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This document discusses two documentaries from 2003, Pandemic and A Closer Walk, that aim to politicize viewers' understanding of the global AIDS pandemic by showing its impact in diverse locations. It argues that while the films seek to challenge normative ways of viewing AIDS and produce intimacy with those affected, they ultimately rely on colonial narratives and optics that limit their effectiveness. Specifically, the document examines how the films employ travelogues and mobility of the camera to reshape viewers' spatial relationships and subjectivities regarding the pandemic, but fail to fully displace hierarchies of power in their representations.
This document discusses two documentaries from 2003, Pandemic and A Closer Walk, that aim to politicize viewers' understanding of the global AIDS pandemic by showing its impact in diverse locations. It argues that while the films seek to challenge normative ways of viewing AIDS and produce intimacy with those affected, they ultimately rely on colonial narratives and optics that limit their effectiveness. Specifically, the document examines how the films employ travelogues and mobility of the camera to reshape viewers' spatial relationships and subjectivities regarding the pandemic, but fail to fully displace hierarchies of power in their representations.
This document discusses two documentaries from 2003, Pandemic and A Closer Walk, that aim to politicize viewers' understanding of the global AIDS pandemic by showing its impact in diverse locations. It argues that while the films seek to challenge normative ways of viewing AIDS and produce intimacy with those affected, they ultimately rely on colonial narratives and optics that limit their effectiveness. Specifically, the document examines how the films employ travelogues and mobility of the camera to reshape viewers' spatial relationships and subjectivities regarding the pandemic, but fail to fully displace hierarchies of power in their representations.
Visualizing the AIDS pandemic: subjectivity and intimacy in the documentary gaze
What does it mean to be a political subject in a time of pandemic disease? This
question haunts contemporary cultural politics, from the threat of bioterrorism to the prospect of avian and swine flu. But like many geographies of globalization, the `every- where' and `everyone' implicit in popular understandings of pandemic disease prove to be spatially and socially complex. Framing HIV infection as a global phenomenon requires making sense of the complex spatial differentiations of contemporary global- ization and the colonial legacies from which it emerges (Agyei-Mensah, 2006; Altman, 1999; Barrett, 2007; Comaroff, 2007; Craddock, 2000; Dyson, 2003; Farmer, 2003; Yeboah, 2007). In the United States an important line of activist engagement has focused on making visible the conditions of inequality that fuel disproportionate rates of HIV infection in particular places and populations (Smith and Siplon, 2006). Contemporary media projects owe a significant debt to earlier forms of visual activism, particularly the documentary practices associated with the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP). As video activist Gregg Bordowitz (2004) explains, ``the videos I worked on collectively with so many others ... were skilled constructions intended to incite people to action'' (page 233). AIDS video activism provided a powerful challenge to hegemonic constructions of people living with AIDS and to the presumptive passivity of media audiences. This paper examines two documentaries produced nearly twenty years after activists began to employ cameras to change the politics of HIV/AIDS. Although these films do not share the inventive interplay between formal strategies and narrative content or the DIY, `seize the means of production' radicalism of AIDS video activism, they might be thought of as exemplars of a visual culture AIDS video activists helped to create. The queer intimacy of global vision: documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic Meredith Raimondo Comparative American Studies, 10 N. Professor Street, Oberlin College, Oberlin, OH 44074, USA; e-mail: meredith.raimondo@oberlin.edu Received 31 January 2008; in revised form 29 April 2009 Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 2010, volume 28, pages 112 ^ 127 Abstract. This paper examines the visual and narrative geographies of AIDS in the documentaries Pandemic and A Closer Walk (both of which came out in 2003). Each film offers a travelogue of diverse sites affected by HIV/AIDS in order to politicize viewers' understanding of their place in the global pandemic, seeking to remake the spatial subjectivities that support a dangerously disinterested status quo that allows preventable illness and death to occur. In exploring the spatial politics of mass- mediated subject formation through these conventionally accessible documentaries, I argue that each film hopes to offer what I will call a `queer optic' on global AIDS, enabling viewers to look critically at the structures of inequality that normalize preventable suffering. By challenging normative ways of looking at AIDS, these documentaries seek to produce visual intimacies with the hope of diminishing the distinterest of distance. However, neither film is able to realize its boldest ambitions. While recognizing their strong commitment to greater justice for people living with HIV/AIDS, I argue that each film employs narrative and visual strategies that ultimately limit their efficacy as political projects. In various ways, they struggle with and in substantive ways fail to dislodge colonial narratives and optics. By examining their projects through a theoretical framework influenced by early AIDS video activism, I demonstrate the importance of identifying visual strategies that resist neoimperial logics that too often shape the representation of spatial Others. doi:10.1068/d1108 Pandemic, which was first broadcast in the United States in 2003 on the HBO network, and A Closer Walk, which circulated in film festivals and theaters beginning in 2003 before making its US television debut on PBS in 2006, seek to politicize viewers' under- standing of global AIDS. (1) Using conventional documentary forms to reach broad audiences, both films offer a travelogue of diverse sites affected by HIV/AIDS in order to remake the spatial relations that undergird a disinterested status quo. In their political commitments they illustrate some of the ways in which better capitalized and institu- tionalized mass media have taken up the challenges posed by AIDS activists, but also how such productions may fail to realize the radical ambitions of earlier visual activisms. These documentaries also provide an opportunity to consider the spatial politics of mass-mediated subject formation. Each film hopes to offer what I will call a queer optic on global AIDS, enabling viewers to look critically at the structures of inequality that normalize preventable suffering. This optic is significantly spatial. Both Pandemic and A Closer Walk use the mobility of the camera to resituate the normative viewer, constructed as spatially and affectively insulated from the impact of AIDS, within the pandemic. Carter