics of defence in Latin America seems to be very scarce, though there seems to be a fair
amount of literature on single cases, such as Brazil (de Almeida 2010, Cano 2006, de
Carvalho 2005, Carvalho 2011, D'Araujo 2010, Fucille 2007, Nbrega J nior 2010, Soares
2007, Zaverucha 2005, Zaverucha 2009).
22
According to (Battaglino 2013) it is in fact limited
to one single article by Trinkunas and Pion-Berlin. They argue that Interest in defence issues
among Latin American politicians has faded with the advent of widespread democratization in
the region and the retreat of the armed forces to their barracks and that this lack of civilian
politicians inattention can be explained by a function of three factors: a historical path that
has produced armed forces with limited capabilities that are more often a threat to their own
governments than their neighbors; a relatively benign international threat environment in
Latin America that makes neglect of defence policy a lowrisk proposition; and the low
importance that voters assign to the provision of the national defence as either a public or a
private good. Under these circumstances, it is rational for most civilian politicians to ignore
defence policy and focus their attention instead on coup avoidance (Pion-Berlin and
Trinkunas 2007: 76). Whether or not this scenario is generally true five years down the lane
remains subject to empirical scrutiny.

In the case of Argentina, Battaglino argues that there has been a marked shift towards
increased concern with defence spending and defence policy in the last few years. This has
resulted in a marked increase in the military budget, the reconstruction of the defence
industry, and the establishment of a new military doctrine. Battaglino argues that this in many
ways surprising development is due to some factors that have been traditionally neglected in
the scholarship on civil-military relations: political commitment to a neo-developmentalist
strategy and the pursuit of a new type of civilian control by the Argentine government
(Battaglino 2013).
To briefly summarize, a large part of the scholarly literature on democratic consolidation in
Latin America focuses on the normalization in civil-military relations and the extent to which
civilian governments have succeed in establishing greater authority over the armed forces.
The key question that scholars have raised for quite a while is whether Latin American
democracies (now) are stable (i.e. consolidated), or whether the period of democratic

22
We are thankful to Ingrid Samset for making this point, and for providing all the relevant references on Brazil.

16

governance witnessed over the past two or three decades is just a democratic interlude in
historical cycles of alternations in civilian and military governments. The issue is whether
many of the changes experienced are close to being just facades, behind which authoritarian
structures remain well entrenched, albeit in disguise, or ready to resurface at any sign of
crisis (Agero 1998). An important point made by Agero is that whether one considers the
glass half empty or half full depends on which dimensions of democracy one looks at:
studies focusing on civil-military relations are likely to yield different evaluations than
those resulting from studies of electoral politics (Agero 1998). Although scholars
disagree widely on the meaningfulness of democratic consolidation, there seems to be
general agreement that the identification of legacies and enclaves from the authoritarian
past forms at least one important yardstick with which to contrast how far different countries
have come on their road to (full) democracies.

4: The Military and the Economy
Political power is not the only kind of power historically wielded by the military in Latin
America. The military has also been a prominent economic actor in many societies. Indeed,
some scholars are prepared to argue that while the political power of the military has been
reclining in recent years, its economic power has remained constant or even increased in some
countries (Mani 2011: 183). According to Kristina Mani, despite the recent shift to democratic
regimes and marked based economies, the military retains important economic roles as
owners, managers, and stakeholders in a variety of economic enterprises (Mani 2011: 25). She
argues that military entrepreneurship, which she defines as the militarys ownership,
management or stakeholding of economic enterprises is a potentially powerful means to
enhance its autonomy from civilian control and even to exert influence within the state and
society yet, according to her, the militarys involvement in economic activities has
received scant scholarly attention and comparative studies remain particularly scarce (Mani
2011: 184).
This section focuses on how this emerging literature has analyzed the role of the military as
an economic actor across time, with emphasis on the post-dictatorship era and the
implications for civil-military relationships. A brief comment on the larger historical role of
the military in the economy is in order to appreciate the more recent scholarly debates.
The systematic studies of the military as an economic actor can be dated to the
aforementioned 1957 classic by Samuel Huntington(Huntington 1957), which has inspired
scholars to think of modern militaries as state-based institutional actors with collective
interests and professional standards whose interests are fundamentally corporate rather than
individual (Mani 2011: 27). Since in much of the Latin American region, from the 1870s
onwards, the armed forces developed ahead of state institutions, this evolution made Latin
American militaries not only defenders of the nation but also agents of the state- and nation-
building processes (Mani 2011: 32). Partly to compensate for weak state capacities or a weak
private sector (Brmmelhrster and Paes 2003), in the 20
th
century, militaries were involved
in developing corporations, welfare foundations, and unit-level commercial operations to
17