and McCormack suggest the importance of ``pay[ing] particular attention to the way in which film articulates the affective relations within, between and beyond bodies'' (2006, page 235). These documentaries produce visual intimacies with the hope of diminishing the disinterest of distance. Neither film is able to realize its boldest ambitions, offering a lens that proves to be not so very queer. While I recognize their strong commitment to greater justice for people living with HIV/AIDS, I argue that each film employs narrative and visual strategies that ultimately limit their efficacy as political projects. While they may succeed in making the case that HIV/AIDS is best understood globally, they accom- plish this scale jump by reinforcing the very hierarchies of power they seek to trouble. In various ways, each film struggles with and in substantive ways fails to dislodge colonial narratives and optics. Queer spatial analysis has the potential to offer insight into the possibilities and perils of producing intimacy through visual representations. Visual representations are also an important site to consider the barriers to producing the kinds of queer intimacies that might enable and sustain new forms of activist community. The failure of these documentaries to produce a queer optic illuminates the ways in which the relationship of vision and desire, subjectivity and distance, continue to represent an important site of political intervention. A queer optic? The challenges of seeing `other' places Mainstream documentary film may seem a focus considerably less urgent than the embodied experiences of people living with AIDS or the work of community orga- nizers seeking to meet needs and ameliorate inequalities. However, cultural critic Cindy Patton (2002) argued against any quick dismissal of mediated forms of engagement with the AIDS pandemic: ``Non-face-to-face spaces are extremely important elements of reality, for activists, for researchers, and for people living with HIV. To acknowledge only local knowledge suggests that we cannot understand any situation we have not directly experienced and ignores the role of other registers of experience in helping us conceptualize, interpret and realize our particular situation'' (page xx). Patton's call to consider the role of ``non-face-to-face spaces'' suggests the potentially important role films like Pandemic and A Closer Walk can play in mobilizing political (1) See Pandemic and A Closer Walk websites (http://www.pandemicfacingaids.org/en/indexFla- sh.adp, http://www.pbs.org/previews.closerwalk/). Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 113 subjectivities. In taking up this question, I am also responding to Clive Barnett's (2004) interest in ``moving beyond a disciplinary privilege accorded to `real spaces' as the paradigm of public space, and analyzing communications media as mediums for the spa- tial and temporal articulation of different forms of social practice, oriented towards different rationalities, and stretched out across different territorial scales'' (page 202). Why approach the issues of scale and distance through the problematic of queer optics, when neither film uses this concept to define its project? I used it here to draw attention to the ways in which visual texts produce politicized ways of seeing and feeling. In Zero Patience (1993), for example, John Greyson used the form of the movie musical to expose the spectacularization of gay male sexuality in the ``Patient Zero'' narrative, which placed the blame for the North American epidemic on the dangerous sexual appetite of one Canadian flight attendant (Crimp, 1997). Greyson's film, which re-presented the character he calls ``Zero'' as both an object and subject of desire, suggests the ways in which a queer optic might describe a relationship between a visual text and its audience. Queer optics illuminate political possibilities and mobilize engagement. As Bordowitz reflects, ``the idea that truth is a field of contestation gave us more than a tactical approach to our activism: it gave us hope'' (page 252). A queer optic disrupts `truths' that support a deadly status quo in order to expose the possibili- ties for survival and transformation. Examining optics draws attention to both what and how we see, understanding that these domains play a key role in subject forma- tion. If visual texts both produce and trouble subject ^ object relations, they might workor work againstqueer ways of seeing. I use `queer' here to indicate a critical modality focused on the politics of norma- tivity. My analysis draws substantially from queer-of-color scholarship concerned with the production of political subjectivities organized in resistance to the simultaneous operations of heteronormativity, racism, and colonialism (Ferguson, 2004; Gopinath, 2005; Manalansan, 2003; Mun oz, 1999). Geographers have also drawn attention to the important role of spatiality in queer analysis; as Kath Browne (2006) explains, ``I (and others) locate `queer' in the radical requirement to question normativities and ortho- doxies, in part now by rendering categories of sexualities, genders and spaces fluid'' (pages 885 ^ 886). Larry Knopp (2006) argues that ``queer geographies have been de- constructive and critical, and suspicious of certainties, universal truths, and ontological imaginations about the way the world works that are mechanistic or instrumental'' (page 48). Michael Brown's work on the political geographies of sexual citizenship suggests that sexuality as focus of analysis is one important though not exclusive concern of ``more critical, or queer, ways of looking'' (2006, page 875). While I do not limit my discussion of queer optics to the ways in which visual texts represent gender and sexuality, these domains are certainly one important site to evaluate these documentaries. Too often, uninterrogated sexual and gender normativi- ties undermine their attempts to dislodge privileged ways of seeing. For this reading I am indebted to transnational feminist and queer scholars who raise important cautions about the preoccupation with oppressed Others. Chandra Mohanty (2006) sketched the relationship of academic feminism to the project of US empire, noting the importance of ``challenging the rescue narrative of privileged US feminists'' which situates women of color in other countries as prisoners of an abject patriarchy who desire liberation into Western neoliberalism (page 17). Recent US feminist concern with women in Afghanistan provides a particularly powerful example of the persistence of Orientalist and other imperialist discourses in models of global gender inequality (Cohler, 2006; Russo, 2006), but as debates about sex work and trafficking demonstrate, this debate is hardly new (Desyllas, 2007; Doezema, 2001). 114 M Raimondo The production of subjectivity in the context of militarized nationalisms and global rights work has emerged as a key concern in transnational scholarship, and provides some important reminders about the political terrain visual representations must navigate. For example, Jasbir Puar (2007) argues that US gay identity is increasingly placed in contradistinction not to heteronormative patriotism but to the repressed and dangerous queerness of the terrorist, creating a political landscape in which certain kinds of rights claims may function to reinforce forms of state violence towards sexualized and racialized Others. Her analysis suggests that the importance of asking how these English-language documentaries about HIV/AIDS, speaking through US celebrity narrators to US audiences, produce narratives about spatial differences by mapping `oppressive' gender norms. Like debates about the status of women, the globalization of Western forms of gay identity has sometimes produced political frames which stigmatize forms of gender, sexuality, sociality, and political mobilization that differ from normative white, gender-normative, economically privileged US and European models (Oswin, 2006). For example, ethnographer He ctor Carillo (2002) argues that the globalization of US-based HIV-prevention models based in a cognitive and contractual approach to safer sex disadvantaged and even disciplined Mexican sexual subjects who valued spontaneous and embodied forms of sexual communication not clearly bounded by US-style identity categories. This scholarship suggests that the importance of considering the ways in which Pandemic and ACloser Walk make cross-cultural comparisons, which may impose norms on `other' places rather than challenge US viewers to understand the limitations of their own ways of knowing what gender and sexuality mean. As the previous examples suggest, attention to the production of normativity calls for an analysis of form as well as content. Feminist and queer criticism examines the ways in which the desiring subjectincluding the subject who desires to seemay both rely on and trouble colonial and neocolonial hierarchies of race, gender, sexuality, and geography. Visual subjectivity has been an important site for the examination of desire and power, especially the well-known debates that followed Laura Mulvey's (1989) work on the female gaze (Jones, 2003; Kaplan, 2000). Scholars of documentaries link desire both to the politics of truth claims and to the construction of the real. ``Television texts ... are a site of pleasure and meaning, which audiences actively exploit to forge their experiences and, therefore, identities'', argues Bjo rn Bollho fer (2007, page 174). For this reason, Michael Renov argues that ``knowledge and desire are ineluctably entwined'' (2004, page 98). Bill Nichol, Catherine Needham, and Christian Hansen (1991), contend that the relationship between knowledge and desire becomes particularly clear in the juxtaposition of pornography and ethnographic documentary. In these forms, ``pleasure and power entwine themselves around fulfillment and knowl- edge'' (page 203). They argue that, although one foregrounds an erotics of `arousal' and the other an erotics of `understanding', both ``rely on distance ... between subject and object'' that ``allow[s] the spectator to dominate the Other vicariously without openly acknowledging complicity with the very apparatus and tactics of domination'' (page 223). Of course, this characterization hardly does justice to the complexity of either genre, acknowledging neither the reflexive turn in ethnographic film (Beattie, 2004) nor the political possibilities of pornography (one might point to safer sex pornography by activists like Bordowitz to challenge the assumption of inevitable domination). I cite their argument here because I think it does usefully draw attention to the complex intersection of power, desire, and knowledge in visual subjectivity. If normative forms of visual subjectivity are all too often linked to the domination of the Other, a queer optic might produce new forms of visual intimacy by offering alternative modes of seeing and relating. Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 115 Nichols et al (1991) suggest that the production of viewer subjectivity in documentary film is fraught with power dynamics whose pleasures and satisfactions are spatial. Indeed, distance is a figure frequently invoked by media scholars interested in space and by geographers interested in visual culture. As Karen Beckman (2007) notes, ``the spatial and geopolitical dynamics of photography'' are centrally related to ``the lens's uncanny ability to alter our conceptions of `distance' and `proximity by rendering visible what the eye cannot see'' (page 62). Nichols et al politicize this point by arguing that ``distance'' provides ``power ... the space across which it can operate (and concomitantly display its ethics, politics, and ideology)'' (page 222). Distance and intimacy come to operate as oppositional terms in the analysis of visual subjectivity. To the extent that cameras create spatial relations between subjects and objects, they also create affective relations. In an analysis of `media space,' Anita Beressi (2004) identifies a complex range of affective states produced through the mediated spatialities of televisual encounter: ``For those watching at home, audio-visual technology clearly offers a different experience from that of being present at the pro-filmic event; offering a `modality' of experience in which the viewer feels both powerful and disempowered, involved and helpless. There is a real contrast here between the ordinary and the domestic and the extraordinary and geographically distant'' (page 338). The relationship of desire to place plays a central role in Ardis Cameron's (2002) argument about filmic constructions of ``Othered places'': ``Topographies of strange- ness overstuffed with desire and dread, othered places like these have long defined a particular kind of rupture in American narratives of modernity and progress'' (page 412). Although Cameron is focused on representations of the United States, his interest in the relationship of place to modernity might equally apply to narratives about globalization, in which the landscapes of HIV/AIDS serve as ``Othered places'' failed by neoliberal capitalism. ``Attending to affect moves us to think about the viscerally intense processes that provide the conditions of emergence of ideological and/or discursive formations,'' note Carter and McCormack (2006, page 241). In other words, distance and proximity in visual geographies are clearly related to the affective domains of viewer subjectivity, to the intersections of feeling and meaning that shape concerns, commitments, and mobilizations. Distance is important not only in the theoretical literature on visual texts, but also to the documentaries I discuss here. By remaking distanceand its affective domains of disinterest and disengagementPandemic and A Closer Walk risk the camera's potential to objectify in order to subjectify the viewer. In this sense, they aim to be what Nichols et al (1991) describe as ``more radical ethnographies and pornographies'' that ``may propose alternative economies to the regulation of Otherness'' (page 203). Feminist scholar Paula Rabinowitz (1994) imagines a similar kind of visual activist in ``the documentary that seeks to intervene in history'' by ``mobiliz[ing] a subject of agency. This subject clearly desires too, but the desire is directed toward the social and political arenas of everyday experiences as well as world-historical events shaping those lives'' (pages 23 ^ 24). Through such alternative forms of documentary, audiences engage Otherness