generate resources that accrued to them (Mani 2011: 28). In the period between 1930s and
1980s, the military ruled in many countries, frequently accompanies by military ownership,
management or stake-holding of economic enterprises.
Although the military has in many countries managed the national defence industry, their
economic reach has often been much broader. As Mani demonstrates, the military in Latin
America has been involved in a diverse range of economic activities: development of national
oil and steel companies (in Brazil and Argentina); business enterprises (Ecuador); key
economic sectors like tourism and agriculture (Cuba); public companies and national
infrastructure (Honduras); and construction and finance (El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras
and Nicaragua). These diverse examples, according to Mani, demonstrate one commonality:
their economic activities allow the military to secure for itself significant resources of
revenue that depend on appropriation by elected officials, but rather on dynamics in domestic
and international economic markets and on interests and initiatives within the military itself
(Mani 2011: 184). Studying the militarys role as an economic actor can therefore offer
important insights into civil-military relations. Manis important theoretical contribution in
this field is a three pronged analytical framework for how to undertake comparative analysis
of the military: the rational, structural and cultural approaches, detailed in (Mani 2011) .
While central scholars in the CMR field in the 1970s and 1980s were concerned with the
institutional, historical and sociological interpretations of the military economic behaviour,
and factors explaining la industria militar (Rouqui 1987), the question that many scholars
have posed during the period of democratic consolidation is to what extent this military power
in the economic sphere has interfered with, or been detrimental to civilian control over the
military. Many scholars have perceived military economic power as an important challenge to
strengthening and deepening democracy in the region. Based on the Brazilian experience,
Alfred Stepan was one of the first scholars of civil-military relations to suggest that the
militarys role in the economy could be difficult to curtail after the return to democracy, and
thus present a challenge to the establishment of civilian control of the military (Stepan 1988:
97). The core claim from theorists on civil-military relations and of international relations is
that the armed forces pursue economic ventures to secure resources for institutional benefit
(Brmmelhrster and Paes 2003: 13).
23
The same scepticism was raised by other scholars
(Goodman 1996, Rial 1996). Cruz and Diamint went as far as saying that military
entrepreneurship was unequivocally detrimental for the establishment of democratic civilian
control over the military (Cruz and Diamint 1998). Mani cautions against perceiving military
activity in the economy as negative at the outset and calls for a more nuanced approach. The
question posed by Mani is why militaries become entrepreneurial in the first place, and why it
matters. Is it positive or detrimental to democracy? Mani usefully distinguishes between two
major types of military entrepreneurs in Latin America: industrializers, determined to build
national defence capabilities and compete for international prestige; and nation builders,

23
Cited in Kristina Mani, "Military Entrepreneurs: Patterns in Latin America," Latin American Politics and
Society 53, no. 3 (2011).: 28. Note that in this section we have shamelessly drawn on Kristina Manis excellent
review of the scholarly literature conceptualising military entrepreneurship.

18

seeking to promote economic development that can foster social development and cohesion
(Mani 2011: 25).