in order to remake, rather than simply reinforce, the relations of power that shape the possibility of viewing. To the extent that such documentaries arouse, they incite a desire for justice rather than domination. Pandemic and A Closer Walk hope to offer this kind of transformative viewing experience, but they struggle to create intimacy without resorting to forms of narra- tive and visual colonialism. Their limitations suggest reasons to be cautious about embracing spatial and visual intimacy as the necessary antidote to the objectifying relations of distance. In these texts, the empowerment of viewers through visual 116 M Raimondo mobility reinforces the spatial relations that produce the uneven geographies of AIDS. Global vision, individual stories: Pandemic: Facing AIDS The first image in Rory Kennedy's Emmy-nominated Pandemic: Facing AIDS (2002) is a view of the Earth from space. As a woodwind introduces the Philip Glass score, titles alert the viewer to grim statistics on deaths from HIV/AIDS. The image shifts to mid-range shots of unnamed people in diverse locations. ``In our world today, there are forty million people living with HIV or AIDS'', reports actor Danny Glover, who provides voice-over narration. ``Forty million different stories of hardship, pain, and anger. But also of hope. Men and women, young and old, their tragedy is our tragedy. And so are their stories.'' Pandemic provides, quite literally, a global view of AIDS. Each segment begins with the rotating Earth, as titles provide the name and pertinent AIDS statistics for a particular country. The camera zooms in at a swift but steady rate, revealing that the continent coming into view is a composite image made of faces. As they grow larger, the viewer discovers not homogenous national identity but a multicultural collage of people from all the sites the film will eventually visit. As the tightening focus frames the particular person featured in the segment, the image fades into an establishing shot for the specific locale. Each partthe film eventually visits Uganda, Russia, India, Thailand, and Braziloffers the story of an affected individual or community, providing the viewer with insight into specific lives before the camera pulls away. No segment takes place in the United States. It is certainly possible to read this exclusion as a principled analysis of the US's relatively privileged status in the AIDS pandemic and the hegemonic (if unevenly distributed) ignorance of places beyond US national borders. Such an interpretation might understand the film's investment in `other' places as an attempt to queer the relationship of self-interest and location, suggesting that viewers might find their political interests best served by looking else- where. What makes it hard to sustain such an analysis is the way in which Pandemic naturalizes the mobility of global vision and the privileges of national citizenship. The apparent dichotomy between global viewers and local narrative subjects should not obscure the cues that position the film's imagined viewer in US national identity. Both the use of a high-profile American actor as narrator and the visual mobility upon which the film relies evoke a privileged form of citizenship unfettered by national borders (and certainly unavailable to almost all of the people who appear in the film). Freedom to look globally helps to locate the viewer as a national subject (McHugh, 2005). Cameron (2000) argues that effective documentary draws attention to ``the ongoing complicity of camera workits power to rob, to plunder, to produce, to shape, to reveal, and to distort, to inspire'' (page 420). By these standards, the film stumbles at its opening by positioning the American viewer in space, creating a scalar hierarchy that reinforces the very inequalities it hopes to expose. Nor does the juxtaposition of visual image with voice-over effectively destabilize the power relations that seem inherent in this gaze. Documentary critic Stella Bruzzi (2006) argues that ``narration- led documentaries ... even the least radical amongst them ... suggest that documentaries, far from being able to represent the truth in an unadulterated way, can only do so through interpretation'' (page 57). Pandemic sets up a potentially productive relation between looking and listening, in which promise of transparency in the ``god's eye'' view is juxtaposed with the need for explanation from the ``voice of god'' narrator (page 47). But because both viewer and narrator occupy similarly disembodied and hypermobile positions relative to the embodied and emplaced subjects of the film, the film undermines Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 117 the potential that people living with AIDS might offer their own interpretive authority. Elite celebrity status thus functions as a form of idealized citizenship, a performance of the citizen who cares, who is empowered to speak, and who is heard. In this way, Pandemic's offer of a celebrity narrator as a site of identification may obscure the mechanisms that make it hard for disenfranchised Americans, like disenfranchised people elsewhere, to be heard. It is probably important that Glover is an African American actor, although this aspect of identity is not explicitly addressed in the film. Viewers who bring this extratextual knowledge to his narration may be invited to imagine that his marked racial status suggests the potential of any disenfranchised voice to become empowered to challenge the status quoan individualist promise that in no way illuminates the structures that shape agency. Individuals provide the scale through which Pandemic analyzes different forms of HIV transmission, an approach that sometimes acknowledges but rarely explains the role of structural inequality. In the India sequence, for example, the viewer meets Nagaraj and Bhanu, an HIV positive couple anxiously awaiting the birth of their first child. ``These prostitutes who stand by the road are very cheap'', explain Nagaraj as the camera cuts between him and longer range images of sex workers. ``They flag us down and stop the truck. Those five minutes of sexual desire seem more important than AIDS.'' This personification of the eponymous truck driver of HIV transmission narrates industrialization as a threat to marital monogamy, but provides no context to explain its history in India or its relationship to the global economy. The American viewer is not asked to situate himself or herself in an economic relationship to Nagaraj and Bhanu, leaving open the potential of a neocolonial reading bemoaning the impact of development on `primitive' places. A similar limitation is evident in the Moscow sequence. Like Nagaraj and Bhanu, Sergei and Lena individualize injecting drug use in Eastern Europe. The consequences of their drug use are grave: Lena's mother ends up taking over the care of their child, providing another illustration of Pandemic's thematic concern with sundered families. The voice-over frames Sergei's difficulty in accessing effective treatment as a result of an inadequate national health budget, but provides no analysis that might help the viewer understand either why this problem exists or how it might be changed. Sergei's misfortune is his location, which stands in contrast to Alex's experience with Brazil's national antiretroviral program. ``If he were out of Brazil ... what hope would there be for him?'' wonders Alex's doctor. The rapid shift from place to place suggests that such differences merely exist rather than are produced. Sympathy and regret are the only ways the viewer finds himself or herself implicated in this geographywhat might be thought of as Pandemic's affective liberalism. If testimonial narration by the film's narrative subjects provides some agency by positioning them as authorities on AIDS, visual choices undermine Pandemic's efforts to reframe the oppressive relations of visual and geographic Otherness. The close-up, which Derek Bouse (2003) argues is a common documentary strategy to create inti- macy, is one of the film's important tactics for rescaling AIDS. Close-ups cross the boundaries of interpersonal space to provide intimate views of faces and bodies during emotional and physical trauma. Emily Davis (2006) argues that in television programs and films thematically engaged with globalization, ``questions of power and agency are dramatized through struggles around bodily integrity'' (page 66). Pandemic's camera closes in to show the viewer evidence of HIV's undoing of bodily integrity, but also participates in that undoing through its own penetrating effects. Medical intimacies abound in the stories of Pandemic's subjects; indeed, the film labors hard to create them. The camera focuses closely on Alex's effort to swallow his medication, revealing the working of his throat as he fights back nausea. 118 M Raimondo Bhanu's childbirth story provides one of the most spectacular examples of visual intimacy with the medicalized body. The camera gazes down at her as she lies on a gurney with a cloth band over her eyes and positions itself at her feet to peer into the incision from which the doctors draw her baby. The lack of subtitles in this sequence (none is provided until Nagaraj, holding the child in the hallway, says ``It's a girl'') reinforces the importance of the visual. In Thailand the camera gazes into the open coffin of a young woman named Lek, drawing close as her cloth-wrapped body is placed inside. The power relations of such visual intimacies are difficult to evade. The camera's gaze diminishes distance through a relentless process of exposure that reinforces the viewer's privilege. Pandemic engages geographic difference in the hopes of overcoming it, promoting the viewer's affective identification with the individuals it profiles. Two universal- izing tropes appear again and again to underscore the humanity of its subjects: hope and family. Indeed, these two concerns prove to be significantly intertwined. AIDS threatens families and thus destroys hope; hope for survival is connected to social acceptance in families. This dynamic is especially explicit in the Uganda sequence, which focuses on the work of HIV educators Margaret and Apollo with a group of married couples who seek HIV testing. The testing room is another intimate space to which the viewer gains access through the camera. It focuses on vials and test kits as a technician explains the reactions in process, an intimacy with blood rendered safe by the mediated distance of the documentary gaze. As an HIV counselor delivers the results, a low camera angle places the viewer in an intimate relationship with the narrative subjects, especially when it draws in for a close-up. ``Few who test positive can afford treatment'', Glover reports. ``What they gain is the knowledge of their status.'' This statement is followed with a counseling session with a positive couple, a poignant interaction in which the woman reports no history of extramarital sexual contact: ``It is his fault, and there is nothing that can be done.'' The economic issues raised by the voice-over have no apparent connection to the interpersonal challenges in intimate relationships. Pandemic presents family as a universal social form threatened by AIDS, an affec- tive rather than a material tragedy. Orphans are figures of tragic need, for example, but the dismantling of social welfare benefits that puts pressures on family are largely invisible. The gender relations that shape heterosexual decision making about safer sex are presented as an individual challenge for men and women who succeed or fail to follow the global common sense about HIV transmission. HIV-positive Nagaraj laments but ultimately submits to seronegative Bhanu's demand that they resume sexual relations in order to have a baby. Although their doctor explains the association of full social subjectivity with motherhood, Nagaraj's juxtaposed confession that he feels like he's murdering Bhanu undermines the possibility of a sympathetic under- standing of geographically specific constructions of gender and sexuality that may shape relative assessments of risk. Lek, who personifies the Thai sex worker, survives rape at twelve, is abandoned by her husband, and engages in sex work in order to send money to her estranged parents in support of her son. Although she is later reconciled with them, her narrative ends with illness, pain, and grief. Pandemic provides no representation of women's sexualities in relation to anything other than exploitation, reproduction, or infection. In this sense, heterosexuality does not represent a form of universal identification, but rather a symptom of oppressive geographies elsewhere. The only discussion of non-heteronormative sexualities emerges in the sequence about Alex, a Brazilian college student who identifies as gay. It is possible to interpret this choice as an attempt to challenge the assumption that AIDS is a `gay' disease and to draw attention to the substantive impact of HIV/AIDS on heterosexual women. Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 119 The problem is that Alex bears the burden of representing a complex and highly differentiated field of sexual diversity. Moreover, his story imposes a clear temporal framework around sexuality. There is no evidence in the narrative that sexual behavior is part of his present, consigned to a time before sickness when ``I was more wild.'' Instead, his sexual identity represents a threat to family unity: ``I know many gays whose parents kick them out, which mine would never do. Now, the homosexuality, I think it does bother them.'' ``I couldn't accept it'', his brother Carlos agrees. ``I never accepted him. My mother never did either. ... I think when this happened to him, the family became more unified.'' The willingness to provide care, to love even when acceptance is not possible, provides a way to manage non-heteronormative sexualities without disrupting the reliance on family as the primary structure for affection, support, and care giving. Alex himself identifies its role in his survival: ``If I didn't have a family, a mother, a father and a brother to worry about me, what would become of me? I'd be in an AIDS shelter. Which, compared to the family I have, would be horrible.'' While respecting Alex's individual experience, it is important to recognize that Pandemic offers no example in which non-heteronormative socialites provide love, caretaking, or support. By bracketing men who have sex with men within the culturally specific rubric of gay identity, it