5. Changing Military Self-Perceptions, Changing Military Roles
24

With the end of the Cold War and the demise of military dictatorships in Latin America, the
scholarly literature in the CMR field has centred on a few crucial questions: (1) What should
be the role of the military in ordinary times, when there are no external threats? And (2)
what role should the military play in providing security within the country?
Fifteen years ago, Aguero and Stark contended that while civil-military relations have clearly
improved in recent years, difficult questions remain concerning the proper role and function
of the military in the context of what are obviously major changes in the international system
and the political scenarios of Latin America (Agero 1998: ii).This is still a question of high
political importance, as well as academic concern. A number of scholars have engaged with
the appropriate as well as the actual role of the military in politics. Although defending la
patria (the nation, or fatherland) against internal and external threats is the historical mission
claimed by Latin American armed forces (Loveman 1999: xi), it is also clear that the
militarys self-perception and their perceived mission in society have undergone substantial
transformation over time (Fitch 1998). Historically, civilian governments have frequently
given the armed forces explicit responsibility for functions that go well beyond national
defence, including maintaining internal order and security, defending the constitution and the
republican form of government, preventing usurpation of authority by presidents or other
government officials, and even supervising elections. Over eighty percent of 19th century,
Spanish-American constitutions assigned a constitutional mission to the armed forces, thus
making them, in some sense, into an almost fourth branch of government (Loveman 1994:
131).
During the era of authoritarianism, the military was concerned with protecting national
security and defending the nation, la patria. The introduction of the National Security
Doctrine and cross-national military networks of cooperation and exchange of intelligence
(like that of Operacin Condor in the Southern Cone) were established to fight the threat of
Communism. Human rights violations were carried out on a large scale under the pretext that
the military was defending the nation from Communism and the threat of the left which
legitimized the killing, torturing and disappearance of tens of thousands of people across the
continent.
The (re)introduction of democracy in Latin America since the 1980s has forced the military to
reorient themselves professionally and redefine their roles as protectors of la patria. Fernando
Bustamente makes the important point that historically, from the time of the Conquista to the
present, the Latin American militaries have defined themselves by defending Christianity and

24
This section is rather unfinished. We have not had time to dig properly into these different strands of
scholarship. The purpose of this section is therefore simply to highlight a few thematic areas that may be worth
exploring in more depth and detail at a later stage.

19

fighting the other. As long as the Cold War went on, the other was Communism and the
threat of the left. Not all scholars agree on this point, though. For instance, Desch argues the
opposite: that in the case of Latin America it was the real or perceived internal threat from
indigenous leftist groups not always closely aligned with the Soviet Union that led to
military interventions and other manifestations of bad civil-military relations during the Cold
War (Desch 1998: 323).
With the Cold War over, who the other is has become increasingly unclear, and the military
has been forced to reorient itself. Bustamente points out that the Latin American armies seem
much more consistent in their preparation and deployment for peacetime tasks rather than
those of conventional border defense. .. Latin American armies are organized, trained,
deployed and equipped in ways that reveal a notorious lack of actual concentration on
conventional warfare (Bustamente 1998: 349-50). This suggests that the military in many
countries has perceived that they have an important role to play in internal affairs, not only in
defending their countries against external aggression.
25
This may be partly because
historically, the armies in Latin America have been much more often involved in internal wars
and in guaranteeing security for their citizens than involved in cross-border skirmishes
(Bustamente 1998). Since the military perceive themselves as political, not only military,
actors, it would be dangerous, argues Bustamante, to alienate them completely from politics
and thereby make them feel useless.
While most scholars have assumed that periods of high international threat such as the Cold
War increase the influence of the military and therefore make it harder for civilians to
control it, Michael D. Desch, taking on an international relations position, makes the opposite
point: a challenging external threat environment leads to relatively good civil-military
relations defined primarily in terms of civilian control over the military while a
challenging internal threat environment undermines civil-military relations (Desch 1998).
According to Wendy Hunter, the relationship between civilian government and the military
are subject to constant negotiations after the return to democratic rule, and military role
beliefs and attitudes shape the extent to which the officer corps remains an important political
actor (Hunter 1998). In her opinion, there are three questions that are central to examining
the attitudes of the military. For instance, deeply rooted attitudes among officers about their
own immunity are unlikely to change auguring poorly for democratic norms (Hunter 1998).
Yet, we know that there have been important changes in the military over time, partly because
of generational change, but also because of education and changing self-perceptions of the
militarys role in a democratic setting. Some of these changes are reflected in recent works by
David Pion-Berlin and Harold Trinkunas (Pion-Berlin 2010, Pion-Berlin 2010, Pion-Berlin
2010, Pion-Berlin 2011).
26

25
Obviously, the military has played very different roles in different countries and different roles over time.
Some countries (like Costa Rica, Panama and Haiti) do not even have conventional armed forces and are
therefore technically and institutionally not prepared for external aggression. We thank Ingrid for pointing this
out to us.