fails to engage with any of the complex politics around the globalization of sexual identity categories through AIDS discourse (Carillo, 2002). In this sense, it erases the potentially illuminating framework of comparative geographical analysis that its structure suggests. Alex, like other people living with AIDS in Pandemic, is a liminal figure who represents the prospect of social and biological death as well as the possibility of health recovered and meaningful life restored. The camera's mobility offers the viewer expe- riences of hope in a range of hopeless places, constructing an affective identification with the humanity of struggling families. What it does not suggest is any way to denaturalize the hopelessness of the geographies across which it travels. Thus, even as Pandemic seeks to challenge the dehumanization of people living with AIDS, it rein- forces the notion of unlivable geographies. Poverty is a clear theme, but there is no suggestion that the viewer, located at some distance from such concerns for survival, has anything to do with the perpetuation of inequalities. It is perhaps no accident that Pandemic ends with a title reporting that Nagaraj and Bhanu's baby is HIV negative. This final image of hope provides narrative closure to the anxieties about survival and releases the viewer from further concern. Neither its geographies nor its affective demands queer the dynamics that undergird the privileged viewer's distance from the pandemic. ``Now you know'': A Closer Walk Robert Bilheimer's A Closer Walk (2003) begins in Kempala, Uganda, as Dr Peter Mugyenyi examines a dying child. ``So, what is her prognosis?'' asks an unidentified member of the documentary crew. ``It's very poor indeed'', Mugyenyi answers gravely. ``I feel very sad to see a child come to this stage of the disease.'' As the music shifts from the melancholy of Cole Porter's ``Every Time We Say Goodbye'' to the steady beat of civil rights gospel anthem ``Will the Circle Be Unbroken'', the camera skips across diverse locations and people. ``This is a story about the way the world is'', announces voice-over narrator Glenn Close. ``AIDS in the world is a story about ourselves'', adds conarrator Will Smith. ``What kind of people are we?'' Close wonders. ``How did we come to this point?'' ``Where are we going?'' Smith asks, a metaphor of journey that evokes the film's spatial concerns. A Closer Walk shares a number of visual and narrative tropes with Pandemic. It constructs the viewer as a traveling subject, touching down in locations as diverse as 120 M Raimondo Uganda, South Africa, Ukraine, India, and Cambodia. Unlike Pandemic, it includes an extended sequence in the United States, exploring the relationship between race, gender, sexuality, and poverty in Kansas City. The viewer is thus defined not by his or her distance from the most affected regions of the world but by social distance from people affected by AIDS both at `home' and `away'. Like Pandemic, it provides two kinds of narration: celebrity voice-over and individual testimony from activists, experts, and people living with AIDS. Although the inclusion of global dignitaries such as former UN Secretary General Kofi Anan, activist rock star Bono, economist Jeffrey Sachs, and the Dalai Lama might be seen to undermine the authority Pandemic invests in people living with AIDS to speak of their experiences, the explicit questions that frame the more didactic A Closer Walk hope to incite the viewer to produce a openly critical analysis of the `the way the world is'. A Closer Walk calls for individual involvement in meeting the challenges presented by AIDS, but also maps the limits of individual agency as it demands a collective response. The case of a Ugandan grandmother caring for a group of AIDS orphans provides one clear exampleJoyce is both an `angel' and rendered vulnerable by her poverty, made materially evident by the collapsing one-room house in which she and the children live. They are often shot from below, an angle that emphasizes their strength even in difficult conditions. ``What happens if I die?'' she wonders about her grand- children via her translator. ``The world will care for them.'' A Closer Walk transforms this statement into a call to action through the juxtaposition of noncommensurate places. By moving from site to site, it hopes to produce a unified subject `the world' out of local differences. In this sense, it calls for a geography of fundamental human rights that envisions sameness in difference. For example, the next segment takes place in Kansas City, in AIDS activist Roger Gooden's prosperous-seeming barn. ``How do I make sense here in Kansas City, and in the country here, how do I relate to that child, that human being, in Africa, in sub-Saharan Africa, or in India, or in Asia?'' he asks. ``You know, what's my relationship? Why are wewhat do we have in common?'' This direct engagement with spatial and structural differencea white, economically privileged man in the rural Midwest seems quite distant from the struggle for survival in rural Ugandaleads Gooden to identify affect as the key to a human rights framework: ``Well, I guarantee you we have the same pain. I guarantee you we have some very same struggles for human rights and basic civil rights.'' A Closer Walk envisions shared affective and political concerns across diverse geographic conditions. Individual viewers are called to action as various documentary subjects reflect on their understanding of what one person can do to make a difference. AIDS creates a set of responsibilities that situates individuals spatially and relationally. For example, Ugandan Reverend Gideon Bayamugisha embraces ``individual responsibility'' and ``community responsibility'' for ``safer sex'', but suggests that the ``global community also has a responsibility to say well, since the communities have involvement, where are the supplies? Where is the treatment? Where is the technical expertise?'' In the film's representation of global AIDS, spatial distinctions provide a strategy to articulate the obligations between differently located people: ``More and more, AIDS is dividing the world between islands of wealth and vast of regions of poverty and despair. But the isolation of the rich from the poor, the powerful from the weak, is an illusion'', Close explains. Smith joins in, a clear illustration of the way A Closer Walk uses dialogic voice-over to perform consensus: ``We can no longer hide, no longer separate ourselves.'' Dr N N Samuel of Chennai, India, voices a similar sentiment: ``We cannot isolate ourselves today and say this is their problem, this is not our problem ... With an international commitment to this issue is the only way we can overcome some of the injustice this disease is doing to people who are infected and affected.'' The indivisibility Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 121 of rightsincluding their spatial indivisibilityforms the core of ACloser Walk's vision for change. To make this argument, A Closer Walk shows the US viewer AIDS in other places. Close-ups move the viewer towards unknown sites, but, as in Pandemic, this strategy often works to reinforce privilege, unsettling public ^ private distinctions in ways that reinforce objectification. In a section on