26
Thanks to Ingrid for bringing this literature to our attention.
20

What role should and has the military actually played in different Latin American societies
since the reintroduction of democracy in the 1980s? These questions have been explored in
recent comprehensive cross-regional comparative (Barany 2012). Scholars seem to have
honed in on a few issues: the role of the armed forces in national security; the role of Latin
American militaries in peacekeeping forces; the role of the armed forces in internal
security/combatting societal violence; the interaction between the military and
civilians/ordinary citizens.
An important current issue in CMR is how the military in different countries deal with
different forms of societal violence (such as drug related crime, gang violence, violent street
demonstrations, prisoners uprisings, terrorism etc.) and how they interact with ordinary
citizens in a democratic setting. In many Latin American countries, especially in Central
America, there has been a continuation of violence against ordinary civilians from times of
authoritarianism and civil war to the present. Some of this violence is committed by the
police, some by the military, some by guerrillas, and some by ordinary criminals. Homicide
rates are soaring in many countries (such as Colombia, Venezuela, Honduras, Mexico) due in
part to the drug trade and gang related violence.
Despite negative experience with violations committed by the armed forces in the name of
preserving internal security during the dictatorship era, countries like Brazil, Colombia and
Mexico now regularly use their armed forces to keep public order, when there is a perception
that other state institutions (such as the police) have failed in their duties (J unta
Interamericana de Defensa 2012). There is a growing literature on the military and public
security, mainly focusing on Mexico (Palacios 2000, Moloeznikel 2012) and Brazil
(Zaverucha 2007, Zaverucha 2008), but also some literature on Colombia and a bit of
comparative work (RESDAL 2012). Studies in Brazil and Mexico show that as a result of a
diffuse institutional status of the military and the large political influence exerted by the army
in these countries, the national defence role is dangerously combined with the maintenance of
internal order (co-called militarization of public security) (Zaverucha 2008, Zaverucha 2007,
Sandoval 2000). Some scholars even wonder if the war against the communism has been
replaced by the war against the terrorism, the gangs, and the drug cartels (Kruijit and
Koonings 2002).
However, armed forces do not only participate in military actions to preserve public security.
In many Latin American countries the armed forces have been invited to participate in the
reform and control of jails, in providing humanitarian assistance after natural disasters, in
community work, and in the protection of natural resources (RESDAL 2012). This illustrates
how the political space provided in times of peace has been widened, inviting the armed
forces to intervene in internal affairs, and even to represent the state internationally.
There are also more local meeting points between the civil and the military sphere. Beyond
what Pion-Berlin refers to as the micro world of civil-military relations, the key points of
contact between political and military elites and their staffs lie other arenas where civilians
and soldiers may interface, such as congressional hearings and parliamentary defence

21

commissions; and courts (where civilian judges and lawyers prosecute defendants accused of
human rights offences) (Pion-Berlin 2011: 223). More empirically based knowledge on how
this non-violent contact between the military and civilian unfolds is needed.

7. Conclusions
Loveman put it this way: it is impossible to teach Latin American politics without focusing
on the armed forces (Loveman 1999: Acknowledgements). It also seems impossible to write
about the armed forces without writing about politics. As the literature review on CMR
provided in this paper has clearly demonstrated, the vast bulk of (Anglophone as well as
Spanish and Portuguese) scholarly literature has focused on the military in politics. The
scholarly discussions are intrinsically linked to the study of the breakdown of civilian rule,
military authoritarianism, democratisation, democratic consolidation, and civilian control over
the armed forces. A much newer (and therefore much smaller) strand of literature
demonstrates that the military has also been an important economic actor in Latin America,
both in the past and in the present. Finally, the current focus of the scholarly literature
explores new roles for the armed forces in democratic Latin America. Due to a changing
international and regional political environment, the concern with fighting external and
internal wars has largely been replaced with national security concerns and new internal and
cross-country wars on drugs, crime, and terrorism. Civil control of the military remains a
potent concern among civilian governments as well as academic scholars.

22

Selected references
Agero, Felipe. "30 Aos Depus: La Ciencia Poltica Y Las Relaciones Fuerzas Armadas,
Estado Y Sociedad." Revista de Ciencia Poltica XXIII, no. 2 (2003): 251-72.
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