injecting drug user in Ukraine, the camera focuses tightly on the hands of a young man named Rouslan as he prepares to inject himself. As he rolls down his sleeve, it zooms in on his face, leaving the viewer to meet his heavy-lidded eyes. The documentary subject's direct return of the gazea visual trope that appears often in A Closer Walkis clearly intended to engage the power dynamics of looking. However, this scene evokes the melodrama of expose television and thus does little to unsettle the power relations that enable the camera's visual intimacies. Affect provides one way to make sense of where this scene goes wrong. Writing about filmmaker Frederick Wiseman, Sharon Snyder and David Mitchell suggest the potential of visual strategies to turn the objectification of the gaze back on the viewer: ``In a Foucauldian vein, Wiseman's camera seeks to allow contradictory practices to trace out their own self-justificationseventually implicating themselves ... . The portrayal of the banality of institutional life provides the context for a viewing experience that leaves a distasteful residue in one's mouthas if we were privy to a voyeuristic episode that stains us with a knowledge we might rather not possess'' (2003, page 300). The ``knowledge that stains'' might be thought of as a productive alternative to the forms of ``knowledge-power'' (Foucault 1990, page 98) on which the visual colonial relationship relies. As Rousan looks back, the viewer might have been invited to recognize that he or she was looking at the intimate moment without invitation or consent. But, perhaps because the stakes are so high, A Closer Walk interrupts the potential ambivalence of this scene with the soundtrack. A melancholy electric guitar establishes the scene as one of despair and futility, reducing what might have been a scene of subjects in encounter to a televisual spectacle that objectifies drug injection. ACloser Walk works against a naturalized notion of geographic alterity by integrat- ing the United States into its geography of human rights. Although the narration frames the Ukraine sequence as an example of HIV transmission through injection drug use in Eastern Europe, it transitions immediately to a sequence in Kansas City. Smith explains, ``On the toughest street corners of America's cities, AIDS has found a home among young African Americans, whose human and civil rights have long been in jeopardy or denied. These young people are poor, marginalized, discriminated against, and therefore especially vulnerable to the disease.'' This invocation of a home for AIDS in the US points to a more complex global distribution of AIDS than the one mapped by Pandemic. Such sequencesas with sequences focused on the impact of AIDS on gay men in the United Statesdemonstrate that A Closer Walk speaks to an American viewer whose insulation from AIDS is not merely a function of national citizenship, but also of privileges of sexuality, race, and class. While this more complex geography may seem a laudable shift, it does not enable A Closer Walk to imagine people living with HIV/AIDS as part of its viewing audience. As Bordowitz notes, ``people with AIDS and HIV infection are often invited to speak about some of their experiences on television, but they are never pictured speaking to members of the audience who may also be people living with AIDS and HIV'' (2004, page 80). In this sense, both the complacency and potential agency that A Closer Walk attributes to its imagined viewer may be predicated on a presumptive seronegativity. 122 M Raimondo The human rights frame converges with colonialism mostly clearly in the section that explores the relationship between HIV/AIDS and gender. As the camera moves through mid-range shots of differently located women of color, Close reports, ``Of all those vulnerable to AIDS in the world, none is more at risk than womenespecially poor women.'' Smith adds, ``The life of a poor women or girl in the developing world is a life upon which little or no value is placed.'' Despite this effort to acknowledge a political economy of gender discrimination, the passive voice in Smith's elaboration blurs responsibility for such valuations. The emphasis on the developing world rein- forces the distance of such problems. ``In this setting,'' Smith explains, ``the relationship of women to men is almost always dependent, inferior, and humiliating.'' The essenti- alism of this statement creates a naturalization of gender hierarchies similar to the representation of women in Pandemic, promoting a particular form of gender equality as the only functional form of freedom for women. Ironically, the visual image that accompanies this statementa young women spooning food onto the plate of an older manmight be read in multiple ways, including as a moment of affectionate care taking. Dismissing the possibility of meaningful and mutual relationships between men and women in entire regions of the world is a blunt structural determinism that reinforces Western imperialist logics. Although the visual examples of women facing gender inequality include what appear to be women from the Eastern Europe footage and expert discussion of African American women, the segment's extended example has a very specific geography: ``Nowhere in the world are the forces that put women at imminent risk of AIDS more powerful than in India.'' Much of the subsequent discus- sion about AIDS in India focuses on the lack of resources, but a visit to a crowded sanitarium brings the focus back to gender. ``When a woman or girl gets AIDS in India'', Close tells the viewer, ``she is deemed to be worthless, a non-person.'' Again, the use of the passive voice obscures agents in this analysis of power, suggesting that a discriminatory and destructive gender hierarchy as a naturalized feature of place. Women in the sanitarium look back at the camera but do not speak, their bodies offered as mute evidence for the interpretations provided by the experts and voice-over narra- tion. Unlike Bhanu in Pandemic, who claims her own reproductive priorities over the logics of global HIV prevention, they have no voice. The voyeurism of the gaze remains uninterrogated. A Closer Walk treats geographical agency in a somewhat more complex way in a sequence featuring Olivia Nantongo of Uganda. Olivia's story is an example of the documentary's consistent focus on structural barriers to health and commitment to recognize the agency of people with AIDS even under severe constraints. Orphaned at twelve, Olivia appears not as the vulnerable child in need of rescue but rather an agent who called the world to account through her work as a spokesperson (the film features her trip to the White House, where she testified before several cabinet members and the vice president). This example reverses at least temporarily the trajectories of mobility that condition knowledge about AIDSrather than the mobile American documentary subject traveling to `other' places in search of AIDS, the person with AIDS travels to the US to challenge it to participate in the AIDS pandemic. This reversal, of course, is not without its own politicsit suggests a continued investment in mobile subjectivities as the most meaningful form of global empowerment without attending to the conditions that enabled Olivia to travel, and risks constructing a heroic individualism that might undermine the film's commitment to structural analysis. A Closer Walk manages this problem by presenting this triumph as painfully short lived. Olivia's weeping American sponsor explains that despite her accomplishments as a speaker and advocate, Olivia found herself without access to treatment. Her sponsor ultimately bought drugs with Documentary practice and the AIDS pandemic 123 her own money, but they arrived too late to save Olivia's life. Individual charity, in this instance, is no solution. If this segment offered narrative closure to Olivia's story, it might have worked against the film's efforts to arouse viewers to action. After all, her death would seem to leave no meaningful way to answer the needs of a very sympathetic individual with whom the viewer has built an all-too-brief relationship. But just as A Closer Walk wants to move across geographies in order to problematize distance, its engagement with Olivia queers time (Halberstam, 2005). Although the story of her death appears about halfway through the film, footage of a sweetly smiling Olivia is prominently featured in its conclusion: ``What I would appeal to the whole world, I would say, Come down to us and face reality. Face reality. Know what's going on in the lives of other people ... . And I think we'll have a better world.'' As in earlier activist AIDS films and videos, such temporal reimaginings work against linear time's logic of inevitable death and emphasize the ongoing relationship of the living and the dead in the effort to seek justice (Crimp, 2002; Juhasz, 1995; Mun oz, 1999). This queering of time by reworking the sequence of life and death also remakes spatial subjectivities. As Olivia finishes her final testimony, Ugandan expatriate Geoffrey Oryema's melancholy song ``Nomad'' provides the documentary's final narration. While the viewer looks first at individuals who return the gaze and then at people encountered over the course of the film as titles provide updates on their status, Oryema sings, ``The other day I looked at myself in the mirror, Do not hide your face, Do not hide your face from me, When I feel sad.'' Who are the `me' and `you' in the mirror provided by A Closer Walk? These final images seek to call the viewer into an awareness of positionality rather than identification`we' are not the individuals pictured, but `we' have come to recognize a relationship with them that demands action. ``I feel like a nomad'', the song's refrain mourns, offering a problematized relation to place that works against the false security that distance suggests. The nomad describes an experience of mobility that demands recognition of the power dynamics that shape both location and disloca- tion. By situating the trope of the nomad in a political economy of health inequalities, A Closer Walk hopes to make visible the privilege of a mobile subjectivity than hopscotches around the world in search of knowledge and challenge it to take respon- sibility for the very global inequalities that construct its possibility. ``Now you know, and now you can help'', the final title reads. Scaling up subjectivity ``One thing this pandemic reveals is that everyone on the planet is interconnected not always in ways that are clear and direct, but in ways that have medical and political consequences that inexorably unfold ... . It is vital to disentangle some of the strands of medical and spatial thinking that form the grid through which interconnected global actors understand the situation faced here, now'' Cindy Patton (2002, page xxvi) Writing in the New England Journal of Medicine in 2006, activist physicians Jim Yong Kim and Paul Farmer suggest that there is new reason to be optimistic about a global approach to the geographical inequalities of the AIDS pandemic: ``As vastly different as these places may be, they are part of one world, and we believe that ambitious policy goals, adequate funding, and knowledge about implementation can move us toward the elusive goal of shared hope'' (page 645). Hopean affective stateis entwined with a more just political economy as both its cause and product. Their argument is part of a broader debate among public health professionals about the necessity of `scaling up' AIDS prevention and treatment (Curran et al, 2005; Lamptey and Wilson, 2005; 124 M Raimondo World Health Organization, 2007). Scaling up represents a policy strategy designed to ameliorate the spatial differences that have transformed HIV infection from an acute to a chronic disease in wealthier countries by investing resources to expand successful interventions. The growing interest in such strategies prompted Kim and Farmer to conclude that in contrast to bleaker periods in international AIDS policy, ``Today, the global picture is quite different'' (2006, page 645). While access to treatment may remain the most important measure of the `global picture', I want to suggest that there may also be some value in taking this notion somewhat more literally. Mass media can play an important role in confronting the geographies of health inequalities, as Pandemic and A Closer Walk illustrate. They can also have more troubling effects, helping to popularize narratives that naturalize inequalities. Given these documentaries' concern with situating privileged Americans in the global pandemic, they might be thought of as a mediated effort to scale up viewer subjectivity. What concerns me here is not whether they succeed in shifting scales. Rather, I have drawn attention to the manner in which they represent AIDS as a global pandemic. The ways in which these films undermine their own efforts to queer the power relations that sustain global inequalities also suggests the value of geographic analysis for activist visual media. To the extent that media practices engage space in the production of visual intimacies, spatial analysis holds important tools for assessing whether the deployment of visual mobility to diminish distance remakes or reinforces the spatial distinctions that shape political subjectivities. An analysis of space may enable media makers to identify strategies to resist the reproduc- tion of a neoimperial tourism that offers viewers affective pleasures that emerge from all-too-familiar relations of objectification and domination. Both Pandemic and A Closer Walk seek a way of seeing that engages the politics of space and the structures of inequality that work through race, gender, class, sexuality, nation, and other important axes of difference. Although they do not succeed in realizing a queer optic, their claim of the global in the service of social justice rather than as a modality of extracting the world's resources for the benefit of the privileged represents an important opening. In demonstrating the relationship between object of knowledge and optics of vision, these documentaries where they work and in how they fail suggest possibilities for a radical queer geography. If `scaling up' is the next step in combating HIV/AIDS, queer geography may offer critical tools for envisioning a postcolonial, feminist, antiracist vision of `the world' that resists the logics of racism, heteronormativity and empire. 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